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Sectarianism in Syria
SECTARIANISM IN SYRIA SURVEYSURVEY STUDYSURVEY STUDY STUDY FEBRUARYFEBRUARY 2016 FEBRUARY 2016 2016 Sectarianism in Syria: Survey Study Copyright © 2016 The Day After. All Rights Reserved. The Day After (TDA) is an independent, Syrian-led civil society organization working to support democratic transition in Syria. In August 2012, TDA completed work on a comprehensive approach to managing the challenges of a post-Assad transition in Syria. The initial Day After Project brought together a group of Syrians representing a large spectrum of the Syrian opposition — including senior representatives of the Syrian National Council (SNC), members of the Local Coordination Committees in Syria (LCC), and unaffiliated opposition figures from inside Syria and the diaspora representing all major political trends and components of Syrian society — to participate in an independent transition planning process. The Day After (TDA) Istanbul, Turkey Address : Cihangir, Palaska Sk NO: 1/2 D:3 Beyoğlu-İstanbul, Turkey Tel : +90 (212) 252 3812 Email : [email protected] Skype: TDA-SY www.tda-sy.org 2 AN INDISPENSABLE INTRODUCTION 5 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY AND SAMPLE 8 CHAPTER I: RECOGNIZING AND ASSESSING THE SECTARIAN SITUATION IN SYRIA 13 Opinions on the existence of numerous religious sects 13 Sectarianism: in what sense? 14 Sectarianism as a problem 15 The causes of the sectarian problem 19 CHAPTER II: THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE INDIVIDUAL AND THE SECT 21 Disclosing affiliation to a particular sect 21 The importance of the sect and its presence 22 About the Syrian -
Authoritarianism and Political Party Reforms in Pakistan
AUTHORITARIANISM AND POLITICAL PARTY REFORM IN PAKISTAN Asia Report N°102 – 28 September 2005 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. PARTIES BEFORE MUSHARRAF............................................................................. 2 A. AFTER INDEPENDENCE..........................................................................................................2 B. THE FIRST MILITARY GOVERNMENT.....................................................................................3 C. CIVILIAN RULE AND MILITARY INTERVENTION.....................................................................4 D. DISTORTED DEMOCRACY......................................................................................................5 III. POLITICAL PARTIES UNDER MUSHARRAF ...................................................... 6 A. CIVILIAN ALLIES...................................................................................................................6 B. MANIPULATING SEATS..........................................................................................................7 C. SETTING THE STAGE .............................................................................................................8 IV. A PARTY OVERVIEW ............................................................................................... 11 A. THE MAINSTREAM:.............................................................................................................11 -
Caste, Trade Or Class: Historical Transition in Stratification Structure in Rural Punjab
Journal of the Punjab University Historical Society Volume: 34, No. 01, January – June 2021 Ayesha Farooq * Caste, Trade or Class: Historical Transition in Stratification Structure in Rural Punjab Abstract Dynamics of caste have modified over time due to occupational changes, economic positions and religious enlightenment. However, it is not entirely replaced by any new stratification structure, resulting in much confusion regarding the adopted caste titles in the community. The present research has been conducted in a village named Mohla in the Punjab, Pakistan. Findings revealed resistance of young generation towards the existing caste system and they were recognized by trades of their forefather. Economic factor found important for such differences, besides education and migration. There has been fluidity of caste perception over generation and across social strata; young, educated, economically better off craftsmen and women condemned caste division whereas most of the landowners emphasized the importance of caste system. Shift in basis of social differentiation, role of chieftain has become negligible as majority of them tend to resolve their issues by themselves and go to police or courts. Keywords: Caste system, Class structure, social stratification, intergenerational differences, economics, migration, infrastructure. Introduction The present paper aims to assess stratification system in a rural community named Mohla, situated in District Gujrat of Punjab, Pakistan. Implications of caste on various aspects of social life are also observed. Eglar studied this village five decades ago and found caste stratification as foremost aspect in determining social status and life opportunities.1 In this study, we intend to look into the differences between old and young villager’s perception regarding caste system. -
Biradari Politics of Alliances and Opposition in Jhang District During the Military Regimes: a Case Study of General Pervez Musharraf’S Rule
Journal of the Research Society of Pakistan Volume No. 56, Issue No. 2 (July – December, 2019) Syed Munawar Abbas * Razia Sultana ** Biradari Politics of Alliances and Opposition in Jhang District during the Military Regimes: A case Study of General Pervez Musharraf’s Rule Abstract Biradarism is also fundamental characteristic of socio-politics of district Jhang [Pakistani-Punjab]; its dominant biradaris have immense potential to decisively influence national, provincial and district levels politics [on behalf of their eco- social supremacy]. The formation of electoral alliances is based on the collaborative interest-based national and local [biradari] power politics. Number of alliances were locally constituted by national aristocracy [especially by dictators]. Locally-constituted-alliances under different dictators had further strengthened the exploitative grip of these biradaris. The most decisive alliances [and their respective oppositions] were formulated during different elections of Musharraf’s regime; in which Syeds collaborated with Lalis and Qazis; Sials with Syeds and Moulvis [Religious groups]; and Sahibzaadaaz with Cheela-Sials. Biradaris [clans/castes] have been remained the integral part of mainstream politics in Sub-continent, particularly in western Punjab [Pakistani] and most importantly in its sub-units like Jhang district. After the creation of Pakistan, their dominant eco-social roles have become more vibrant in all respects, especially in politics. Every biradari has different levels of importance due to its numbers, economic resources, political affiliations, land holdings and social networking.1 These are the basic factors, which lead the biradaris to hold power at local level [Biradarism] as well as at provincial and national levels. Biradaris are embodiment of power in Pakistani politics. -
Religious Extremism and Sectarianism in Pakistan: JRSP, Vol
Religious Extremism and Sectarianism in Pakistan: JRSP, Vol. 58, No 2 (April-June 2021) Samina Yasmeen1 Fozia Umar2 Religious Extremism and Sectarianism in Pakistan: An Appraisal Abstract Pakistan, which was created on the basis of religion have had to face sectarian violence and religious intolerance from the very beginning. This article offers an in-depth analysis of sectarianism and religious intolerance and their direct role in the current chaotic state of Pakistan. This article revolves around the two main research questions including the role of religion in the state of Pakistan as well as the evidences depicting sectarian violence in Pakistan. The main objective is to analyze the future situation of the rampant sectarian condition in the society and to study the role of Pakistan’s government so far. Qualitative methodology using primary as well as secondary sources are used to gather the data. Post-dictatorship era, after 2007, is being analyzed in this article, keeping in view the history of sectarian violence, future and stability of the state. Last comments lead to the recommendations and ways to tackle the sectarian divide and religious extremism. The researchers conclude that religion is core at the Pakistan’s nationalism however, religious extremism weakens national and social cohesion and also divides loyalties. There is a need for strict blasphemy laws, banning hate speeches which incites the violence and most importantly, eradicating poverty and unemployment, so no foreign elements can bribe anyone for sectarian terror within the state. Introduction Pakistan was a country that was created on the basis of religion, its main goal was to provide a homeland for Muslims where they will live in freedom and harmony and it was established that it will be governed according to the principles set by Islam. -
Structural Violence Against Children in South Asia © Unicef Rosa 2018
STRUCTURAL VIOLENCE AGAINST CHILDREN IN SOUTH ASIA © UNICEF ROSA 2018 Cover Photo: Bangladesh, Jamalpur: Children and other community members watching an anti-child marriage drama performed by members of an Adolescent Club. © UNICEF/South Asia 2016/Bronstein The material in this report has been commissioned by the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) regional office in South Asia. UNICEF accepts no responsibility for errors. The designations in this work do not imply an opinion on the legal status of any country or territory, or of its authorities, or the delimitation of frontiers. Permission to copy, disseminate or otherwise use information from this publication is granted so long as appropriate acknowledgement is given. The suggested citation is: United Nations Children’s Fund, Structural Violence against Children in South Asia, UNICEF, Kathmandu, 2018. STRUCTURAL VIOLENCE AGAINST CHILDREN IN SOUTH ASIA ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS UNICEF would like to acknowledge Parveen from the University of Sheffield, Drs. Taveeshi Gupta with Fiona Samuels Ramya Subrahmanian of Know Violence in for their work in developing this report. The Childhood, and Enakshi Ganguly Thukral report was prepared under the guidance of of HAQ (Centre for Child Rights India). Kendra Gregson with Sheeba Harma of the From UNICEF, staff members representing United Nations Children's Fund Regional the fields of child protection, gender Office in South Asia. and research, provided important inputs informed by specific South Asia country This report benefited from the contribution contexts, programming and current violence of a distinguished reference group: research. In particular, from UNICEF we Susan Bissell of the Global Partnership would like to thank: Ann Rosemary Arnott, to End Violence against Children, Ingrid Roshni Basu, Ramiz Behbudov, Sarah Fitzgerald of United Nations Population Coleman, Shreyasi Jha, Aniruddha Kulkarni, Fund Asia and the Pacific region, Shireen Mary Catherine Maternowska and Eri Jejeebhoy of the Population Council, Ali Mathers Suzuki. -
UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations
UCLA UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Here, There, and Elsewhere: A Multicentered Relational Framework for Immigrant Identity Formation Based on Global Geopolitical Contexts Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5817t513 Author Shams, Tahseen Publication Date 2018 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Here, There, and Elsewhere: A Multicentered Relational Framework for Immigrant Identity Formation Based on Global Geopolitical Contexts A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology by Tahseen Shams 2018 © Copyright by Tahseen Shams 2018 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Here, There, and Elsewhere: A Multicentered Relational Framework for Immigrant Identity Formation Based on Global Geopolitical Contexts by Tahseen Shams Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology University of California, Los Angeles, 2018 Professor Roger Waldinger, Co-Chair Professor Rubén Hernández-León, Co-Chair The scholarship on international migration has long theorized how immigrants form new identities and build communities in the hostland. However, largely limited to studying the dyadic ties between the immigrant-sending and -receiving countries, research thus far has overlooked how sociopolitics in places beyond, but in relation to, the homeland and hostland can also shape immigrants’ identities. This dissertation addresses this gap by introducing a more comprehensive analytical design—the multicentered relational framework—that encompasses global political contexts in the immigrants’ homeland, hostland, and “elsewhere.” Based primarily on sixty interviews and a year’s worth of ethnographic data on Pakistani, Bangladeshi, and Indian Muslims in California, I trace how different dimensions of the immigrants’ “Muslim” identity category tie them to different “elsewhere” contexts. -
Book Pakistanonedge.Pdf
Pakistan Project Report April 2013 Pakistan on the Edge Copyright © Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, 2013 Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses No.1, Development Enclave, Rao Tula Ram Marg, Delhi Cantt., New Delhi - 110 010 Tel. (91-11) 2671-7983 Fax.(91-11) 2615 4191 E-mail: [email protected] Website: http://www.idsa.in ISBN: 978-93-82512-02-8 First Published: April 2013 Cover shows Data Ganj Baksh, popularly known as Data Durbar, a Sufi shrine in Lahore. It is the tomb of Syed Abul Hassan Bin Usman Bin Ali Al-Hajweri. The shrine was attacked by radical elements in July 2010. The photograph was taken in August 2010. Courtesy: Smruti S Pattanaik. Disclaimer: The views expressed in this Report are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of the Institute or the Government of India. Published by: Magnum Books Pvt Ltd Registered Office: C-27-B, Gangotri Enclave Alaknanda, New Delhi-110 019 Tel.: +91-11-42143062, +91-9811097054 E-mail: [email protected] Website: www.magnumbooks.org All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, sorted in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photo-copying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA). Contents Preface 5 Abbreviations 7 Introduction 9 Chapter 1 Political Scenario: The Emerging Trends Amit Julka, Ashok K. Behuria and Sushant Sareen 13 Chapter 2 Provinces: A Strained Federation Sushant Sareen and Ashok K. Behuria 29 Chapter 3 Militant Groups in Pakistan: New Coalition, Old Politics Amit Julka and Shamshad Ahmad Khan 41 Chapter 4 Continuing Religious Radicalism and Ever Widening Sectarian Divide P. -
DC Valuation Table (2018-19)
VALUATION TABLE URBAN WAGHA TOWN Residential 2018-19 Commercial 2018-19 # AREA Constructed Constructed Open Plot Open Plot property per property per Per Marla Per Marla sqft sqft ATTOKI AWAN, Bismillah , Al Raheem 1 Garden , Al Ahmed Garden etc (All 275,000 880 375,000 1,430 Residential) BAGHBANPURA (ALL TOWN / 2 375,000 880 700,000 1,430 SOCITIES) BAGRIAN SYEDAN (ALL TOWN / 3 250,000 880 500,000 1,430 SOCITIES) CHAK RAMPURA (Garision Garden, 4 275,000 880 400,000 1,430 Rehmat Town etc) (All Residential) CHAK DHEERA (ALL TOWN / 5 400,000 880 1,000,000 1,430 SOCIETIES) DAROGHAWALA CHOWK TO RING 6 500,000 880 750,000 1,430 ROAD MEHMOOD BOOTI 7 DAVI PURA (ALL TOWN / SOCITIES) 275,000 880 350,000 1,430 FATEH JANG SINGH WALA (ALL TOWN 8 400,000 880 1,000,000 1,430 / SOCITIES) GOBIND PURA (ALL TOWNS / 9 400,000 880 1,000,000 1,430 SOCIEITIES) HANDU, Al Raheem, Masha Allah, 10 Gulshen Dawood,Al Ahmed Garden (ALL 250,000 880 350,000 1,430 TOWN / SOCITIES) JALLO, Al Hafeez, IBL Homes, Palm 11 250,000 880 500,000 1,430 Villas, Aziz Garden etc KHEERA, Aziz Garden, Canal Forts, Al 12 Hafeez Garden, Palm Villas (ALL TOWN 250,000 880 500,000 1,430 / SOCITIES) KOT DUNI CHAND Al Karim Garden, 13 Malik Nazir G Garden, Ghous Garden 250,000 880 400,000 1,430 (ALL TOWN / SOCITIES) KOTLI GHASI Hanif Park, Garision Garden, Gulshen e Haider, Moeez Town & 14 250,000 880 500,000 1,430 New Bilal Gung H Scheme (ALL TOWN / SOCITIES) LAKHODAIR, Al Wadood Garden (ALL 15 225,000 880 500,000 1,430 TOWN / SOCITIES) LAKHODAIR, Ring Road Par (ALL TOWN 16 75,000 880 200,000 -
Transitional Justice and National Reconciliation
Transitional Justice and National Reconciliation BY RADWAN ZIADEH n the aftermath of war crimes and crimes against humanity committed in the former Yugoslavia and in Rwanda, in 2005 the General Assembly of the United Nations established Ian initiative known as the “responsibility to protect” (R2P). The R2P concept departs from traditional principles of international relations regarding the protection of national sovereignty, stating that sovereignty is not a right but a responsibility. R2P argues that when a regime commits war crimes and crimes against humanity, it forfeits its sovereignty, and the international com- munity then has the right, indeed the responsibility to take necessary measures to protect civilians and prevent further crimes against them. This principle has not been applied in Syria, where indiscriminate aerial bombardment has taken the lives of more than 20,000 civilians so far.1 Bashar al-Assad’s forces have made extensive use of weapons of mass destruction, including SCUD missiles and chemical weapons, against areas of Syria with utter disregard for the lives of Syrian civilians or for the amount of destruction done to residential areas and infrastructure. The fractured Syrian military opposition, which includes extremist radical elements like the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham, have also commit- ted crimes, such as kidnapping religious leaders and destroying Shia mosques in pro-Assad com- munities. If one compares the conflict in Syria to other conflicts that have occurred throughout the world labeled “civil wars,” it is clear that the term “civil war” is far from the reality of the situation in Syria. In fact, Syria is in the midst of a popular revolution against an authoritarian regime. -
Religious Movements, Militancy, and Conflict in South Asia Cases from India, Pakistan, and Afghanistan
a report of the csis program on crisis, conflict, and cooperation Religious Movements, Militancy, and Conflict in South Asia cases from india, pakistan, and afghanistan 1800 K Street, NW | Washington, DC 20006 Tel: (202) 887-0200 | Fax: (202) 775-3199 Authors E-mail: [email protected] | Web: www.csis.org Joy Aoun Liora Danan Sadika Hameed Robert D. Lamb Kathryn Mixon Denise St. Peter July 2012 ISBN 978-0-89206-738-1 Ë|xHSKITCy067381zv*:+:!:+:! CHARTING our future a report of the csis program on crisis, conflict, and cooperation Religious Movements, Militancy, and Conflict in South Asia cases from india, pakistan, and afghanistan Authors Joy Aoun Liora Danan Sadika Hameed Robert D. Lamb Kathryn Mixon Denise St. Peter July 2012 CHARTING our future About CSIS—50th Anniversary Year For 50 years, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has developed practical solutions to the world’s greatest challenges. As we celebrate this milestone, CSIS scholars continue to provide strategic insights and bipartisan policy solutions to help decisionmakers chart a course toward a better world. CSIS is a bipartisan, nonprofit organization headquartered in Washington, D.C. The Center’s 220 full-time staff and large network of affiliated scholars conduct research and analysis and de- velop policy initiatives that look into the future and anticipate change. Since 1962, CSIS has been dedicated to finding ways to sustain American prominence and prosperity as a force for good in the world. After 50 years, CSIS has become one of the world’s pre- eminent international policy institutions focused on defense and security; regional stability; and transnational challenges ranging from energy and climate to global development and economic integration. -
Pakistan S Strategic Blunder at Kargil, by Brig Gurmeet
Pakistan’s Strategic Blunder at Kargil Gurmeet Kanwal Cause of Conflict: Failure of 10 Years of Proxy War India’s territorial integrity had not been threatened seriously since the 1971 War as it was threatened by Pakistan’s ill-conceived military adventure across the Line of Control (LoC) into the Kargil district of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) in the summer months of 1999. By infiltrating its army soldiers in civilian clothes across the LoC, to physically occupy ground on the Indian side, Pakistan added a new dimension to its 10-year-old ‘proxy war’ against India. Pakistan’s provocative action compelled India to launch a firm but measured and restrained military operation to clear the intruders. Operation ‘Vijay’, finely calibrated to limit military action to the Indian side of the LoC, included air strikes from fighter-ground attack (FGA) aircraft and attack helicopters. Even as the Indian Army and the Indian Air Force (IAF) employed their synergised combat potential to eliminate the intruders and regain the territory occupied by them, the government kept all channels of communication open with Pakistan to ensure that the intrusions were vacated quickly and Pakistan’s military adventurism was not allowed to escalate into a larger conflict. On July 26, 1999, the last of the Pakistani intruders was successfully evicted. Why did Pakistan undertake a military operation that was foredoomed to failure? Clearly, the Pakistani military establishment was becoming increasingly frustrated with India’s success in containing the militancy in J&K to within manageable limits and saw in the Kashmiri people’s open expression of their preference for returning to normal life, the evaporation of all their hopes and desires to bleed India through a strategy of “a thousand cuts”.