David Cameron: Making Progressive Conservatism a Reality
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The Meaning of Conservatism Free
FREE THE MEANING OF CONSERVATISM PDF Roger Scruton | 220 pages | 26 Nov 2012 | St. Augustine's Press | 9781587315039 | English | South Bend, Indiana, United States The Meaning of Conservatism | Roger Scruton | Palgrave Macmillan The Meaning of Conservatism. Roger Scruton. First published inThe Meaning of Conservatism is now recognized as a major contribution to political thought, and the liveliest and most provocative modern statement of the traditional "paleo-conservative" position. Roger Scruton challenges those who would regard themselves as conservatives, and also their opponents. Conservatism, he argues, has little in common with liberalism, and is only tenuously related to the market economy, to monetarism, to free enterprise, or to capitalism. The Meaning of Conservatism involves neither hostility toward the state, nor the desire to limit the state's obligation toward the citizen. Its conceptions of society, law, and citizenship regard the individual not The Meaning of Conservatism the premise but as the conclusion of politics. At the same time it is fundamentally opposed to the ethic of social justice, to equality of station, opportunity, income, and achievement, and to the attempt to bring major institutions of society - such as schools and universities - under government control. Authority and Allegiance. Constitution and the State. The Conservative Attitude. The Meaning of Conservatism | SpringerLink Conservatism is a political and social philosophy promoting traditional social institutions in the context of culture and civilization. The central tenets of conservatism include traditionhierarchyand authorityas established in respective cultures, as well as property rights. Historically associated with right-wing politicsthe term has since been used to describe a wide range of views. -
Understanding Stephen Harper
HARPER Edited by Teresa Healy www.policyalternatives.ca Photo: Hanson/THE Tom CANADIAN PRESS Understanding Stephen Harper The long view Steve Patten CANAdIANs Need to understand the political and ideological tem- perament of politicians like Stephen Harper — men and women who aspire to political leadership. While we can gain important insights by reviewing the Harper gov- ernment’s policies and record since the 2006 election, it is also essential that we step back and take a longer view, considering Stephen Harper’s two decades of political involvement prior to winning the country’s highest political office. What does Harper’s long record of engagement in conservative politics tell us about his political character? This chapter is organized around a series of questions about Stephen Harper’s political and ideological character. Is he really, as his support- ers claim, “the smartest guy in the room”? To what extent is he a con- servative ideologue versus being a political pragmatist? What type of conservatism does he embrace? What does the company he keeps tell us about his political character? I will argue that Stephen Harper is an economic conservative whose early political motivations were deeply ideological. While his keen sense of strategic pragmatism has allowed him to make peace with both conservative populism and the tradition- alism of social conservatism, he continues to marginalize red toryism within the Canadian conservative family. He surrounds himself with Governance 25 like-minded conservatives and retains a long-held desire to transform Canada in his conservative image. The smartest guy in the room, or the most strategic? When Stephen Harper first came to the attention of political observers, it was as one of the leading “thinkers” behind the fledgling Reform Party of Canada. -
Tory Modernisation 2.0 Tory Modernisation
Edited by Ryan Shorthouse and Guy Stagg Guy and Shorthouse Ryan by Edited TORY MODERNISATION 2.0 MODERNISATION TORY edited by Ryan Shorthouse and Guy Stagg TORY MODERNISATION 2.0 THE FUTURE OF THE CONSERVATIVE PARTY TORY MODERNISATION 2.0 The future of the Conservative Party Edited by Ryan Shorthouse and Guy Stagg The moral right of the authors has been asserted. All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored or introduced into a re- trieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise), without the prior written permission of both the copyright owner and the publisher of this book. Bright Blue is an independent, not-for-profit organisation which cam- paigns for the Conservative Party to implement liberal and progressive policies that draw on Conservative traditions of community, entre- preneurialism, responsibility, liberty and fairness. First published in Great Britain in 2013 by Bright Blue Campaign www.brightblue.org.uk ISBN: 978-1-911128-00-7 Copyright © Bright Blue Campaign, 2013 Printed and bound by DG3 Designed by Soapbox, www.soapbox.co.uk Contents Acknowledgements 1 Foreword 2 Rt Hon Francis Maude MP Introduction 5 Ryan Shorthouse and Guy Stagg 1 Last chance saloon 12 The history and future of Tory modernisation Matthew d’Ancona 2 Beyond bare-earth Conservatism 25 The future of the British economy Rt Hon David Willetts MP 3 What’s wrong with the Tory party? 36 And why hasn’t -
Progressive Politics
the Language of Progressive Politics in Modern Britain Emily Robinson The Language of Progressive Politics in Modern Britain Emily Robinson The Language of Progressive Politics in Modern Britain Emily Robinson Department of Politics University of Sussex Brighton, United Kingdom ISBN 978-1-137-50661-0 ISBN 978-1-137-50664-1 (eBook) DOI 10.1057/978-1-137-50664-1 Library of Congress Control Number: 2016963256 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2017 The author(s) has/have asserted their right(s) to be identified as the author(s) of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the pub- lisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. -
Cameron and Welfare: Questioning the Liberal Conservatism Project
blo gs.lse.ac.uk http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/politicsandpolicy/archives/25483 Cameron and Welfare: Questioning the liberal Conservatism project Pete Redford questions David Cameron’s commitment to socially liberal values. Despite his campaigning as a ‘liberal Conservative’, the prime minister has tacked noticeably to the right since becoming leader. His intention to restructure the welfare state underlines this point. When David Cameron became Conservative leader in 2005 he f ocused on modernising the party, breaking f rom the past and shaking the label of the ‘nasty party’. He declared himself a ‘liberal Conservative’, socially as well as economically liberal. Here I question the liberal conservative project in terms of social policy. In opposition to Blair – Cameron the liberal Conservative As the self proclaimed ‘heir-to-Blair’, Cameron set about decontaminating the Tory brand. In his f irst speech as party leader he declared that ‘There is such a thing as society’. Liberal Conservatism was to be equated with the creation of a cohesive and tolerant society, an enabling state, a f lourishing civil society, increased levels of individual responsibility and less inequality. Cameron spoke of responsibility, championing a modern compassionate Conservatism. This social responsibility was to be the ‘essence of liberal Conservatism’. Cameron’s Conservatives were to role f orward the f rontiers society and even committed to Labour’s spending plans. The new mission of Cameron’s new modern Tory party was to repair Britain’s broken society, not her economy, and protect key public services. In opposition to Brown and the recession – Cameron on the traditional right The inf amous ‘hug-a-hoodie’ speech f ed the image of the compassionate Conservative. -
Conservative Minds, Canadian and American: Comparing George
Conservative Minds, Canadian and American: Comparing George Grant and Russell Kirk H. D. Forbes University of Toronto Prepared for presentation at the Annual Meeting of the Canadian Political Science Association Concordia University 3 June 2010 Conservative Minds, Canadian and American: Comparing George Grant and Russell Kirk Say what you choose, so long as it does not prevent you from seeing the facts. Wittgenstein, Philosophical Investigations Conservatism has similar sources but has had different histories and thus has a somewhat different character today in Canada and in the United States. One purpose of this essay is to shed some light on these confusing similarities and differences by comparing and contrasting two conservative writers, a Canadian, George Grant, and an American, Russell Kirk. The similarities between them – the comparisons – may be sufficient to make their differences – the contrasts – helpful for understanding larger patterns. My immediate purpose, however, is more modest: I aim to provide no more than a quick sketch of the main similarities and differences between Grant and Kirk, with particular attention to their reliance upon or dissent from the gold standard of genuine or classical conservatism as commonly understood, namely, Edmund Burke, leaving aside, except for some brief comments at the end, any consideration of the significance of the comparison for understanding the Canadian and American parties and movements that today are called conservative. My hope is that my more limited inquiry may suggest some further lines of investigation for others that I may have failed to see or to pursue. Similarities Both Grant and Kirk were born in 1918 in the Great Lakes region of North America; both studied history as undergraduates before World War II; both pursued graduate degrees in Britain – Grant at Oxford, Kirk at St. -
Unity in Diversity? Neoconservative Multiculturalism and the Conservative Party of Canada
Unity in Diversity? Neoconservative Multiculturalism and the Conservative Party of Canada John Carlaw Working Paper No. 2021/1 January 2021 The Working Papers Series is produced jointly by the Ryerson Centre for Immigration and Settlement (RCIS) and the CERC in Migration and Integration www.ryerson.ca/rcis www.ryerson.ca/cerc-migration Working Paper No. 2021/1 Unity in Diversity? Neoconservative Multiculturalism and the Conservative Party of Canada John Carlaw Ryerson University Series Editors: Anna Triandafyllidou and Usha George The Working Papers Series is produced jointly by the Ryerson Centre for Immigration and Settlement (RCIS) and the CERC in Migration and Integration at Ryerson University. Working Papers present scholarly research of all disciplines on issues related to immigration and settlement. The purpose is to stimulate discussion and collect feedback. The views expressed by the author(s) do not necessarily reflect those of the RCIS or the CERC. For further information, visit www.ryerson.ca/rcis and www.ryerson.ca/cerc-migration. ISSN: 1929-9915 Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 2.5 Canada License J. Carlaw Abstract Canada’s Conservative Party and former government’s (2006-2015) attempts to define and at times shift Canadian identity and notions of citizenship, immigration and multiculturalism to the right have been part of a significant political project featuring a uniquely creative and Canadian form of authoritarian populist politics in these realms. Their 2006 minority and 2011 majority election victories represented the culmination of a long march to power begun with the 1987 founding of the Reform Party of Canada. While they have at times purged themselves of some of the most blatant, anti-immigration elements of the discourses of their predecessor parties, continuities in its Canadian brand of authoritarian populist politics have continued in new forms since the founding of the new Conservative Party in 2003. -
S U Prem E Co U Rt Hi St O Ry
2003 VOL 28 NO . 2 JOU RNAL OF S U PR E M E CO U RT HI ST O RY 1059-4329 in March, and November by the Court Historical offices 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, USA, and 9600 uarslngton 1-800-835-6770 Or 388-8200 or +441865 or +44 1865 381393 (-mail: sut)Scr.ro(aJl:>lackweJ Infurmation for Subscribers copy reguests, claims, ofaddress, and all other )cn"rrmcnr at the nearest Blackwell office addr",,," .:>uoscnpuon Rates for Volume 28, 2003 Institutional Premium Rate print to the current and all available The Americas $104, Rest of World £80; Print and onlIne-only are also available Issue Rates: Insntutions: The Amencas $38, Rest of World £29, Customers in Canada should add 7% GST to the Americas rate or UK and EU should add VAT 5% to the Rest of entitlement to access information and terms and conditions, visit institutions also avaIlable on our website, or on request from our customer service or + 1 781 388-8206 (US office') +44 (0)1865 251866 Keep up wlth new ~ Blackwell we'll send you E-mail Alerts V.#' books yout' field. ::>lgmng IIp IS easy. • choose whlch interests you, and we'll send you a message every other week • OR sdect which books and iournals you'd like to hear aDour, and when your mess;:}gcs Electronic Access Abstract information For information on full-text access, see ----~----~- -~----------~----~~-- Back Issues Back are available from the ng}C-l$SUe rate. mailed Standard Rate, to of world by Deutsche Post Global Mail, Canadian mail bl!cations mail agreement number 40573520. -
The Conservative Party of Canada and the Politics of Citizenship, Immigration and Multiculturalism (2006-2015)
THE CONSERVATIVE PARTY OF CANADA AND THE POLITICS OF CITIZENSHIP, IMMIGRATION AND MULTICULTURALISM (2006-2015) JOHN CARLAW A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY GRADUATE PROGRAM IN POLITICAL SCIENCE YORK UNIVERSITY TORONTO, ONTARIO SEPTEMBER 2019 © JOHN CARLAW, 2019 Abstract This dissertation assesses the modern Conservative Party of Canada and government’s (2006- 2015) discourses, political approach and policy record in the fields of citizenship, immigration and multiculturalism. This is done in the context of the party’s evolution from its Reform Party and Canadian Alliance predecessors on the terrain of a Canadian settler colonial state with significant racialized and ethnicized (im)migrant and refugee populations from whom some electoral support is required to achieve and exercise power. The main argument of this dissertation is that the Canadian Alliance Party’s absorption of the former Progressive Conservative Party of Canada saw the birth of a new Conservative Party that at its core remained an exclusionary political force whose authoritarian populist approach to politics and policy reinforced and further intensified existing social hierarchies between settler colonial and (im)migrant Canadians, particularly with their treatment of Muslims, refugees, migrant workers and prospective citizens. Their policies and policy-making approach also greatly accelerated the further decline of permanent in favour of temporary or “two-step” immigration, family class immigration, and the public and parliament’s role in making immigration policy. To achieve and maintain power, however, the Conservative Party project had to be connected to an attempted hegemonic political project that could obtain enough support to win elections and govern. -
Vikings of the Midwest: Place, Culture, and Ethnicity in Norwegian-American Literature, 1870-1940
VIKINGS OF THE MIDWEST: PLACE, CULTURE, AND ETHNICITY IN NORWEGIAN-AMERICAN LITERATURE, 1870-1940 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Kristin Ann Risley, M.A. * * * * * The Ohio State University 2003 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Steven Fink, Adviser Professor Georgina Dodge _________________________ Adviser Professor Susan Williams Department of English Copyright by Kristin Ann Risley 2003 ABSTRACT Although immigration is one of the defining elements of American history and ideology, texts written in the United States in languages other than English have been overlooked within American literary studies, as have the related categories of immigrant, ethnic, and regional writing and publishing. My project addresses the need for studies in multilingual American literature by examining the concept of home or Vesterheimen (literally, “the western home”) in Norwegian-American literature. I argue that ethnic writers use the notion of home to claim and/or criticize American values and to narrate individual and collective identities—in essence, to write themselves into American literature and culture. Hence these “hyphenated” American authors are united in the common imaginative project of creating a home and history in the United States. My project locates and examines Vesterheimen in three main contexts: place, community, and culture. The first part of the dissertation focuses on Norwegian- American print culture as a dynamic force in shaping and promoting ethnic consciousness. The first and second chapters provide case studies on Augsburg Publishing House and one of its feature publications, the Christmas annual Jul i Vesterheimen. -
Grange Halls in Washington State
Grange Halls in Washington State: A Critical Investigation of a Vernacular Building Type Holly Anne Taylor A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science in Architecture University of Washington 2013 Committee: Jeffrey Karl Ochsner, Chair Kathryn Rogers Merlino Program Authorized to Offer Degree: Architecture ©Copyright 2013 Holly Anne Taylor University of Washington Abstract Grange Halls in Washington State: A Critical Investigation of a Vernacular Building Type Holly Anne Taylor Chair of the Supervisory Committee: Professor Jeffrey Karl Ochsner Department of Architecture The Grange, formally known as the Order of the Patrons of Husbandry, is the oldest farm organization in the United States. At the local level, subordinate granges are typically organized among interested community members, and these groups meet regularly for the purpose of improving social, political, economic and educational opportunities for rural residents. Most subordinate granges own grange halls, and these halls provide space for grange meetings and also support a variety of public events that enrich rural community life. This thesis examines the history and significance of the grange hall as a uniquely American vernacular building type. The thesis is based on fieldwork documenting over two hundred buildings throughout Washington State that were in active use as grange halls in 2012. Although a majority of subordinate granges met in purpose-built halls, more than thirty percent of the buildings studied were found to have been constructed to serve other purposes (such as schools, churches, and community halls), representing a significant pattern of adaptive reuse in rural community buildings. Purpose-built halls were often constructed on donated land, with materials and labor contributed by grange members. -
Are We There Yet? a Collection on Race and Conservatism
are we there yet there we are are we there yet? | a collection onand race conservatism a collection a collection on race and conservatism Edited by Max Wind-Cowie Collection 31 Demos is a think-tank focused on power and politics. Our unique approach challenges the traditional, 'ivory tower' model of policymaking by giving a voice to people and communities. We work together with the groups and individuals who are the focus of our research, including them in citizens’ juries, deliberative workshops, focus groups and ethnographic research. Through our high quality and socially responsible research, Demos has established itself as the leading independent think-tank in British politics. In 2011, our work is focused on five programmes: Family and Society; Public Services and Welfare; Violence and Extremism; Public Interest and Political Economy. We also have two political research programmes: the Progressive Conservatism Project and Open Left, investigating the future of the centre-Right and centre-Left. Our work is driven by the goal of a society populated by free, capable, secure and powerful citizens. Find out more at www.demos.co.uk. First published in 2011 © Demos. Some rights reserved Magdalen House, 136 Tooley Street London, SE1 2TU, UK ISBN 978-1-906693-82-4 Copy edited by Susannah Wight Series design by modernactivity Typeset by modernactivity Set in Gotham Rounded and Baskerville 10 are we there yet? Edited by Max Wind-Cowie Open access. Some rights reserved. As the publisher of this work, Demos wants to encourage the circulation of our work as widely as possible while retaining the copyright.