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Nikephoros Bryennios the Younger – the First One Not to Become a Blind Man? Political and Military History of the Bryennios Family in the 11Th and Early 12Th Century
Studia Ceranea 10, 2020, p. 31–45 ISSN: 2084-140X DOI: 10.18778/2084-140X.10.02 e-ISSN: 2449-8378 Marcin Böhm (Opole) https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5393-3176 Nikephoros Bryennios the Younger – the First One Not to Become a Blind Man? Political and Military History of the Bryennios Family in the 11th and Early 12th Century ikephoros Bryennios the Younger (1062–1137) has a place in the history N of the Byzantine Empire as a historian and husband of Anna Komnene (1083–1153), a woman from the imperial family. His historical work on the his- tory of the Komnenian dynasty in the 11th century is an extremely valuable source of information about the policies of the empire’s major families, whose main goal was to seize power in Constantinople1. Nikephoros was also a talented commander, which he proved by serving his father-in-law Alexios I Komnenos (1081–1118) and brother-in-law John II Komnenos (1118–1143). The marriage gave him free access to people and documents which he also enriched with the history of his own family. It happened because Nikephoros Bryennios was not the first representative of his family who played an important role in the internal policy of the empire. He had two predecessors, his grandfather, and great grand- father, who according to the family tradition had the same name as our hero. They 1 J. Seger, Byzantinische Historiker des zehnten und elften Jahrhunderts, vol. I, Nikephoros Bryennios, München 1888, p. 31–33; W. Treadgold, The Middle Byzantine Historians, Basingstoke 2013, p. 344–345; A. -
A Chronological Particular Timeline of Near East and Europe History
Introduction This compilation was begun merely to be a synthesized, occasional source for other writings, primarily for familiarization with European world development. Gradually, however, it was forced to come to grips with the elephantine amount of historical detail in certain classical sources. Recording the numbers of reported war deaths in previous history (many thousands, here and there!) initially was done with little contemplation but eventually, with the near‐exponential number of Humankind battles (not just major ones; inter‐tribal, dynastic, and inter‐regional), mind was caused to pause and ask itself, “Why?” Awed by the numbers killed in battles over recorded time, one falls subject to believing the very occupation in war was a naturally occurring ancient inclination, no longer possessed by ‘enlightened’ Humankind. In our synthesized histories, however, details are confined to generals, geography, battle strategies and formations, victories and defeats, with precious little revealed of the highly complicated and combined subjective forces that generate and fuel war. Two territories of human existence are involved: material and psychological. Material includes land, resources, and freedom to maintain a life to which one feels entitled. It fuels war by emotions arising from either deprivation or conditioned expectations. Psychological embraces Egalitarian and Egoistical arenas. Egalitarian is fueled by emotions arising from either a need to improve conditions or defend what it has. To that category also belongs the individual for whom revenge becomes an end in itself. Egoistical is fueled by emotions arising from material possessiveness and self‐aggrandizations. To that category also belongs the individual for whom worldly power is an end in itself. -
Constructing Legends and Traditions in the Medieval Balkans
Chapter 3 Basil versus Samuel: Constructing Legends and Traditions in the Medieval Balkans Byzantine authors of the 11th century began to narrate the events related to Samuel’s State and the battle of Kleidion, after the anti-Byzantine rebellions arose in the Balkans in the 1040’s and 1070’s. This was the time when traditions related to Samuel were invoked by the leaders of the rebellions which inevi- tably provoked both military action and literary response from the Byzantine elite.1 At the beginning of 12th century, the Continuator of Skylitzes, who was probably Skylitzes himself, continuing his narrative to include the period up to 1079, made a brief reference to the conquest of Samuel’s State while introduc- ing the Balkan rebellions: When the emperor Basil brought Bulgaria into subjection he was not will- ing whatsoever to bring in new measures or to disturb the existing state of affairs. He wanted matters to remain on the same footing and to be administered in the way Samuel who was their ruler had ordained: that each possessing a yoke of oxen should give to the public purse a measure of grain, the same amount of millet and a jar of wine.2 One gets the impression that the Continuator of Skylitzes in referring to tradi- tions and customs of Samuel’s subjects, did not apply an ethnic term, but used the conventional administrative-ecclesiastical designation “Bulgaria”. We are not in a position to perceive how the leaders of the rebellions identified them- selves, nor how they recognized their ancestors and perceived the state that they were striving to re-establish. -
The Nephew of Michael Cerularios , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 22:1 (1981:Spring) P.89
SNIPES, KENNETH, A Letter of Michael Psellus to Constantine the Nephew of Michael Cerularios , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 22:1 (1981:Spring) p.89 A Letter of Michael Psellos to Constantine the Nephew of Michael Cerularios Kenneth Snipes N AN ARTICLE listing the unpublished letters of Michael Psellos, I Jean Darrouzes noted that a small group of six letters attrib uted to Psellos is found in three manuscripts: Athas, Mov~ Meyiar17c; Aavpac; 1721 (M 30) fols. 86-98; Bucharest, Academia Republicii Socialiste Romania 737 (587) fols. 214-49; and Cam bridge, Trinity College 1485 (0.10.33) fols. 192-203v. 1 In addi tion to the three manuscripts known to Darrouzes, these six letters are found also in Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, Supplement grec 1334 fols. 108-23v.2 Three of the six (the first, fourth, and sixth) were correctly identified by Darrouzes as letters already published by Sathas or Kurtz-Drexl. 3 Darrouzes, followed by Paul Canart in a later, more comprehensive list of the unpublished letters of Psellos, 4 believed that the other three letters (the second, third, and fifth) had not yet been published. In the case of the third and fifth letters, however, both scholars have been misled by slight differ ences between the word order of their incipits and the incipits of letters 1 and 84 in the large collection of Psellos' letters edited by Sathas. 5 The fifth letter, for example, begins 'Eyw be qJf.11'/V, lepd Kai rpzn6(}1Jre Kerpa).lj, rather than 'Eyw tliv, w lepa Kai rpzn6()17re Kerpa).,~ as in the version in Parisinus gr. -
The Byzantine State and the Dynatoi
The Byzantine State and the Dynatoi A struggle for supremacy 867 - 1071 J.J.P. Vrijaldenhoven S0921084 Van Speijkstraat 76-II 2518 GE ’s Gravenhage Tel.: 0628204223 E-mail: [email protected] Master Thesis Europe 1000 - 1800 Prof. Dr. P. Stephenson and Prof. Dr. P.C.M. Hoppenbrouwers History University of Leiden 30-07-2014 CONTENTS GLOSSARY 2 INTRODUCTION 6 CHAPTER 1 THE FIRST STRUGGLE OF THE DYNATOI AND THE STATE 867 – 959 16 STATE 18 Novel (A) of Leo VI 894 – 912 18 Novels (B and C) of Romanos I Lekapenos 922/928 and 934 19 Novels (D, E and G) of Constantine VII Porphyrogenetos 947 - 959 22 CHURCH 24 ARISTOCRACY 27 CONCLUSION 30 CHAPTER 2 LAND OWNERSHIP IN THE PERIOD OF THE WARRIOR EMPERORS 959 - 1025 32 STATE 34 Novel (F) of Romanos II 959 – 963. 34 Novels (H, J, K, L and M) of Nikephoros II Phokas 963 – 969. 34 Novels (N and O) of Basil II 988 – 996 37 CHURCH 42 ARISTOCRACY 45 CONCLUSION 49 CHAPTER 3 THE CHANGING STATE AND THE DYNATOI 1025 – 1071 51 STATE 53 CHURCH 60 ARISTOCRACY 64 Land register of Thebes 65 CONCLUSION 68 CONCLUSION 70 APPENDIX I BYZANTINE EMPERORS 867 - 1081 76 APPENDIX II MAPS 77 BIBLIOGRAPHY 82 1 Glossary Aerikon A judicial fine later changed into a cash payment. Allelengyon Collective responsibility of a tax unit to pay each other’s taxes. Anagraphis / Anagrapheus Fiscal official, or imperial tax assessor, who held a role similar as the epoptes. Their major function was the revision of the tax cadastre. It is implied that they measured land and on imperial order could confiscate lands. -
15. Road to Manikert
3/21/2012 15. Road to Manzikert 15th-century French miniature depicting the Battle of Manzikert Français 226 , Fol. 256 #131 HIST 302 Spring 2012 Ossification sets in • Emperor Constantine VIII – 65 year old widower – cavorts with concubines; obscene performances in the palace • dies Nov. 1028 – who will succeed him? 1 3/21/2012 The Daughters of Constantine VIII • eldest, a nun • 2nd = Zoe (~50) • 3rd = Theodora (40s) spinsterish Palace bureaucracy choses Romanus Argyrus to marry Zoe – over 60 – he pleads not to have to divorce his wife – she cuts her hair immediately (joins a convent) to save her husband from being blinded Empress Zoe falls in love Eunuch of the palace brings in his handsome brother Michael Paphlagonian for an audience • Zoe falls madly in love • rumors swirl about affair • elderly Romanus disbelieves – soon dies (hmmmm...) Hours after Emperor’s death Zoe summons Patriarch to perform wedding and consecration • dead emperor still in the room Michael IV Paphlagonian (r. 1034-41) • suffered from epileptic fits Michael sends Zoe away to the gynaeceum • he was no soldier – bolts at first engagement in Syria • turns to building churches – very despondent over death of Romanus • dying of gangrene and dropsy • convinced by brother to adopt brother-in-law’s son Michael Calaphates (caulker) – power of the eunuchs 2 3/21/2012 Michael V Calaphates (120 days) • Michael IV dies in a monastery in the capital • Zoe convinced to allow Michael V to become emperor • makes radical changes – Michael V has Zoe sent to a nunnery – kills eunuch John (one that made Michael IV Emperor) • people revolt and want their queen back – his palace looted; thousands killed • he and general crony hide in a monastic church – officials come and get them; soldiers blind them Michael Psellos We found the monastery already surrounded by huge crowds, many of whom were trying to smash down the building in their eagerness to get inside. -
0584-98881249243K.Pdf
Zbornik radova Vizantolo{kog instituta HßÇH, 2012 Recueil des travaux de l’Institut d’etudes byzantines XßIX, 2012 UDC: 94:355.426Š(495.02)"12/13" DOI:10.2298/ZRVI1249243K SAVVAS KYRIAKIDIS (University of Johannesburg, South Africa) THE IDEA OF CIVIL WAR IN THIRTEENTH AND FOURTEENTH-CENTURY — BYZANTIUM This paper discusses thirteenth and fourteenth-century Byzantine perceptions of civil wars, which were a common feature in the late Byzantine period. It investi- gates how the most important authors of the period understood and defined the idea of civil war. It explores the Byzantine understanding of the differences between mil- itary conflicts which were fought between subjects and employees of the emperor and wars the empire fought against its external enemies. In addition, it examines the views the imperial authorities and the authors of the period express about wars against enemies with whom the later Byzantines shared a common cultural, ethnic and religious background. Key words: Civil war, Nicaea, Pachymeres, Kantakouzenos, Akropolites This article will examine thirteenth and fourteenth-century Byzantine con- cepts of armed conflicts which can be defined as civil wars (emfulioi polemoi). Wars between aristocratic clans and between members of the inner imperial fam- ily were a common feature in the later Byzantine period. However, not many scholars have attempted to provide a definition of the idea of civil war in late By- zantium. In his discussion of Byzantine attitudes towards warfare, W. Treadgold suggested ‘as a working definition of Byzantine civil war an armed conflict in which a significant number of Byzantine soldiers fought on both sides with a sig- nificant number of casualties.’1 This is a reasonable definition and, possibly, ap- plicable to most internal conflicts in Byzantium before 1204. -
08 Antonios Vratimos.Vp
Zbornik radova Vizantolo{kog instituta HßÇH, 2012 Recueil des travaux de l’Institut d’etudes byzantines XßIX, 2012 UDC: 94:355Š(495.02)"11":929 DOI:10.2298/ZRVI1249145V ANTONIOS VRATIMOS (Yeditepe University, Istanbul) IN THE CHRONOGRAPHIA, IS MICHAEL PSELLOS’ CONCERN FOR THE ARMY ENTIRELY DISINTERESTED? The present article analyzes Psellos’ commentary on the disarray of the ByzantinearmyintheChronographia. The topic is examined in relation to the polit- ical circumstances of the time, and the author’s own particular situation. It is possi- ble to conclude that much of his commentary on the military in the Chronographia is disingenuous and is influenced by his own position and interests. Key words: Michael Psellos, Chronographia, Military, Concern for the Army, Anthony Kaldellis. Michael Psellos’ Chronographia, one of the finest works of Byzantine liter- ature, still attracts the interest of modern scholars who try to decode the elusive meanings and motivations that may lay hidden beneath the surface of the text.1 Political unrest and endless court intrigues would induce an opinion and a com- mentary conducive to his own survival. Truth, in this respect, may have been sub- jugated and commentary may have been formed by his own interests. It is true that government control changed hands many times after Basil II’s death (1025). Thus, Psellos had to write his book in a way that would not allow judgements to be made about his political beliefs. Above all, he had to convince his audience of the sincerity of his patriotism. His claim to be filorwmaioj and filopatrij, admirer of the Romans and lover of his country ‰‡6. -
The Byzantine Empire.Pdf
1907 4. 29 & 30 BEDFORD STREET, LONDON . BIBLIOTECA AIEZAMANTULUI CULTURAL 66)/ NICOLAE BALCESCU" TEMPLE PRIMERS THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE bY N. JORGA Translated from the French by ALLEN H. POWLES, M.A. All rights reserved AUTHOR'S PREFACE THIs new history of Byzantium, notwithstanding its slender proportions, has been compiled from the original sources. Second-hand materials have only been used to compare the results obtained by the author with those which his pre- decessors have reached. The aim in. view has not been to present one more systematic chronology of Byzantine history, considered as a succession of tragic anecdotes standing out against a permanent background.I have followed the development of Byzantine life in all its length and breadth and wealth, and I have tried to give a series of pictures rather than the customary dry narrative. It may be found possibly that I have given insufficient information on the Slav and Italian neighbours and subjects of the empire.I have thought it my duty to adopt the point of view of the Byzantines themselves and to assign to each nation the place it occupied in the minds of the politicians and thoughtful men of Byzantium.This has been done in such a way as not to prejudicate the explanation of the Byzantine transformations. Much less use than usual has been made of the Oriental sources.These are for the most part late, and inaccuracy is the least of their defects.It is clear that our way of looking v vi AUTHOR'S PREFACE at and appreciatingeventsismuch morethat of the Byzantines than of the Arabs.In the case of these latter it is always necessary to adopt a liberal interpretation, to allow for a rhetoric foreign to our notions, and to correct not merely the explanation, but also the feelings which initiated it.We perpetually come across a superficial civilisation and a completely different race. -
Do Analysts Influence Corporate Financing and Investment? John A
Old Dominion University ODU Digital Commons Finance Faculty Publications Department of Finance 2008 Do Analysts Influence Corporate Financing and Investment? John A. Doukas Old Dominion University, [email protected] Chansog (Francis) Kim Christos Pantzalis Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.odu.edu/finance_facpubs Part of the Corporate Finance Commons, and the Finance Commons Repository Citation Doukas, John A.; Kim, Chansog (Francis); and Pantzalis, Christos, "Do Analysts Influence Corporate Financing and Investment?" (2008). Finance Faculty Publications. 21. https://digitalcommons.odu.edu/finance_facpubs/21 Original Publication Citation Doukas, J. A., Kim, C., & Pantzalis, C. (2008). Do analysts influence corporate financing and investment? Financial Management, 37(2), 303-339. doi:10.1111/j.1755-053X.2008.00014.x This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Department of Finance at ODU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Finance Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of ODU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Do Analysts Influence Corporate Financing and Investment? John A. Doukas, Chansog (Francis) Kim, and Christos Pantzalis∗ We examine whether abnormal analyst coverage influences the external financing and investment decisions of the firm. Controlling for self-selection bias in analysts’ excessive coverage, we find that firms with high (low) analyst coverage consistently engage in higher (lower) external financing than do their industry peers of similar size. Our evidence also demonstrates that firms with excessive analyst coverage overinvest and realize lower future returns than do firms with low analyst coverage. Our findings are consistent with the hypothesis that analysts favor the coverage of firms that have the potential to engage in profitable investment-banking business. -
Byzantine” Crowns: Between East, West and the Ritual
Masarykova univerzita Filozofická fakulta Seminář dějin umění Bc. Teodora Georgievová “Byzantine” Crowns: between East, West and the Ritual Diplomová práce Vedoucí práce: Doc. Ivan Foletti, M.A. 2019 Prehlasujem, že som diplomovú prácu vypracovala samostatne s využitím uvedených prameňov a literatúry. Podpis autora práce First of all, I would like to thank my supervisor doc. Ivan Foletti for the time he spent proofreading this thesis, for his valuable advice and comments. Without his help, I would not be able to spend a semester at the University of Padova and use its libraries, which played a key role in my research. I also thank Valentina Cantone, who kindly took me in during my stay and allowed me to consult with her. I’m grateful to the head of the Department of Art History Radka Nokkala Miltová for the opportunity to extend the deadline and finish the thesis with less stress. My gratitude also goes to friends and colleagues for inspiring discussions, encouragement and unavailable study materials. Last but not least, I must thank my parents, sister and Jakub for their patience and psychological support. Without them it would not be possible to complete this work. Table of Contents: Introduction 6 What are Byzantium and Byzantine art 7 Status quaestionis 9 Coronation ritual 9 The votive crown of Leo VI 11 The Holy Crown of Hungary 13 The crown of Constantine IX Monomachos 15 The crown of Constance of Aragon 17 1. Byzantine crowns as objects 19 1.1 The votive crown of Leo VI 19 1.1.1 Crown of Leo VI: a votive offering? 19 1.1.2 Iconography and composition of the crown 20 1.1.3 Contacts between Venice and Constantinople, and the history of Leo VI’s crown 21 1.1.4 Role of the votive crowns in sacral space 23 . -
Some Thoughts on the Military Capabilities of Alexios I Komnenos: Battles of Dyrrachion (1081) and Dristra (1087)
Graeco-Latina Brunensia 24 / 2019 / 2 https://doi.org/10.5817/GLB2019-2-10 Some Thoughts on the Military Capabilities of Alexios I Komnenos: Battles of Dyrrachion (1081) and Dristra (1087) Marek Meško (Masaryk University) ČLÁNKY / ARTICLES Abstract Alexios I Komnenos belongs to the most important emperors of the Byzantine history. Yet, in many respects, this period still remains an underdeveloped field of study. This paper attempts to review one of the aspects of his reign, namely his capabilities as a military commander since he owed much of his success in restoring the fortunes of Byzantium to his strong military back- ground. In order to succeed in the final evaluation, most of the relevant military events during Alexios Komnenos’ life and career in which he took personal part will be briefly reviewed and taken into consideration. Particular cases where Alexios Komnenos was allegedly responsible for a serious military defeat will be discussed in more detail (e.g. battle of Dyrrachion in 1081 and battle of Dristra in 1087) in order to assess whether it was solely Alexios Komnenos’ re- sponsibility, or whether the causes of defeat were not result of his faulty decision-making as a military commander. Keywords Byzantine Empire; Alexios Komnenos; military; battles; medieval warfare 143 Marek Meško Some Thoughts on the Military Capabilities of Alexios I Komnenos: Battles of Dyrrachion (1081) … Introduction The Byzantine emperor Alexios I Komnenos (1081–1118) is a very well-known charac- ter of the Byzantine history. At the same time, he is famous as the emperor who sat on the throne of Byzantium when the crusaders of the first crusade headed east to liber- ate Jerusalem.