Socialist Strategy Intheage of Poli Ti Cal Revoluti On

RESISTANCE SOCIALIST RISING STRATEGY IN THE AGE OF POLITICAL REVOLUTION ocratic Summary of Dem A ca’s ocialists of Ameri S nt Strategy Docume D S A June 201 6

I. Analysis of Current Challenges and Opportunities

2016 was a game changing year for leftists and progressives. We are finally re- emerging as a vital and powerful force after an extended period of stagnation and demoralization, and we face a political landscape more favorable than perhaps at any time since the 1960s. For roughly 30 years after the end of World War II, the United States and non-Communist Europe experienced solid economic growth, declining inequality, expanding social services and increasing working-class power, coupled with landmark advances toward racial, gender and sexual equality. In countries such as France and Sweden, labor and socialist movements even made significant (if fleeting) progress toward a democratic socialist transition. Though these gains were tainted in countries such as the United States by the racialized and gendered historic gains made across these countries in manner in which they were distributed, this the post-World War Two period had been period represents the high-water mark of rolled back dramatically. This, combined working-class strength and security in the with the fall of Soviet and East European 20th century. Communism and the marketization of the Chinese economy by the early 1990s, led The Rise ofNeoliberalism most pundits and politicians to proclaim the Starting in the 1970s, however, in a ultimate triumph of neoliberalism: “there is movement that would become known as no alternative” to the free market became neoliberalism, economic elites in these the mantra of policy makers around the countries began mobilizing politically to world. lower taxes for the rich and corporations, to eviscerate democratic decision-making both Insurgent Responses to Neoliberalism in the workplace as well as at the ballot box, Given the profound and sustained defeats to slash spending on essential social services suffered by the Left and progressive such as education and social security, to movements during this period, by the mid- deregulate industries across the economy 2000s socialists and progressives in the and to open up flows of capital across United States and Europe could boast of national borders. These “reforms” enabled virtually no examples of successful corporations to evade virtually all forms of resistance to neoliberalism. Many turned accountability either to the workers they their eyes to South America, which during employed or to the communities in which this time was practically the only democratic they operated. In the United States leftist political stronghold in the world. Only neoliberalism was aided by racialized a few short years later, however, the attacks on social service provision in which situation in Europe and the United States African American and Latino recipients of looked completely different: the Left had welfare and other anti-poverty programs finally galvanized significant support in the were portrayed as an “undeserving poor” electoral arena, and had pulled the terms of whose lifestyle was being subsidized by political debate significantly leftward (white) taxpayers (even though whites through creative social movement constituted the largest group of welfare organizing. To name but a few electoral beneficiaries). examples, in Greece the left-wing Syriza party came to power in 2014, in Spain the The success of neoliberalism across the left-wing Podemos party emerged from anti- United States and Europe differed based austerity protests in 2014 and only two years upon the relative strength or weakness of later it was the third largest party in the left-wing political parties and trade unions – country. Even more surprising were the rise leaving working people in traditional of Jeremy Corbyn to the leadership of the bastions of social democracy such as British Labor Party in 2015 and the Sweden relatively better off than working phenomenal success of Bernie Sanders’ people in countries such the United States “political revolution” during the 2016 United where trade unions and the Left have been States’ presidential election. weak historically. But by the early 2000s the These electoral successes have been new wave of social movement organizing paralleled by, and to a large degree made appears to be underway, and while younger possible by, the rise of a new generation of people especially are increasingly open to progressive social movements committed radical alternatives, the Left and progressive both to thoroughgoing critiques of movements remain weak. Today we capitalism, racism, sexism, xenophobia and celebrate more the possibility of political other forms of oppression, as well as to the openings than the achievement of significant creation of an ecologically sustainable, concrete gains. Beyond our relative lack of democratic and egalitarian future. To take resources, the structural barriers placed in the United States as one example, the our path by the nature of the U.S. political progressive offensive against neoliberalism "Today we celebrate more the possibility of began in earnest with the Occupy protests political openings than the achievement of of 2011 and the resistance to Governor Scott Walker’s anti-labor offensive in significant concrete gains." Wisconsin, which put the issue of system and the extraordinary power of inequality at the center of U.S. political individualist ideology to undermine discourse and cultivated a new generation of collective action, Leftists and progressives activists that have been crucial in more face a groundswell of racist and anti- recent movements. In the wake of Occupy, immigrant political organization — powerful new movements arose to challenge represented most dramatically by Donald brutal immigration policies (The Dreamers), Trump’s presidential campaign. As the life the shamefully low federal minimum wage prospects of many white people in the 99% (Fight for $15), the epidemic of police continue to decline, and as demographic brutality and structural racism (Black Lives tides shift steadily toward a United States in Matter) and inequality (the Sanders which people of color constitute a majority, Political Revolution) to name a few. These this reactionary organizing is likely to grow movements have opened up space for a ever more serious. serious discussion of capitalism, male- dominance and racism in our society that Racist and anti-immigrant politics not only has not existed in decades, and which represent a direct assault on the civil rights provides unique opportunities for the of millions (in the form of voter growth of a democratic socialist movement disenfranchisement, harassment and that emphasizes the interconnectedness of deportation of undocumented workers, and all of the struggles and the structural hate crimes, to name a few), but also serve character of the reforms needed to make as an effective tool that economic elites can real and lasting change. employ to divide sections of the working class (who, by focusing on racial/ethnic fear Challenges Facing the Left and Progressive and hatred, are unable to forge ties of Movements solidarity around shared economic struggles Yet we must not overstate the strength against the capitalist class). In the absence of of progressive and leftist politics today, and powerful multiracial coalitions capable of likewise we must not understate the extent connecting the struggles of working people of the challenges that lie before us. While a across race and ethnicity, appeals to racism and fear will continue to gain traction race that omits any discussion of class. among economically and socially insecure white voters — particularly men, who face Leftists and progressives also face a the erosion of traditional gender staggering array of additional challenges: we prominence due to the gains of the feminist must defend a woman’s right to abortion and movement — and the possibility of confront a wide range of gender inequities expanding desperately needed programs to that persist in our male dominant society, assist the most vulnerable people in our even as neoliberalism increasingly divides society (let alone more ambitious programs working and professional women through pushing in the direction of democratic the rhetoric of meritocracy and “leaning-in.” socialism) will be further diminished. We must curtail the United States’ often illegal and generally counterproductive In their current form, however, the Left and military adventures and “democracy progressive movements are not well- promotion” efforts around the world. We positioned to build the multiracial must fight to win citizenship for the millions organizations and coalitions necessary to of immigrants who contribute massively to confront the scourge of right-wing racism our national prosperity but who are forced and anti-immigrant politics. Historically the to live in constant fear of deportation, and Left has been, and, despite the best who do not enjoy the political and economic benefits of citizenship. We must find a "Once in a generation opportunities currently exist way to forge deeper cross-national ties for taking the offensive and launching an assertive among an increasingly global working anti-capitalist politics in the United States." class with diverse and often conflicting intentions of many, continues to be material interests and, perhaps most dominated by white activists (often middle- critically of all given the grave implications class men). Organizations of the Left of inaction, we must build a progressive (including DSA) generally reflect the coalition capable of forcing the U.S. interests, aspirations, and cultural government to take dramatic action around assumption of white working- and middle- the effects of human-caused climate change. class individuals more than people of color. Several other factors have also played an Despite these challenges, once in a important role in limiting the development generation opportunities currently exist for of multiracial leftist organizations and taking the offensive and launching an multiracial coalitions that include a assertive anti-capitalist politics in the United significant leftist presence. These include States. The most difficult — and most structural barriers that often constrain the important — question that remains, is how, participation of working-class and poor specifically, to make democratic socialist activists in political organizing (such as lack politics a force to be reckoned with in rural of time, energy and economic resources), the communities, towns, cities and states across racial segregation of U.S. society that is the country in the coming years. Before typically reflected in the demographic addressing this question, however, we turn makeup of activist organizations, and an first to a no less fundamental issue: what is individualistic national conversation about democratic socialism, and why do we place our hope for a better, more egalitarian and life, not least of which is the economy. humane future in this seemingly abstract Under capitalism we are supposed to take ideal? for granted that a small, largely unaccountable group of corporate II. Our Vision of Democratic Socialism executives should make all fundamental decisions about the management of a company comprised of thousands of people. Our vision of democratic socialism is This group has the power to determine how necessarily partial and speculative, and is in most of us spend the lion’s share of our no way intended to be a blueprint for a waking hours, as well as the right to fire democratic socialist society. To the contrary, anyone for basically any reason, no matter the specific contours of the future to which how arbitrary. Under democratic socialism, we aspire will be democratically determined this authoritarian system would be replaced not by us, but rather by those who live it. with economic democracy. This simply Further, DSA members will — and should — means that democracy would be expanded disagree on specific aspects of this vision. beyond the election of political officials to Nonetheless, we put forth such a vision, in include the democratic management of all part to put to rest misconceptions people businesses by the workers who comprise may have about how our vision of socialism differs from failed models of the "The fight for democratic socialism is the fight for radical past, in part to spark the passion democracy, the freedom of all people to determine all and imagination of potential DSA aspects of their lives to the greatest extent possible" members wondering what separates our vision from those of liberals them and by the communities in which they and progressives and in part to help expand operate. Very large, strategically important the terms of our national political discourse sectors of the economy — such as housing, in the face of the often overwhelming logic utilities and heavy industry — would be of “there is no alternative.” History has subject to democratic planning outside the shown time and again that societies fall market, while a market sector consisting of short of their full potential for human worker-owned and -operated firms would emancipation without radical trailblazers be developed for the production and working ceaselessly to pull mainstream distribution of many consumer goods. In political discourse to the Left and thereby this society, large-scale investments in new expand the “politics of the possible.” technologies and enterprises would be made on the basis of maximizing the public good, Democratic Socialism as Radical rather than shareholder value. Crucially, Democracy investments in renewable energy and DSA believes that the fight for democratic efficient technologies would be prioritized socialism is one and the same as the fight for to guarantee ecological sustainability and radical democracy, which we understand as the future existence of life on Earth. the freedom of all people to determine all aspects of their lives to the greatest extent A democratic socialist society would also possible. Our vision entails nothing less than guarantee a wide range of social rights in the radical democratization of all areas of order to ensure equality of citizenship for all. Vital services such as health care, child care, decision-making beyond the ballot box. education (from pre-K through higher These institutions would include citizen education), shelter and transportation would boards for various government services, be publicly provided to everyone on program councils (at the national, state and demand, free of charge. Further, in order to local levels) for those who receive ensure that the enjoyment of full citizenship government services, and municipal and was not tied to ups and downs in the labor state-level citizen assemblies that would be market, everyone would also receive a open to all and would be tasked with making universal basic income — that is, a base budget decisions (much like participatory salary for every member of society, budgeting processes currently in use around regardless of the person’s employment the world today). Finally, individual civil and status. Finally, the work week would be political rights (freedom of speech, gradually reduced and vacation time would assembly, the right to vote, etc.), which are be expanded to guarantee that everyone in currently routinely violated, would be society benefited from increasingly efficient strengthened, and public resources would be technologies that decrease the overall devoted to the development of a genuinely amount of labor needed in the economy free press and a democratically- (and also to ensure that all who wish to find administered mass media. employment are able to do so). While DSA believes that economic Economic democracy would be exploitation cuts across all other forms of complemented in the political sphere by a oppression, and therefore that radical new system that combined an overhauled economic and social democracy would form of representative democracy (our dramatically enhance most people’s capacity current system) with direct democracy, a for self-determination, we do not believe system in which individuals participate that racial, gender, sexual and other forms of directly in the making of political decisions oppression are reducible to economic that affect them. In this system, the Senate exploitation. Solidarity among all working (an extremely unrepresentative political people who are ensnared in the capitalist body in which states with very small system may be a prerequisite for a strong populations have the same level of socialist movement, but socialism as radical representation as the most populous states) democracy is much more than the would be abolished, and a system of emancipation of a single economic class. proportional representation would be The democratic socialist project also entails established so that Congress actually reflects addressing a wide range of oppressions in the political will of the electorate. A law, culture and society that limit people’s democratic socialist government would also capacity for self-determination. implement new referenda and recall mechanisms to hold elected officials To give a few examples, the work of accountable during their tenure in office, caregiving, which under capitalism falls and a vast system of local participatory disproportionately on women — particularly institutions would be set up to ensure women of color and migrant women — individuals had a direct voice in political would be publicly supported through universal daycare, eldercare and paid family be able for the first time to freely choose leave. In the legal sphere, all citizens would how they wanted to develop as individuals, have equal rights, in contrast to the current limited only by principles of mutual respect reality in which millions of citizens (in the and the absence of exploitation and District of Columbia, Puerto Rico, overseas oppression. Race- and gender-based territories and Native American tribes) do identities, despite having their origins in not have the ability to elect their own systems of oppression, would no longer be congressional representatives. In the legal imposed upon individuals by society, and system, the racialized system of unequal would likely play a positive role in shaping justice that currently exists would be individuals’ identities. replaced by a system that featured citizen review boards (vested with real authority) of It should always be remembered, however, both the police and court systems. The that like every other form of society, a disgraceful use of prisons to regulate democratic socialist society cannot produce behavior (which disproportionately affects total social harmony. Such a society will communities of color and the poor) would always have to navigate among the be replaced with a system that competing claims of different groups and decriminalized a wide range of offenses democratic political institutions will always (particularly nonviolent drug-related be needed to arbitrate and mediate such offenses) and combined full services to conflict. Democratic socialism, that is, will victims with restorative justice, mental not be the utopia that many socialists of old health care and various forms of counseling imagined. Yet the achievement of a to help people find productive ways to move democratic socialist society would forward after committing serious crimes. nevertheless mark one of the greatest Finally, racial/ethnic and sex/gender-based advances in human history. Instead of war, oppressions may well continue in a socialist there would be peace; instead of society. Hence a wide range of programs to competition, cooperation; instead of dismantle the privileges associated with exploitation, equality; instead of pollution, whiteness, maleness and heteronormativity sustainability and instead of domination, would have to be developed, and anti- freedom. Life would still have sorrows as discrimination policies in the workplace and well as joys, and there would still be failed in social organizations would have to be projects and unrequited love. But with intensified. democratic socialism there would no longer be unnecessary suffering imposed on the Beyond addressing the legacies of gender, mass of society by institutions over which racial, sexual and other forms of oppression, we have no control. democratic socialism would bring about a cultural renaissance in which a vast array of III. Our Strategy new artistic practices and lifestyles would flourish. With more free time, protection With this vision in place, we turn finally to from the vagaries of economic exploitation an overview of DSA’s strategy for moving the and deepened norms of respect and needle of emancipation closer to democratic solidarity, individuals on a mass scale would socialism over the coming years and decades. We believe democratic socialism is DSA will participate over the coming years the only humane and democratic alternative (this list is by no means exhaustive of all the to capitalism, but considering our limited activities undertaken by DSA chapters; resources at present we must think carefully details of additional lines of work can be about how to translate our socialist ideals found in DSA’s strategy document). and values into a viable political strategy. Given the magnitude and scope of the Building Multiracial, Intentionally challenges we face, as well as the democratic Intersectional Coalitions and decentralized nature of our DSA’s analysis of the interrelationships organization, there is no strategic silver among many different forms of oppression bullet, or single, all-encompassing campaign under capitalism suggests that the only to which we can devote all of our democratic socialist strategy capable of organizational resources. Rather, our effective resistance to capitalism is one that strategy — based on the preceding analysis links together antiracist, feminist, LGBTQ, of current political and economic conditions labor, anti-ableist, and anti-ageist (as well as — consists of fighting on a number of other) movements by “connecting the dots” interconnected fronts in the short-term, between them. We consider each of these leveraging gains made in these struggles into struggles to be mutually reinforcing, and more structural, offensively-oriented believe that the success of one ultimately changes in the medium-term and ultimately depends on the success of the others. employing the strength of a mass socialist Further, capitalists have consistently used party or coalition of leftist and progressive appeals to white racism, and tensions at the parties to win political power and begin the intersection of gender and race, to maintain process of socialist transformation. divisions among the working class. In order to overcome these divisions and forge In the short-term, our strategy consists of deeper solidarities across the working class, working concurrently on a range of projects it is essential that a disproportionately that we detail below (the relative emphasis straight, white, male, English-speaking, placed on each will be determined by local mostly college-educated socialist conditions). Regardless of the particular organization such as DSA prioritize racial struggle(s) in which a given DSA chapter is justice work and organize actively within engaged, however, in all cases we will focus struggles where racial, gender, class and on overcoming the historic bias of our sexual oppression intersect. We must do so organization toward white (particularly with humility and take our lead from the male) activists. We will do this by building organizations that organize and are led by deeper ties with organizations representing poor and working-class people in those poor and working-class women and people communities. of color, and by devoting significant organizational resources to educating our The specific coalitional work undertaken members about the importance of antiracist by each DSA chapter will vary depending on organizing and of cultivating welcoming, local circumstances, but could include, to inclusive DSA chapters. Below is a summary name a few, fights for universal health care of the most important struggles in which and for higher quality public education, and struggles against prison expansion, police be in our individual capacities as unionists. brutality and discriminatory treatment of We cannot — and should not — direct our undocumented workers. In most cases DSA members to find employment in certain chapters will have to choose between sectors of the economy in order to work as several equally worthy campaigns to which rank-and-file organizers. We can, however, they might devote their organizational encourage and support our members who resources. In these cases, chapters will have become rank-and-file activists, as well as to pick campaigns based on considerations shop stewards and local union officers, and such as the degree to which the campaign encourage dialogue and coordination in engages issues important to a diverse range sectors where many DSA members work, of communities, and the degree to which such as health care, social services and those involved with the campaign are likely teaching. Unions need good staff and paid to be open to democratic socialist politics. organizers, but a revival of the labor movement will depend above all else on Labor Organizing militancy among rank-and-file workers The fundamental social relationship in themselves. capitalism is between the worker and the capitalist (employee and employer), and the Community Organizing exploitation of workers by capitalists is the Although organizing in the workplace is primary source of profitability within the still essential, smaller workplaces, less-stable capitalist system. This relationship gives an employment, and the antisocial tendencies organized working class tremendous of neoliberalism point toward the potential power, and it makes the self- importance of community organizing as a organization of working people an essential crucial complement to labor organizing. weapon in anticapitalist struggle. Further, Most DSA chapters have been organized on labor organizing gives DSA members a the basis of a metropolitan area. Nothing chance not only to work toward a revived should stop DSA members from organizing workers’ movement but also to build DSA. on a neighborhood basis as well. They U.S. history has shown that the best recruits should talk to their neighbors, determine for socialism are experienced and which issues most urgently face the radicalized workers, and, similarly, that the community (for example, tenants’ rights, best workplace organizers are socialists. For police brutality or shoddy, under-funded these reasons we must place the trade union public services) and organize strategically movement and newer, less traditional forms around those issues. Community organizing of worker self-organization (e.g. workers’ is a particularly effective means of centers) front and center in our priorities. developing strong and lasting ties with This work is especially necessary today, communities, which has often been a when worker organization is at a historic shortcoming of DSA chapters. Such work low after decades of relentless corporate could also help our activists connect to attacks. people of diverse backgrounds and thereby incorporate a broader range of views and The most important DSA involvement in create an organization more representative the labor movement in the coming years will of the working people of this country. Organizing in Higher Education higher education could serve as a crucial Every year, state legislatures slash funding step in making democratic socialist politics for public colleges and universities, resulting more attractive to a wider cross-section of in dramatic increases in tuition and class the U.S. public. size. University administrators have replaced state workers with privatized, exploited Electoral Organizing workers in food and housekeeping. At the Achieving our goals will require grassroots same time, they have replaced full-time, organizing and “street heat,” but it will also tenured, and tenure-track faculty with require a critical mass of political office graduate students and a low-paid, no- holders to implement them. Although benefits army of adjunct professors elections in and of themselves will not bring (professors without job security and usually about major political, economic or social without benefits) to provide instruction. reforms — let alone establish a pathway to Students graduate with large amounts of socialism — it is difficult to imagine how we debt and their degrees are less and less likely could achieve any of our objectives in the to secure them adequate post-college United States without taking part in the employment. This crisis in higher education electoral process. In the short term, we need could result in the death of an affordable, to engage in electoral activity for several democratic system of higher education in important reasons: to defend existing rights; the United States or in a powerful to put forth new demands for social and movement of students, staff, faculty and economic justice that could change public communities capable of taking back the conversations and thereby create openings system. We believe the latter option is for more fundamental structural reforms possible and that DSA can play an important down the road; to attract new members to role in fostering its development. DSA and thereby build our capacity as an organization; and to build and sustain non- Free public higher education is a key electoral activism. The nature of our example of what we might call a electoral activism will vary based on local “transformative” reform that helps to political conditions. But it will include popularize the idea of socialism and to make supporting progressive and socialist further, more dramatic reforms possible in candidates running for office, usually in the future. Free public higher education Democratic primaries or as Democrats in would mean taking what should be a general elections but also in support of universal public good out of the independent socialist and other third-party marketplace, putting it under democratic campaigns outside the Democratic Party. In control and guaranteeing it as a right to all the medium-to-long-term we will work to citizens — and funding it by a truly build the organizational capacity necessary progressive tax system that makes the to run candidates of our own (as one of wealthy and corporations pay their fair share DSA’s predecessor organizations, of government revenue. Beyond its inherent Democratic Socialist Organizing benefits, such a campaign would also show Committee, and DSA itself were able to do people that socialist policies are both in the 1970s and 1980s), to forge larger desirable and achievable. Gaining free public socialist electoral coalitions both within and outside of the Democratic Party and International Organizing ultimately to create a majoritarian electoral In a globalized economy, the commitment coalition in support of socialist political and of socialists to international solidarity is not economic reforms. just a moral imperative but a pragmatic necessity. DSA will stand in solidarity with Environmental Organizing movements around the world fighting to We will also participate in the climate raise global labor, environmental, and justice movement against the devastation human rights standards in opposition to wreaked by global capitalism on the most corporate “race to the bottom” policies. Such vulnerable people, cultures and ecosystems. solidarity often will take the form of Our commitment to this movement aligns opposing our government’s own foreign us with the struggles of indigenous peoples policy, which supports undemocratic against the plunder of their fossil fuel and international institutions (including pro- forest resources and the life-destroying corporate “free trade agreements”), and pollution of our air and water. It also which backs, often through military positions us against the negligent attitude intervention, authoritarian regimes that shown by the global North towards black support U.S. government and economic and brown communities around the world interests. who are disproportionately affected by the violent storms, floods and famines caused Building DSA and the Socialist Left by the carbon poured into the atmosphere DSA’s role in building progressive social by the developed world. movements is essential to our work; regardless of what we gain as an Climate justice organizing for DSA organization from this work, it is an end in chapters will often take the form of itself. Additionally, through our coalition campaigns for institutional divestment from work and community organizing we learn fossil fuel capital, protests and other forms invaluable organizing skills and discover of organized dissent against domestic countless ways to improve the work that we policies and international agreements that do. However, in order to be effective in this undermine environmental protections. work, as well as to build broader-based, Organizing as open socialists gives DSA members the opportunity to organize "We need to dramatically increase the ranks of around widely supported “green” causes the socialist movement in the United States." under the banner of the anticapitalist “red” independent socialist organizations that we movement. Participation in the climate hope will grow over time into a powerful justice movement also enables DSA to stress political force, we need to dramatically its internationalist politics, as this increase the ranks of the socialist movement movement is part of a broader fight against in the United States. While DSA has corporate domination of social and expanded significantly since 2010, there is economic life, and in favor of a democratic still tremendous room for growth, especially international order that enhances global in the wake of Sanders’ Political Revolution, labor, human rights and environmental which exposed countless young people to standards. the idea of democratic socialism for the first time. In order to take advantage of this owned and -operated firms on a large scale. potential, DSA chapters will use a range of While it may sound premature to begin tactics to help expand our activist and discussing such long-term objectives before membership base. First, we will place a we have achieved our more modest (though greater emphasis on our critique of ambitious) short-term goals, it is critical that capitalism and positive vision of democratic we advance a clear vision of our short-, socialism in our coalition, public education medium- and long-term objectives and a and community organizing work. We will credible account of how we might move also devote more resources to developing from each stage of struggle to the next new leaders through individual mentoring, (more details related to this question can be skills training and educational found in DSA’s strategy document). If we are programming. Finally, we will engage in not clear about where we are heading, we regular and intensive assessments of our risk both losing track of the importance of organizational progress, while always our socialist identity and making strategic working to recruit as many new members errors for the sake of short-term tactical from a diverse an array of backgrounds. gains.

Success across this spectrum of struggles For the foreseeable future our primary should lead to a period when we can talk focus will be on building a vibrant, seriously about the transition to democratic independent democratic socialist movement socialism through reforms that and helping to cultivate progressive fundamentally undermine the power of the coalitions capable of wielding political capitalist system (often referred to as “non- power at all levels. But we should never lose reformist reforms”), such as the sight of the democratic socialist vision that nationalization of strategic industries serves as the guiding thread tying together (banking, auto, etc.) and the creation of the many struggles for freedom and equality worker-controlled investment funds (created in which we are constantly engaged, day in, by taxing corporate profits) that will buy out day out. capitalist stakes in firms and set up worker- JOIN US!

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