The Development of the International Initiative on the Humanitarian
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Changing the Discourse on Nuclear Weapons: the Humanitarian Initiative Elizabeth Minor Elizabeth Minor Is a Researcher at UK Non-Governmental Organization Article 36
International Review of the Red Cross (2015), 97 (899), 711–730. The human cost of nuclear weapons doi:10.1017/S181638311600014X Changing the discourse on nuclear weapons: The humanitarian initiative Elizabeth Minor Elizabeth Minor is a Researcher at UK non-governmental organization Article 36. She has previously worked for non- governmental organizations Every Casualty and Oxford Research Group. Abstract This article examines the progress of the humanitarian initiative to reframe the nuclear weapons discourse internationally. The initiative seeks to shift debate away from theories of strategic stability and towards a focus on the impact of nuclear weapons themselves. This effort has now gathered significant support at an international level, and its implications are increasingly recognized by both nuclear-armed and non-nuclear-armed States. The initiative has been underpinned by the deliberate logic of humanitarian disarmament. A treaty banning nuclear weapons, around which momentum is gathering, would be an achievable, legally coherent and logical next step developing from the initiative. Keywords: nuclear weapons, humanitarian initiative, disarmament, prohibition, ban treaty. Since 2010, the unacceptable humanitarian consequences of nuclear weapons have been the subject of increased attention, analysis and discussion internationally. Looking at nuclear weapons from a humanitarian perspective challenges prevalent framings of the purpose and role of these weapons that have previously been focused on State security and strategic stability. A humanitarian perspective fundamentally questions the acceptability of nuclear weapons. Committed States, © icrc 2016 711 E. Minor civil society and international organizations have pursued this change in the discourse as a deliberate strategy to reframe the debate on nuclear weapons and establish foundations for their stigmatization, prohibition and elimination. -
Copyright by Paul Harold Rubinson 2008
Copyright by Paul Harold Rubinson 2008 The Dissertation Committee for Paul Harold Rubinson certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: Containing Science: The U.S. National Security State and Scientists’ Challenge to Nuclear Weapons during the Cold War Committee: —————————————————— Mark A. Lawrence, Supervisor —————————————————— Francis J. Gavin —————————————————— Bruce J. Hunt —————————————————— David M. Oshinsky —————————————————— Michael B. Stoff Containing Science: The U.S. National Security State and Scientists’ Challenge to Nuclear Weapons during the Cold War by Paul Harold Rubinson, B.A.; M.A. Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Texas at Austin August 2008 Acknowledgements Thanks first and foremost to Mark Lawrence for his guidance, support, and enthusiasm throughout this project. It would be impossible to overstate how essential his insight and mentoring have been to this dissertation and my career in general. Just as important has been his camaraderie, which made the researching and writing of this dissertation infinitely more rewarding. Thanks as well to Bruce Hunt for his support. Especially helpful was his incisive feedback, which both encouraged me to think through my ideas more thoroughly, and reined me in when my writing overshot my argument. I offer my sincerest gratitude to the Smith Richardson Foundation and Yale University International Security Studies for the Predoctoral Fellowship that allowed me to do the bulk of the writing of this dissertation. Thanks also to the Brady-Johnson Program in Grand Strategy at Yale University, and John Gaddis and the incomparable Ann Carter-Drier at ISS. -
The Story So Far : the Humanitarian Initiative on the Impacts of Nuclear Weapons
This is a repository copy of The Story so Far : The Humanitarian Initiative on the Impacts of Nuclear Weapons. White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/82748/ Version: Published Version Other: Ritchie, Nick orcid.org/0000-0002-6397-7498 (2014) The Story so Far : The Humanitarian Initiative on the Impacts of Nuclear Weapons. International Law and Policy Institute (Norway) and United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research (UNIDIR). Reuse Items deposited in White Rose Research Online are protected by copyright, with all rights reserved unless indicated otherwise. They may be downloaded and/or printed for private study, or other acts as permitted by national copyright laws. The publisher or other rights holders may allow further reproduction and re-use of the full text version. This is indicated by the licence information on the White Rose Research Online record for the item. Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. [email protected] https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ THE STORY SO FAR The humanitarian initiative on the impacts of nuclear weapons By Dr Nick Ritchie Paper No 1 of 6 ILPI-UNIDIR Vienna Conference Series #HINW14vienna • Decisive multilateral progress toward a nuclear-weapon-free world led by the nuclear-armed states has not been forthcoming since the end of the cold war, as many once expected. • Some non-nuclear-armed states have responded by reframing nuclear disarmament debate in terms of the unacceptable humanitarian consequences of the use of nuclear weapons, and this perspective has gathered broad political support and momentum. -
NATO and the Frameworks of Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament
NATO and the Frameworks of Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament: Challenges for the for 10th and Disarmament: Challenges Conference NPT Review Non-proliferation of Nuclear and the Frameworks NATO Research Paper Tim Caughley, with Yasmin Afina International Security Programme | May 2020 NATO and the Frameworks of Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament Challenges for the 10th NPT Review Conference Tim Caughley, with Yasmin Afina with Yasmin Caughley, Tim Chatham House Contents Summary 2 1 Introduction 3 2 Background 5 3 NATO and the NPT 8 4 NATO: the NPT and the TPNW 15 5 NATO and the TPNW: Legal Issues 20 6 Conclusions 24 About the Authors 28 Acknowledgments 29 1 | Chatham House NATO and the Frameworks of Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament Summary • The 10th five-yearly Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (the NPT) was due to take place in April–May 2020, but has been postponed because of the COVID-19 pandemic. • In force since 1970 and with 191 states parties, the NPT is hailed as the cornerstone of a rules-based international arms control and non-proliferation regime, and an essential basis for the pursuit of nuclear disarmament. But successive review conferences have been riven by disagreement between the five nuclear weapon states and many non-nuclear weapon states over the appropriate way to implement the treaty’s nuclear disarmament pillar. • Although the number of nuclear weapons committed to NATO defence has been reduced by over 90 per cent since the depths of the Cold War, NATO nuclear weapon states, and their allies that depend on the doctrine of extended nuclear deterrence for their own defence, favour continued retention of the remaining nuclear weapons until the international security situation is conducive to further progress on nuclear disarmament. -
Curriculum Vitae
April 2020 CURRICULUM VITAE NAME: Claude Bruderlein, LL.M., Esq. ADDRESS: Harvard Humanitarian Initiative (HHI) Program on Humanitarian Policy and Conflict Research (HPCR) Harvard T. H. Chan School of Public Health 14 Story Street, 2nd Floor Cambridge, MA 02140 [email protected] DATE OF BIRTH: January 11, 1962 Montréal, Québec, Canada CURRENT POSITIONS Since 2017 Director of the Centre of Competence on Humanitarian Negotiation (CCHN) Since 2012 Strategic Advisor to the President, International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) Since 2012 Senior Researcher, Program on Humanitarian Policy and Conflict Research (HPCR) Since 2010 Teaching faculty, International and Global Affairs, Harvard Kennedy School of Government Since 2000 Teaching faculty, Department of Global Health & Population, HSPH EDUCATION 1996 Harvard Law School, Cambridge, Massachusetts Degree: LL.M. 1990 Law School of the University of Geneva, Switzerland Degree: Licence en Droit in Civil Law 1984 McGill University, Montreal, Quebec, Canada Degree: Bachelor of Arts in Economics/Political Science LICENSURE AND CERTIFICATION Since 1997 Attorney, New York Bar Association ACADEMIC APPOINTMENTS 2019 – ongoing Université du Québec à Montréal (UQAM) Associate Professor at the Montreal Institute of International Studies 2012 - ongoing Harvard School of Public Health Adjunct Lecturer on Global Health, Department of Global Health and Population 2010 - ongoing Harvard Kennedy School of Government Faculty instructor, International and Global Affairs Concentration 2003 - 2012 Harvard -
Alexander Kmentt
Policy Brief No. 20 APLN/CNND 1 Policy Brief No. 104 February 2021 The Humanitarian Initiative and the TPNW 1 Alexander Kmentt Introduction At the 2010 NPT Review Conference state parties agreed by consensus to express their “deep concern at the catastrophic humanitarian consequences of any use of nuclear weapons” 2 . In the following years, non-nuclear-weapon states and civil society representatives focused increasingly on the humanitarian impact and the risks associated with nuclear weapons. This focus of activities—later referred to as the Humanitarian Initiative—was done primarily through several international conferences where new research on the humanitarian consequences and nuclear risks aspects was presented as well as joint cross-regional statements highlighting the concern about these aspects. The latest iteration of the initiative’s joint statement in 2015 has been subscribed to by 159 states. The Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) builds on the Humanitarian Initiative. It was adopted by 122 states in 2017 and entered into legal force on 22 January 2021. This policy brief outlines the rationale of the Humanitarian Initiative 1 The points made in this policy brief are developed in a forthcoming publication “The treaty prohibiting nu- clear weapons – How it was achieved and why it matters” by Alexander Kmentt, to be published by Routledge. The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the positions of the Austrian Foreign Ministry. 2 Extracted from 2010 Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, Final Document, document NPT/CONF.2010/50 (Vol. -
Implementing
2012-2013 REPORT IMPLEMENTING IHL Participation of the American States in International Humanitarian Law Treaties and their National Implementation ICRC Regional Delegation for Mexico, Central America and Cuba Presidente Masaryk 29 Col. Chapultepec Morales Delegación Miguel Hidalgo This report, prepared by the Advisory Service on International C.P. 11570, México D.F. - México Humanitarian Law of the International Committee of the Tel.: (++ 52) 55 2581 2110 Red Cross (ICRC) for submission to the Member States of the [email protected] www.icrc.org Organization of American States (OAS), is not exhaustive. For © ICRC, December 2013 further information, please visit www.icrc.org. 2012-2013 REPORT IMPLEMENTING IHL Participation of the American States in International Humanitarian Law Treaties and their National Implementation LEGAL BASIS FOR ICRC ACTION The work of the International Committee of the Red Cross is based The international community – through the Geneva Conventions on the Geneva Conventions for the protection of war victims of and Additional Protocol I – gives the ICRC an important role to 1949 and their Additional Protocols of 1977, the Statutes of the play in the event of international armed conflict, which includes International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement and the visiting prisoners of war and civilian internees. The ICRC is also resolutions of the International Conferences of the Red Cross granted a broad right of initiative. and Red Crescent. In non-international armed conflicts, the ICRC also enjoys The ICRC, with -
INTERNATIONAL HUMANITARIAN LAW Answers to Your Questions 2
INTERNATIONAL HUMANITARIAN LAW Answers to your Questions 2 THE INTERNATIONAL COMMITTEE OF THE RED CROSS (ICRC) Founded by five Swiss citizens in 1863 (Henry Dunant, Basis for ICRC action Guillaume-Henri Dufour, Gustave Moynier, Louis Appia and Théodore Maunoir), the ICRC is the founding member of the During international armed conflicts, the ICRC bases its work on International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement. the four Geneva Conventions of 1949 and Additional Protocol I of 1977 (see Q4). Those treaties lay down the ICRC’s right to • It is an impartial, neutral and independent humanitarian institution. carry out certain activities such as bringing relief to wounded, • It was born of war over 130 years ago. sick or shipwrecked military personnel, visiting prisoners of war, • It is an organization like no other. aiding civilians and, in general terms, ensuring that those • Its mandate was handed down by the international community. protected by humanitarian law are treated accordingly. • It acts as a neutral intermediary between belligerents. • As the promoter and guardian of international humanitarian law, During non-international armed conflicts, the ICRC bases its work it strives to protect and assist the victims of armed conflicts, on Article 3 common to the four Geneva Conventions and internal disturbances and other situations of internal violence. Additional Protocol II (see Index). Article 3 also recognizes the ICRC’s right to offer its services to the warring parties with a view The ICRC is active in about 80 countries and has some 11,000 to engaging in relief action and visiting people detained in staff members (2003). -
Banning the Bomb: the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons
EXCERPTED FROM Banning the Bomb: The Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons Jean Krasno and Elisabeth Szeli Copyright © 2021 ISBN: 978-1-62637-924-4 hc 1800 30th Street, Suite 314 Boulder, CO 80301 USA telephone 303.444.6684 fax 303.444.0824 This excerpt was downloaded from the Lynne Rienner Publishers website www.rienner.com Contents Preface ix 1 The Movement to Ban Nuclear Weapons 1 Constructivism: A Theoretical Framework 2 The Humanitarian Response: Its Achievements and Strategies 7 Why This Book? 9 The Structure of This Volume 10 2 Living on the Edge 15 Accidents and Incidents 18 Thinking the Unthinkable: Erosion of the Nuclear Taboo 25 The Business of Mutually Assured Destruction 28 The NPT Reaches a Midlife Crisis 32 3 The Evolution of the Humanitarian Initiative 41 The Humanitarian Conferences in Norway, Mexico, and Austria 43 The Open-Ended Working Group and the First Committee of the GA 46 Treaty or Convention: The Hard/Soft Law Debate 49 4 Reframing the Nuclear Disarmament Discourse 55 International Humanitarian Law as a Foundation 55 Countering Nuclear Deterrence Theory 58 Building on Experience from the Landmines and Cluster Munition Campaigns 64 vii viii Contents Discourse Strategies: Stigmatization and Delegitimization 66 5 State and Society in Action 77 The Central Role of Civil Society 77 State Supporters and the United Nations 81 States and Civil Society Join Hands: Collaboration as a Key to Success 86 Democratizing Nuclear Disarmament: Women Take a Stand 88 6 The Negotiating Conference 95 The March 2017 Negotiations -
The European Union and Nuclear Disarmament – a Sensitive Question Published May 25, 2016 by Julia Berghofer
The European Union and Nuclear Disarmament – a Sensitive Question Published May 25, 2016 by Julia Berghofer Nuclear disarmament is one of the most sensitive issues in the European Union. The Member States disagree in this matter, which is why most EU officials and politicians prefer not to talk about it. The UK and France categorically refuse to participate in talks about the total elimination of their arsenals. Four EU countries host NATO‟s nuclear weapons on their soil and desperately try more or less to conceal their mere existence. In the meantime, some of Europe‟s traditional disarmament advocates like Austria, Sweden, Denmark and Ireland, joined the „Humanitarian Initiative‟, a group of states that aims at a swift reduction of nuclear weapons. Especially the Austrians would prefer to prohibit them without further delay and the overwhelming majority of states outside Europe agree with them. They do not share the nuclear weapon states‟ concern that such a step would put the whole disarmament architecture at risk. A consensus or common strategy regarding nuclear disarmament seems to be hardly possible in today‟s Europe. Some EU officials even wonder whether a common standpoint is necessary at all. Yet in the long-term the EU could face a situation in which it can no longer afford to remain silent on this issue. For instance, in case of serious negotiations about a ban treaty, or in case the international humanitarian community raises concern about the legal status of NATO‟s nuclear sharing in Europe. Or, in a best-case scenario, in case the EU decides to establish a collective defence structure. -
Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons: the Role
TREATY ON THE PROHIBITION OF NUCLEAR WEAPONS: THE ROLE PLAYED BY GLOBAL CIVIL SOCIETY A dissertation submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of International Relations and Diplomacy University of Canterbury by Tilly Hampton University of Canterbury 2018 Abstract On 7 July 2017, the United Nations General Assembly voted in favour of adopting the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. The negotiations which took place leading to this historic agreement marked the first time in over twenty years that international negotiations on nuclear disarmament had taken place. Amongst several states that supported the adoption of such a treaty, a significant number of civil society organisations were also involved during the process, some of whom can be described as being part of ‘global civil society’. Of particular note, the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons were the principal coordinator for civil society. Using the international relations approach of constructivism, this paper explores the role of global civil society in the period leading to the adoption of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. The ‘norm life cycle’ from International Norm Dynamics and Political Change by Martha Finnemore and Katherine Sikkink, provides a framework to answer this question. This is applied to two distinctive periods leading to the adoption of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons; the Humanitarian Initiative and the negotiations for the treaty itself. Following analysis of specific engagements undertaken by global civil society during these periods, this paper finds that global civil society played the role of ‘norm entrepreneurs’ for the emerging norm of a comprehensive ban on nuclear weapons. -
Nuclear Weapons and World Order Syllabus
II. Nuclear Weapons and World Order Prof. Daniel Deudney Johns Hopkins University DESCRIPTION: Over the six plus decades of their existence, nuclear weapons have been of paramount concern for international politics and international theory. Vast disagreements exist about many aspects of this topic. This course examines what is perhaps the most basic question, what political arrangements are consistent with security from nuclear weapons? Debate about this question falls into roughly two parts, the First Debate during the years of the Cold War, and the Second Debate beginning roughly twenty years ago and encompassing the problem of non-state actors. The first part of the course is an intensive examination of the major school of thought during the first great debate, culminating in the role of nuclear weapons at the end of the Cold War. This debate was centered on the implications of nuclear weapons for interstate and great power relations, and came to be overwhelmingly dominated by deterrence and the measures necessary to achieve it. The second part is an intensive examination of the major issues and positions of the much newer and less settled second great debate. The scope of issues at play in the second debate is much more extensive, encompassing non-state actors as well as states, and the internal features of states, as well as their relations. The third part of the course examines in depth four select topics which have not been accorded sufficient attention by theorists. REQUIREMENTS: 1. Reading Assignments and Class Participation 2. Three (3) ten (10) page papers evaluating the debate on a topic.