Oral History Interview – 4/4/1964 Administrative Information
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US Army Was Already Upset About Its Losses from Deep Personnel and White House Photo Via National Archives Budget Cuts When Gen
National Park Service photo by Abbie Rowe By John T. Correll US Army was already upset about its losses from deep personnel and White House photo via National Archives budget cuts when Gen. Maxwell D. Taylor arrived as the new Chief of Defense Technical Information Center photo Staff in June 1955. Army strength was down by almost a third since the Korean War and the Army share of the budget was dropping steadily. These reductions were the result of the “New Look” defense program, introduced in 1953 by President Dwight D. Eisenhower, and the “Massive Retaliation” strategy that went with it. New Look was focused on the threat of Soviet military power, putting greater reliance on strategic airpower and nuclear weapons and less emphasis on the kind of wars the Army fought. US planning was based on the standard of general war; the limited conflict in Korea was regarded as an aberration. If for some reason another small or limited war had to be fought, the US armed forces, organized and equipped for general war, would handle it as a “lesser included contingency.” New Look—so called because Eisenhower had ordered a “new fresh survey of our military capabilities”—was driven by the belief that adequate security was possible at lower cost, especially if general purpose forces overseas were thinned out. Another factor was the recognition that NATO could not match the con- ventional forces of the Soviet Union, which had 175 divisions—30 of them in Europe—and 6,000 aircraft based forward. So in 1952, the US and its allies had adopted a strategy centered on a nuclear response to attack. -
The Seattle Foundation Annual Report Donors & Contributors 3
2008 The Seattle Foundation Annual Report Donors & Contributors 3 Grantees 13 Fiscal Sponsorships 28 Financial Highlights 30 Trustees and Staff 33 Committees 34 www.seattlefoundation.org | (206) 622-2294 While the 2008 financial crisis created greater needs in our community, it also gave us reason for hope. 2008 Foundation donors have risen to the challenges that face King County today by generously supporting the organizations effectively working to improve the well-being of our community. The Seattle Foundation’s commitment to building a healthy community for all King County residents remains as strong as ever. In 2008, with our donors, we granted more than $63 million to over 2000 organizations and promising initiatives in King County and beyond. Though our assets declined like most investments nationwide, The Seattle Foundation’s portfolio performed well when benchmarked against comparable endowments. In the longer term, The Seattle Foundation has outperformed portfolios comprised of traditional stocks and bonds due to prudent and responsible stewardship of charitable funds that has been the basis of our investment strategy for decades. The Seattle Foundation is also leading efforts to respond to increasing need in our community. Late last year The Seattle Foundation joined forces with the United Way of King County and other local funders to create the Building Resilience Fund—a three-year, $6 million effort to help local people who have been hardest hit by the economic downturn. Through this fund, we are bolstering the capacity of selected nonprofits to meet increasing basic needs and providing a network of services to put people on the road on self-reliance. -
Nuclear Deterrence in the Information Age?
SUMMER 2012 Vol. 6, No. 2 Commentary Our Brick Moon William H. Gerstenmaier Chasing Its Tail: Nuclear Deterrence in the Information Age? Stephen J. Cimbala Fiscal Fetters: The Economic Imperatives of National Security in a Time of Austerity Mark Duckenfield Summer 2012 Summer US Extended Deterrence: How Much Strategic Force Is Too Little? David J. Trachtenberg The Common Sense of Small Nuclear Arsenals James Wood Forsyth Jr. Forging an Indian Partnership Capt Craig H. Neuman II, USAF Chief of Staff, US Air Force Gen Norton A. Schwartz Mission Statement Commander, Air Education and Training Command Strategic Studies Quarterly (SSQ) is the senior United States Air Force– Gen Edward A. Rice Jr. sponsored journal fostering intellectual enrichment for national and Commander and President, Air University international security professionals. SSQ provides a forum for critically Lt Gen David S. Fadok examining, informing, and debating national and international security Director, Air Force Research Institute matters. Contributions to SSQ will explore strategic issues of current and Gen John A. Shaud, PhD, USAF, Retired continuing interest to the US Air Force, the larger defense community, and our international partners. Editorial Staff Col W. Michael Guillot, USAF, Retired, Editor CAPT Jerry L. Gantt, USNR, Retired, Content Editor Disclaimer Nedra O. Looney, Prepress Production Manager Betty R. Littlejohn, Editorial Assistant The views and opinions expressed or implied in the SSQ are those of the Sherry C. Terrell, Editorial Assistant authors and should not be construed as carrying the official sanction of Daniel M. Armstrong, Illustrator the United States Air Force, the Department of Defense, Air Education Editorial Advisors and Training Command, Air University, or other agencies or depart- Gen John A. -
Panama Treaty 8 77 2
Collection: Office of the Chief of Staff Files Series: Hamilton Jordan's Confidential Files Folder: Panama Canal Treaty 8/77 [2] Container: 36 Folder Citation: Office of the Chief of Staff Files, Hamilton Jordan's Confidential Files, Panama Canal Treaty 8/77 [2], Container 36 THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON August 30, 1977 TO: PRESIDENT CARTER FROM: HA1.'1ILTON JORDAN I-IY RE: MEETING FOR KEY PEOPLE AND INSTITUTIONAL LEADERS As you know, we are proceeding stimultaneously along several tracks in our Panama Canal Treaty strategy. We are bringing groups in fro~ target states, you are calling and meeting with individual Senators, and we are working through private groups and multinationals to reach specific Senators. I~ Tne~e still remains a large number of key people and groups who need a briefing and some exposure to you before they will get active. Our recommendation is for a meeting next week with a select group of these people. Through this effort, I I I Ir we should be able to generate both organizational support and key personal endorsements. Because of the nature of this group, it would probably require more than 15-20 minutes of your time. It would probably take a full hour. However, after this briefing, I believe that we could move rapidly on a lot of fronts simultaneously as opposed to approaching many of these same people one by one. Although there might be some persons in this group who would really have to be convinced by this meeting, by a~d large they will be kindly disposed toward support ing the treaty. -
Working Paper: Do Not Cite Or Circulate Without Permission
THE COPENHAGEN TEMPTATION: RETHINKING PREVENTION AND PROLIFERATION IN THE AGE OF DETERRENCE DOMINANCE Francis J. Gavin Mira Rapp-Hooper What price should the United States – or any leading power – be willing to pay to prevent nuclear proliferation? For most realists, who believe nuclear weapons possess largely defensive qualities, the price should be small indeed. While additional nuclear states might not be welcomed, their appearance should not be cause for undue alarm. Such equanimity would be especially warrantedWORKING if the state in question PAPER: lacked DO other attributesNOT CITE of power. OR Nuclear acquisition should certainly notCIRCULATE trigger thoughts of WITHOUT preventive militar PERMISSIONy action, a phenomena typically associated with dramatic shifts in the balance of power. The historical record, however, tells a different story. Throughout the nuclear age and despite dramatic changes in the international system, the United States has time and again considered aggressive policies, including the use of force, to prevent the emergence of nuclear capabilities by friend and foe alike. What is even more surprising is how often this temptation has been oriented against what might be called “feeble” states, unable to project other forms of power. The evidence also reveals that the reasons driving this preventive thinking often had more to do with concerns over the systemic consequences of nuclear proliferation, and not, as we might expect, the dyadic relationship between the United States and the proliferator. Factors 1 typically associated with preventive motivations, such as a shift in the balance of power or the ideological nature of the regime in question, were largely absent in high-level deliberations. -
John F. Kennedy and Berlin Nicholas Labinski Marquette University
Marquette University e-Publications@Marquette Master's Theses (2009 -) Dissertations, Theses, and Professional Projects Evolution of a President: John F. Kennedy and Berlin Nicholas Labinski Marquette University Recommended Citation Labinski, Nicholas, "Evolution of a President: John F. Kennedy and Berlin" (2011). Master's Theses (2009 -). Paper 104. http://epublications.marquette.edu/theses_open/104 EVOLUTION OF A PRESIDENT: JOHN F. KENNEDYAND BERLIN by Nicholas Labinski A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School, Marquette University, in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts Milwaukee, Wisconsin August 2011 ABSTRACT EVOLUTION OF A PRESIDENT: JOHN F. KENNEDYAND BERLIN Nicholas Labinski Marquette University, 2011 This paper examines John F. Kennedy’s rhetoric concerning the Berlin Crisis (1961-1963). Three major speeches are analyzed: Kennedy’s Radio and Television Report to the American People on the Berlin Crisis , the Address at Rudolph Wilde Platz and the Address at the Free University. The study interrogates the rhetorical strategies implemented by Kennedy in confronting Khrushchev over the explosive situation in Berlin. The paper attempts to answer the following research questions: What is the historical context that helped frame the rhetorical situation Kennedy faced? What rhetorical strategies and tactics did Kennedy employ in these speeches? How might Kennedy's speeches extend our understanding of presidential public address? What is the impact of Kennedy's speeches on U.S. German relations and the development of U.S. and German Policy? What implications might these speeches have for the study and execution of presidential power and international diplomacy? Using a historical-rhetorical methodology that incorporates the historical circumstances surrounding the crisis into the analysis, this examination of Kennedy’s rhetoric reveals his evolution concerning Berlin and his Cold War strategy. -
The Air Force and the Cold
THE AIR FORCE A N D T H E COLD WA R A P I C T O R I A L H I S T O RY COVER AIR FORCE ASSOCIATION The Air Force and the Cold War 1 The Air Force Association THE AIR FORCE The Air Force Association (AFA) is an independent, nonprofit civilian organization A N D T H E promoting public understanding of aerospace power and the pivotal role it plays in the se- curity of the nation. AFA publishes Air Force Magazine, sponsors national symposia, and disseminates information through outreach programs of its affiliate, the Aerospace Educa- tion Foundation. Learn more about AFA by visiting us on the Web at www.afa.org. COLD WA R The Aerospace Education Foundation The Aerospace Education Foundation (AEF) is dedicated to ensuring America’s aerospace excellence through education, schol- arships, grants, awards, and public awareness programs. The foundation also publishes a series of studies and forums on aerospace and national security. The Eaker Institute is the public policy and research arm of AEF. AEF works through a network of thousands of Air Force Association members and more than 200 chapters to distribute educational material to schools and concerned citizens. An example of this includes “Visions of Exploration,” an AEF/USA Today multidis- ciplinary science, math, and social studies program. To find out how you can support aerospace excellence, visit us on the Web at www.aef.org. © 2005 The Air Force Association Published by Aerospace Education Foundation 1501 Lee Highway Arlington VA 22209-1198 Tel: (703) 247-5839 Produced by the staff of Air Force Magazine Fax: (703) 247-5853 Design by Darcy Harris THE AIR FORCE A N D T H E COLD WA R A P I C T O R I A L H I S T O RY AIR FORCE ASSOCIATION DECEMBER 2005 By John T. -
'The Cuban Question' and the Cold War in Latin America, 1959-1964
‘The Cuban question’ and the Cold War in Latin America, 1959-1964 LSE Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/101153/ Version: Published Version Article: Harmer, Tanya (2019) ‘The Cuban question’ and the Cold War in Latin America, 1959-1964. Journal of Cold War Studies, 21 (3). pp. 114-151. ISSN 1520-3972 https://doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00896 Reuse Items deposited in LSE Research Online are protected by copyright, with all rights reserved unless indicated otherwise. They may be downloaded and/or printed for private study, or other acts as permitted by national copyright laws. The publisher or other rights holders may allow further reproduction and re-use of the full text version. This is indicated by the licence information on the LSE Research Online record for the item. [email protected] https://eprints.lse.ac.uk/ The “Cuban Question” and the Cold War in Latin America, 1959–1964 ✣ Tanya Harmer In January 1962, Latin American foreign ministers and U.S. Secretary of State Dean Rusk arrived at the Uruguayan beach resort of Punta del Este to debate Cuba’s position in the Western Hemisphere. Unsurprisingly for a group of representatives from 21 states with varying political, socioeconomic, and geo- graphic contexts, they had divergent goals. Yet, with the exception of Cuba’s delegation, they all agreed on why they were there: Havana’s alignment with “extra-continental communist powers,” along with Fidel Castro’s announce- ment on 1 December 1961 that he was a lifelong Marxist-Leninist, had made Cuba’s government “incompatible with the principles and objectives of the inter-American system.” A Communist offensive in Latin America of “in- creased intensity” also meant “continental unity and the democratic institu- tions of the hemisphere” were “in danger.”1 After agreeing on these points, the assembled officials had to decide what to do about Cuba. -
TUESDAY, M Y 1, 1962 the President Met with the Following of The
TUESDAY, MAYMYI,1, 1962 9:459:45 -- 9:50 am The PrePresidentsident met with the following of the Worcester Junior Chamber of CommeCommerce,rce, MasMassachusettssachusetts in the Rose Garden: Don Cookson JJamesarne s Oulighan Larry Samberg JeffreyJeffrey Richard JohnJohn Klunk KennethKenneth ScScottott GeorgeGeorge Donatello EdwardEdward JaffeJaffe RichardRichard MulhernMulhern DanielDaniel MiduszenskiMiduszenski StazrosStazros GaniaGaniass LouiLouiss EdmondEdmond TheyThey werewere accorrpaccompaniedanied by CongresCongressmansman HaroldHarold D.D. DonohueDonohue - TUESDAY,TUESbAY J MAY 1, 1962 8:45 atn LEGISLATIVELEGI~LATIVE LEADERS BREAKFAST The{['he Vice President Speaker John W. McCormackMcCortnack Senator Mike Mansfield SenatorSenato r HubertHube rt HumphreyHUInphrey Senator George SmatherStnathers s CongressmanCongresstnan Carl Albert CongressmanCongresstnan Hale BoggBoggs s Hon. Lawrence O'Brien Hon. Kenneth O'Donnell0 'Donnell Hon. Pierre Salinger Hon. Theodore Sorensen 9:35 amatn The President arrived in the office. (See insert opposite page) 10:32 - 10:55 amatn The President mettnet with a delegation fromfrotn tktre Friends'Friends I "Witness for World Order": Henry J. Cadbury, Haverford, Pa. Founder of the AmericanAtnerican Friends Service CommitteeCOtntnittee ( David Hartsough, Glen Mills, Pennsylvania Senior at Howard University Mrs. Dorothy Hutchinson, Jenkintown, Pa. Opening speaker, the Friends WitnessWitnes~ for World Order Mr. Samuel Levering, Arararat, Virginia Chairman of the Board on Peace and.and .... Social Concerns Edward F. Snyder, College Park, Md. Executive Secretary of the Friends Committe on National Legislation George Willoughby, Blackwood Terrace, N. J. Member of the crew of the Golden Rule (ship) and the San Francisco to Moscow Peace Walk (Hon. McGeorgeMkGeorge Bundy) (General Chester V. Clifton 10:57 - 11:02 am (Congre(Congresswomansswoman Edith Green, Oregon) OFF TRECO 11:15 - 11:58 am H. -
MORI Docid : 9625
"'!;-·· - -~ -:;.:.:·,>;~T:-:'~~···o; MORI DociD : 9625 (b) (1) (b) (3) AEPROVED FOR RELEASE DATE : JUN 2003 MOR ID: 0 T.QP SECRET - (b) ( l) OFFICE OF SPECIAL ACTIVITIES (b) ( ) 1954-1968 CHRONOLOGY 1954 1 Feb Mr. Richard M. Bissell, Jr., is named Special Assistant to the Director for Planning and Coord ination (SA/PC/DCI) by the Director of Central Intelligence, Mr. Allen W. Dulles. 1 Jul SA/PC/DCI absorbs the Office of Intelligence Co ordination (except the Intelligence Advisory Committee Secretariat) and the Assistant Director for Intelligence Coordination, Mr. James Q. Reber, joins the Planning and Coordination Staff as Mr. Bissell's Assistant. 4 Jul The Hoover Commission on Organization of the Executive Branch establishes a task force under General Mark Clark to investigate CIA and answer Congressional criticism of the Agency. A Special Study Group, chaired by General James H. Doolittle, is assigned to investigate CIA's covert activities. 30 Sep The Doolittle group reports on its investigation of CIA and expresses the belief that every known tech nique should be used, and new ones developed, to increase U.S. intelligence by high altitud& photo graphic reconnaissance and other means. 9 Oct A Technological Capabilities Panel of the Office of Defense Mobilization's "Surprise Attack Committee" under Dr. James R. Killian is set up with Dr. Edwin H. Land, President of Polaroid, as Chairman. 5 Nov The Technological Capabilities Panet, Project 3, in a letter to the DCI, proposes a program of photo reconnaissance flights over the USSR and recommends that CIA, with Air Force assistance, undertake such a program. -
The Evolution of the U.S. Navy's Maritime Strategy
U.S. Naval War College U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons Newport Papers Special Collections 2004 The Evolution of the U.S. Navy's Maritime Strategy John B. Hattendorf Follow this and additional works at: https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/usnwc-newport-papers Recommended Citation Hattendorf, John B., "The Evolution of the U.S. Navy's Maritime Strategy" (2004). Newport Papers. 20. https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/usnwc-newport-papers/20 This Book is brought to you for free and open access by the Special Collections at U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Newport Papers by an authorized administrator of U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. NAVAL WAR COLLEGE NEWPORT PAPERS 19 N A The Evolution of the U.S. Navy’s V AL Maritime Strategy, 1977–1986 W AR COLLEGE NE WPOR T P AP ERS N ES AV T A A L T W S A D R E C T I O N L L U E E G H E T R I VI IBU OR A S CT MARI VI 1 9 John B. Hattendorf, D. Phil. Cover This perspective aerial view of Newport, Rhode Island, drawn and published by Galt & Hoy of New York, circa 1878, is found in the American Memory Online Map Collections: 1500–2003, of the Library of Congress Geography and Map Division, Washington, D.C. The map may be viewed at http://hdl.loc.gov/ loc.gmd/g3774n.pm008790 The Evolution of the U.S. -
The United States, Brazil, and the Cuban Missile Crisis, 1962 (Part 1)
TheHershberg United States, Brazil, and the Cuban Missile Crisis, 1962 The United States, Brazil, and the Cuban Missile Crisis, 1962 (Part 1) ✣ What options did John F. Kennedy consider after his aides in- formed him on 16 October 1962 that the Soviet Union was secretly deploy- ing medium-range nuclear-capable missiles in Cuba? In most accounts, his options fell into three categories: 1. military: an attack against Cuba involving a large-scale air strike against the missile sites, a full-scale invasion, or the ªrst followed by the second; 2. political-military: a naval blockade of Cuba (euphemistically called a “quarantine”) to prevent the shipment of further “offensive” military equipment and allow time to pressure Soviet leader Nikita Khrush- chev into withdrawing the missiles; or 3. diplomatic: a private overture to Moscow to persuade Khrushchev to back down without a public confrontation. Kennedy ultimately chose the second option and announced it on 22 Octo- ber in his nationally televised address. That option and the ªrst (direct mili- tary action against Cuba) have been exhaustively analyzed over the years by Western scholars. Much less attention has been devoted to the third alterna- tive, the diplomatic route. This article shows, however, that a variant of that option—a variant that has never previously received any serious scholarly treatment—was actually adopted by Kennedy at the peak of the crisis. The United States pursued a separate diplomatic track leading not to Moscow but to Havana (via Rio de Janeiro), and not to Khrushchev but to Fidel Castro, in a secret effort to convince the Cuban leader to make a deal: If Castro agreed to end his alliance with Moscow, demand the removal of the Soviet missiles, and disavow any further support for revolutionary subversion in the Western hemisphere, he could expect “many changes” in Washington’s policy toward Journal of Cold War Studies Vol.