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Paris Nord: Shadrach Woods's Imaginary Global City Author(S): María González and Patricio Del Real Source: Positions, No

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Paris Nord: Shadrach Woods's Imaginary Global City Author(S): María González and Patricio Del Real Source: Positions, No Paris Nord: Shadrach Woods's Imaginary Global City Author(s): María González and Patricio del Real Source: Positions, No. 1, Grand Plans (Spring 2010), pp. 64-92 Published by: University of Minnesota Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25835102 Accessed: 01-11-2016 22:38 UTC REFERENCES Linked references are available on JSTOR for this article: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25835102?seq=1&cid=pdf-reference#references_tab_contents You may need to log in to JSTOR to access the linked references. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://about.jstor.org/terms University of Minnesota Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Positions This content downloaded from 128.59.130.47 on Tue, 01 Nov 2016 22:38:42 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Fig.l Joachim Pfeufer and Shadrach Woods, "Politique d'occupation du sol etendu a la region Parisienne," Paris Nord, 1964. Source: Shadrach Woods Archive (SWA), drawing 16. P ,4' < 64 This content downloaded from 128.59.130.47 on Tue, 01 Nov 2016 22:38:42 UTC : ^ ^ All use^ subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms^^^^^^^ Maria Gonzalez & Patricio del Real Paris Nord: Shadrach Woods's Imaginary Global City 65 The liberation of humanity from the shackles of the past cannot be realized without the suppression of the opposition between the city and the countryside. Friedrich Engels The disruption of the delicate balance between city and countryside was the foundation of nineteenth-century industrialization. Almost a century later, Shadrach Woods followed Engels's lead in attempting to suppress the opposition between the two. An American trained in engineering and philosophy, Woods was a collaborator of Le Corbusier in the late 1940s. He was a member of the group led by Vladimir Bodiansky in French North Africa in the early 1950s, and was the most theoretically inclined member of the c o architectural partnership of Candilis-Josic-Woods (CJW), one of the most o Q_ active firms in the urbanization of France in the 1960s. Through his work with CJW, Woods developed a theory of urbanism that addressed one of the least discussed but most pervasive problems of the postwar period. In housing complexes in Bagnosl-sur-Ceze (1956) and Tolouse-le-Mirail (1961), and through countless lectures and texts such as "Stem" (1960) and "Web" (1962), he addressed the opposition between city and country?a tension summarized in a slogan for the 1968 Milan Triennale: "The urban condition cannot be dissociated from the rural condition."1 Woods's study of this issue reached a climax in his 1964 project for Paris Nord, which illustrates how he worked in the spirit of Engels. Paris Nord also gives tangible form to his proposal for the world administrative system he called "The Global City," the political and organizational structure defined at the end of his book The Man in the Street, published posthumously in 1975, as follows: This content downloaded from 128.59.130.47 on Tue, 01 Nov 2016 22:38:42 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms We could go on to understanding and accepting the planet as a single city-organization. The physical form of the global city, the geometry of its web of communication, the constellation of points of intensity of activity, of production and exchange cannot be predetermined. Those constellations are constantly shifting; the web deforms and reforms itself to accommodate them.2 Woods and a team of collaborators designed Paris Nord with the stated purpose of "searching] for a solution?a type?for the expansion of the city/'3 Developed in response to the official plans for the growth of Paris after the population boom of the 1950s and 1960s, the project reorganized suburban Paris in an attempt to devise a new, universally valid city-system for projected population growth, a system that would transform France without destroying its established physical milieu (fig. 1). Never fully published or thoroughly exhibited (it remains unclear whether Woods ever publicly showed images of Paris Nord), Paris Nord epitomized his ideal urban model: a global city based on an equilibrium between city and countryside that would in turn bring about a balanced social order.4 Not a formal urban or architectural composition, Paris Nord projected an urban system based on "minimal structuring." But it also had a global starting point; in Woods's view, one cannot think of the city without thinking of the whole world, since both the city and the countryside are man-made.5 Paris Nord reveals Woods's Utopian proposition that "leads one to imagine that there is another way to consider the built world ?not as city and country as mutual oppositions, but as parts of 66 a single operating entity."6 From this platform, Woods proposed a new social order established through urbanism, echoing Le Corbusier's call for "architecture or revolution." Like many of his generation, he believed that the city was dying and that the functionalist solutions of CIAM only furthered its demise. And yet cities retained the answer to the social problems of industrial capitalism. Starting with Paris Nord, Woods, like many others, scrutinized the existing city with the aim of proposing a new city, one that would resolve basic tensions between city and countryside and bring about a new society. In addition to showing how Shadrach Woods's work was grounded in the city-country relationship and projected a model global city, our analysis also addresses the political and cultural implications of urban development characterizing France in particular, and European architectural discourse in general, in the two decades following the end of World War II. Given that, today, global systems are an established fact (to the extent of deserving historical reevaluation), the world's population is nearly evenly divided between countryside and cities, and architects and urban planners still hope to come to terms with our built environment and its future, a reconsideration of urban strategies and visions developed at the dawn of globalization and at the height of country to city migrations in Europe may prove fruitful as well as provocative.7 This content downloaded from 128.59.130.47 on Tue, 01 Nov 2016 22:38:42 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Postwar France: the end of peasantry, the housing crisis, and the question of Paris Across Europe, the aftermath of World War II was marked by demographic -a o growth, rapid urbanization, and a general movement of population away from rural areas and into urban zones. Debates on urbanization went hand-in Lgo hand with housing crises, since the deterioration of nineteenth and early 0 -Q x o twentieth-century housing stock was exacerbated by the destruction of World ?. O War II. Extraordinary population growth in the postwar years (in France the 1 - population increase between 1946 and 1975 equaled that of the previous .2 0> E 0 150 years) created an increased concentration in cities, tremendous social 2 J needs, and unprecedented challenges to urban planners and architects.8 The postwar period of physical and psychological reconstruction, followed by the end of French colonial rule across the globe, gave rise to calls for a "New France." Decent homes for all citizens became the benchmark for its realization and the official slogan of the government. The desire for modernization and improved hygiene propelled the demolition of entire slum quarters in the older parts of Paris, such as Montparnasse, Belleville, and Bercy, and also fueled the subsequent urbanization process. Modern architecture and urbanism achieved considerable prominence, as architects and planners embraced the social engineering producing new consumers, while agrarian traditions, customs, and economies disappeared. 67 Throughout this period, cities became not only centers of work, but storage houses for workers. Eugene Claudius-Petit, head of the Ministry of Reconstruction and Town Planning created in 1944, addressed the restoration and modernization of the housing stock with national and regional planning committees and large, subsidized housing projects. In balancing long-term planning and immediate results, Petit favored large-scale, isolated residential complexes that would serve as catalysts for overall change.9 This approach prompted the selection, in December 1958, of Priority Urbanization Zones or ZUP (Zones a urbaniser en priorite) ? locations throughout the country that would receive state funding to construct large complexes to house the new industrial proletariat. This legislated organization of the nation's territory provided the framework for the grands ensembles?the French architectural solution par excellence to the housing problems of the postwar period. The grands ensembles were large bar-shaped buildings and towers designed for high-density housing, and favoring modern construction techniques over original housing typologies.10 Although generally designed by teams of architects, planners, and members of related fields, the end result was often homogenous and uninteresting, their "rootless" condition displaying the exhausted principles of the modern movement.11 Nevertheless, the grands ensembles brought the idea of better housing for all, and individual space for each family member.12 This modernization of the family was part of the creation of the New France; with the grands ensembles consumer culture began to take hold in France. This content downloaded from 128.59.130.47 on Tue, 01 Nov 2016 22:38:42 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Discussions of how Paris should accommodate the growing number of its residents became a popular topic in French architectural culture.13 As early as 1952, Andre Bloc, editor of ^Architecture d'Aujourd'hui, proposed the model of Paris Parallele.
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