sign in sign up
<<
Home , Cak (instrument), Madurese people, Marching band, Rhoma Irama

HARMONIA : Journal of Arts Research and Education 17 (1) (2017), 1-12 p-ISSN 2541-1683|e-ISSN 2541-2426 Available online at http://journal.unnes.ac.id/nju/index.php/harmonia DOI: 10.15294/harmonia.v17i1.9398

The dynamic phenomena of strékan from colonial to contemporary era in Situbondo

Panakajaya Hidayatullah

Faculty of Cultural Science, Universitas Jember,

Received: March 31, 2017. Revised: May 6, 2017. Accepted: June 3, 2017

Abstract

This research is an anthropology of music which discusses the dynamics of strékan music from colonial to contemporary era in Situbondo. In Situbondo, strékan is a term which refers to music for welcoming guests. By ethnography method and postcolonial perspective, this research will discuss social problems and phenomena of strékan music. The result of this research shows that a change of strékan music signifies a change of social condition in Situbondo. In colonial erastrékan is assumed by people like music for elite class. The field data show that there is unequal power relation between colonized and colonizer. In pasca-colonial era the hierarchy relation becomes ambivalent. It appears negotiation space between colonial signs and Madurese culture of Situ- bondo people, considered to be symbolic resistance. Strékan music is reinterpreted as music for low class. In the contemporary era, strékan music tends to market oriented. Strékan music includes dangdut music, following market taste as a consequence of commercialization of art.

Keywords: strékan music; colonial, Situbondo; Madurese; dangdut

How to Cite: Hidayatullah, P. (2017). The dynamic phenomena of strékan music from colonial to contemporary era in Situbondo. Harmonia: Journal of Arts Research And Education, 17(1), 1-12. doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/harmonia. v17i1.9398

Introduction Dutch colonial government made Panarukan as an industrial area, central Since the colonial era, Panarukan had government (Besuki Residency) and tra- been a strategic area and trading center in de center in 1800’s. The project of Anyer- Eastern . It began with the Portugese Panarukan road, by Governor General people arrival in 1580 which then built bas- Daaendels 1808-1811, was a way for faci- tion for hoarding spices of the trade from litating transportation to this strategic area Moluccas, until the Dutch arrival in 1743 (Arifin, 2008 p. 148). As an industrial area, by VOC (Arifin, 2008, p. 147). Panarukan Panarukan had six sugar factories and is an early name of Situbondo Regency in one Arabica coffee factory which opera- the colonial era. The name Panarukan then ted since the colonial era, which was sugar changes to be Situbondo after issuance of factory of Demas, Wringin Anom, Olean, government regulation of republic of In- Pandji, Mangaran, Asembagus and Arabi- donesia number 28 the year 1972, date 28th ka Kayumas coffe factory. September 1972 about Change of Name Panarukan city became the end of the and Removal of the seat of Panarukan Re- Daendels road, because it became the most gency Government (Arifin, 2008, p. 155). important port in eastern Java. The port of

 Corresponding author: Jalan No. 37, Sumbersari, Jember, Indonesia E-mail: [email protected]

1 2 HARMONIA : Journal of Arts Research and Education 17 (1) (2017): 1-12

Panarukan became a center for hoarding phenomena of music: article by Wadiyo agricultural products in a coastwise of (2011, p. 115) entitled Campursari Manthous: strait, which then exported to abroad, such Between New Music and Social Phenomena of as coffee, sugar and tobacco naoogst, which Supporting Community and Joko Wiyoso were regularly exported and auctioned in (2011, p.: 1-9) article entitled Collaboration Rotterdam Dutch and Bremen Germany Between Jaran Kepang (Plated Horse Play) (Arifin, 2008, p. 153). and Campursari: an Innovation of Traditional As a central government which had Art. Wadiyo’s work focused on social fact important role in the colonial era, it indeed aspect people who lived in Gunung Kidul, has given big effects and influences to so- Klaten, Boyolali, and through cial and cultural development in that area. the Manthous Campursari phenomenon, One of the important things to discuss is an meanwhile Wiyoso’s work talks about pla- appearance of strékan music. Strékan mu- ted horse art performing changing form in sic is known by people as colonial music people context in Kendal Regency in the functioned as music for welcoming guest contemporary era. Both research relevan- or high officials in regency. Today, strékan cy is pinpointed on research topic about music still exists and becomes popular, alt- social phenomena of music, otherwise the hough it has changed, also in the meaning. differences are in those objects, perspecti- Like other hybrid music which is ves, and used methodologies. born from process of cultural encounter like keroncong, , dangdut even Method some national songs (Ganap, 2011; Yam- polsky, 2001; Weintraub 2012; Mintargo, This research talks about musical 2008), strékan music also has the same anthropology using multidiscipline appro- phenomena which is appropriation result ach. Specifically this research uses post- of cultural encounter between Western colonial perspective. The multidiscipline culture and local Madurese culture. Madu- approach is required because the qualitati- ra is a dominant culture in Situbondo Re- ve data is quite complex and multidimen- gency (based on statistic data of Madurese sional. people in 1845) (Arifin, 2008, p. 164). Until A method used in this research is now, based on filed observation, Madure- ethnography which took steps in rese- se culture still becomes dominant in Situ- arch including 1). Data collection; and 2). bondo. Based on history, Madurese people Data arrangment. Data collection step was in Situbondo were migrants from Madura technically done following the new eth- island. According to Husson, Madurese nography method of James P. Spradley people migration to the north coast of eas- which added some supporting elements. tern Java happened before the 19th century, The following steps were, 1) Participato- and deforestation was a progressive and rist observation; 2) Choosing informant; 3) continual process since the 17th century as Interviewing informant; 4) Listing ethno- a result of big demography pressure. (Hus- graphy notes; 5) Asking descriptive ques- son, 1997, p. 79). tions; 6) Analyzing interview; 7) Musical This article will discuss some rese- transcription; 8) lliterature analysis. arch problems related to social phenomena Data which had been collected then of strékan music which are; 1) How do so- classified according to groups and cate- cial context and history influence a change gories for further data arranging and ana- of strékan music from colonial to contem- lying. Classification is done according to its porary era; 2) How do Situbondo people relevancy with applied theory in research. interpret the music in each era; 3) How After being classified, then it’s concluded does cultural encounter bear a ‘new’ spa- as following the pattern and data correla- ce in a context of music. Some researches tion. Classified data is then analyzed desc- that are relevant and correlated with social riptively using theory as a foundation. Panakajaya Hidayatullah, The dynamic phenomena of strékan music from colonial ... 3

Results and Discussion music played for welcoming guests/offici- als in certain celebration or formal ceremo- Strékan in Colonial Era (1830’s - 1940’s) ny in a regency. Strékan is a term used by Situbondo At that time, Situbondo people began people to call music functioned for ‘ngam- to know brass music, but this music was bâ’ tamoy’ (welcoming guests) in parlo event still odd and not really popular. Until in (wedding party). Parlo is a term in the Ma- late 1940’s, some families from native sol- durese language which refers to a wed- diers then formed their own strékan music ding party of Madurese people in Situbon- group. One of them is strékan music group do, parlo in the means named “Chandra Keluarga”. The group is ‘interest’. Based on history, this term (stré- family music group in which some players kan) comes from the Dutch language. Stré- are ex-colonial soldiers who have ever kan players and the people interpret it as a played strékan music before. style which has a similar meaning to stijl A format of strékan music “Chandra (Kutunuk, personal communication, April Keluarga” is different to former strékan mu- 18, 2016). In vocabulary, the word is close sic. The strékan group of Chandra family to word trek which, in the Dutch language, plays music with a smaller format, which means ‘interesting’. is 7-8 people. The music instruments are The term strékan had appeared since also quite different to conventional music Dutch colonial era. The term early refer- instruments which are , trombone, red to /marching band played , , /jidur (in a big size by a native soldier (KNIL) for welcoming with diameter 1 to 1,5 meter, using leat- guests (officials) in Regency (Kutunuk, her membrane and accessories of personal communication, April 18, 2016). above), drum ( using leather Brass is a term for a group of wind me- membrane), , and vo- tal music instruments, which generally cal. From these instruments, at a glance consist of trumpet, trombone, horn and it looks similar to tanjidor music, but bass tuba (Banoe, 2003, p. 61). KNIL (Koninkli- and snare drum used are different to tan- jk Nederlandsche Oost Indische Leger) is a jidor music. If it is seen from instruments colonial soldier, taken from natives, and remnants, some brass instruments are pro- mercenary army from France, Belgium, ducts from Germany. There is a brand, Ar- Germany and Switzrland. It was formed in min E voigt Markneukirchen Sa, printed in 1830 with an early name Oost Indische Le- the instrument. The use of instrument from ger then changed to KNIL on King Willem Germany, at that time, was most likely be- I advice in 1836. These soldiers were most- cause Situbondo was an area designed by ly taken from natives people in Nusanta- the colonial government as a central port ra. Its recruitment system was by taking a in . The port became trade center youngster from the village, in collaborati- and current of exchange, transaction, bu- on with village chief or local headman. If ying and selling goods inter-countries. they passed and became soldiers, they got a cash advance. (Matanasi, 2007, p. 23). Strékan music was played by dozens of na- tive soldiers, from playing music processi- on around town square to playing music in the center of the town square in seat format. The music played was mars song in the Dutch language (Kutunuk, personal communication, April 18, 2016). Its mu- sic instruments were trumpet, trombone, Figure 1. A remnant instrument of brass horn, tuba, bass drum, snare drum, and strékan music from ‘Chandra Fam- clarinet. Strékan music became identical ily’. 4 HARMONIA : Journal of Arts Research and Education 17 (1) (2017): 1-12

‘Chandra Family’ group does not status. Those, who are able to have the stré- only play music with mars rhythm but kan music in their event, are considered to also some rhythm like bossanova, belero, be high class degree. waltz, ballad and other Latin rhythms. A most played song is bésame mucho (Mar- Strékan in Pasca Kolonial Era (1940’s – syiah, personal communication, July 24, 1970’s) Strékan Ji ur / To’ Jher 2016). The appearance of strékan brass mu- In the beginning, this strékan group sic in the weddingḍ party of Situbondo was formed to entertain Dutchmen and people becomes a trigger for the birth of their descendants () who lived other strékan brass music. In Situbondo in a Dutch cluster area. They play music city, there are strékan brass music groups, regularly every Sunday in that cluster area. which are Chandra Keluarga, Chandra Ki- By music, they accompany Dutchmen who rana and Borobudur (Marsyiah, personal sing, dance and eat supper (Marsyiah, per- communication, July 24, 2016). Besides in sonal communication, July 24, 2016). Soe- the city area, there are also many strékan kiman explains Indies lifestyle and their brass music groups in Asembagus (east Si- entertaining music group as follows. tubondo). Asembagus is an area where has “Among their servants (man or woman), the most strékan brass music groups. This there are those who specifically have a music is also known as strékan ji ur or to’ duty to entertain as music players. From jher. Jidur is a term in the Madurese langu- this group, it then forms what is called age to call (drum) usually usedḍ in the by F. De Haan as slaven concerten or sla- mosque. The term jidur is used to call stré- venorkest (music players). Having slave- norkest shows a luxurious lifestyle with kan brass music genre because of its similar certain degree among landheer at that bass drum model. While to’ jher is onoma- time” (Soekiman, 2011, p. 47). tophea of the brass music sound. Asembagus becomes a place where The statement above matches to a bears many brass music. It was because in player who says that they play music with the colonial era, in Asembagus there was unfair wages. At that time, strékan music a theatre named ‘Wijaya’ which often sho- was assumed as elite and modern music. wed tonil drama (toneel). Tonil drama is a Suratno explains hierarchy position bet- drama/play which uses brass music. Besi- ween colonized and colonizer in the colo- des, in early independence period, drum nial era. Dutch is posited superior and ar- band music was very popular. Almost eve- rogant in front of Indonesian people who ry community organization such as Ans- are natives (colonized) (Suratno, 2013, p. har (youngster community organization 1). Domination and hegemony power of affiliated to Nahdatul Ulama, established colonizer then force the natives to follow in 1934) and Lesbumi (Lembaga Seniman and accept every aspect of their culture Budayawan Muslimin Indonesia - Institute of (Koentjoroningrat, 2000, p. 180). Indonesian Moslem Artist and Humanist is The natives express a ‘pride’ of an independent organization of NU which Dutch culture assumed as modern and houses some artist and humanist groups, superior by means of strékan music. The established in 1962 (Chisaan, 2008, p. 117)) existence of “Chandra Keluarga” music had drum band music group in each sub- group and its intensity to entertain Dutch district. Therefore in that era, Asembagus people then begin to be accepted by nati- people became familiar with that brass ves, and some of them ask them to play in music (Rajana, personal communication, parlo event. Until in early Independence July 23, 2016). period, people began to know strékan mu- In pasca-colonial period (in the late sic as music for welcoming guests in parlo 1950’s), strékan music had changed its event in Situbondo. Music strékan in parlo instruments. Strékan to’jher adds bamboo event becomes a signifier of a host social instrument andkendhâng (ken- Panakajaya Hidayatullah, The dynamic phenomena of strékan music from colonial ... 5 dang). The most played songs are mars, from colonialism which is then processed bossanova, belero, ballad, waltz and other and appropriated by a local sense of Situ- Latin rhythms. Besides, songs with melayu bondo (Madurese culture). Bhabha said rhythm like Mashabi, Ida Laila and some that cultural encounter between colonizer Madurese dangdut songs also become a and colonized often occurs conflictual and must song in parlo event, even more do- antagonistic, rather than dialogical and minant (Rajana, personal communication, consensual (Bhabha, 1994, p. 2). Bhabha July 23, 2016). Usually, strékan music plays then explains the concept of cultural dif- in front of labâng gelidik (gate of a wedding ference. Cultural difference understands party) by sitting from 8.00 a.m. to 10.00 culture as signifying practices (Bhabha, p.m. Labâng gelidik is a local term used by 1994, p. 34). Cultural difference space Situbondo people to call gate of a wedding enables the emergence of hybrid space, party. It usually uses accessories of a bana- third space, in-between space or beyond na tree, yellow young coconut leaves and space. Its consequence causes a process of banyan leaves. crossing signifier and involving various In Asembagus, the first group which cultural expression, communicating each initiates strékan to’ jher is strékan Al Fajar other for the sake of cultural recognition orchestra. Al Fajar was established by Su- and freedom of dynamic various human hamo around 1950’s. According to some expression. By means of cultural differen- players, in the pasca-colonial era, not all ce, dominant discourse can be disrupted, strékan players are pure artists. Some of which, in Bhabha perspective, can be done them mostly work as officials, unskilled by mimicry. workers, sugar factory workers, wardens, Mimicry is a mode of representation. farmers etc (Rajana, Suhannat and Saha- It tends to repeat or imitate rather than re- mo, personal communication, July 23-24, represent, its similarity is partial, which 2016). It can be said that strékan to’ jher mu- make it remain difference (camouflage) sic are working class music. A change of (Bhabha, 1994, p. 86). Its presence is in- model and interpretation in society signify complete and has multiple articulatory a change of social condition at that time. signs. Mimicry is produced in liminal People do not call strékan music as elite space, borderline or around ambivalent Dutch music anymore. They then reinter- discourse, therefore it has the disruptive pret strékan music as popular music. Mer- effect of dominant discourse. Its logical riam (1964) explains the relation between consequence makes the discourse split, music and social condition in his book Ant- ambiguous and fractured (Bhabha, 1994, ropology of Music as follows. p. 86). “Music is a uniquely human phenome- Model of strékan to’ jher music imita- non which exists only in the understan- tes the model of strékan from a colonial sol- ding of social interaction; music is crea- dier. They imitate its colonial music style ted by people and to other people, music for welcoming guest but in a local sense. is learned behavior. Music does not and Therefore it emerges something difference does not exist only, by, from and for it- self.; there must be a human who does as a kind of cultural translation. Instead of something to produce it. Simply, music following elite and modern music style of cannot be defined only as sound pheno- the colonial with a sense of European mu- mena, because there is individual beha- sic, strékan to’ jher even gives a unique style vior inside which wants a social consen- of brass music with a dominant sense of sus of society who decides what can and Malay music and Madurese dangdut. Pro- cannot be done” (Merriam, 1964,.p. 44). cess of imitating, which is not completely the same, then creates hybrid identity in The emergence of strékan to’ jher mu- negotiation space (subversive – disruptive) sic phenomenon is a result of the cultu- This next concrete example is a use ral encounter, especially Western culture of musical theme when welcoming guest. 6 HARMONIA : Journal of Arts Research and Education 17 (1) (2017): 1-12

Strékan to’ jher has a typical music (melo- (Budiawan, 2010: xii). Mimicry could mean dy) theme as signifier when guests are co- attitude of admiring as well as resisting, ming. The musical theme becomes basic which means that subjects (strékan players) theme generally played in every parlo by have an agency of interpreting colonial all groups of the strékan orchestra in Situ- strékan music. The autonomy or agency of bondo. Here is a part of theme transcrip- subject could mean disobedience of colo- tion. nial values. Mockery explicitly can also be seen in slenge’an act during the break of the play. Here is an example of fun dialog in strékan music group Al Fajar in a parlo event. Figure 2. Notation transcription based on “One of the players provokes topic of jo- Rajana speech kes by saying Ta’ éberri’ nasé’ niko kang!!, ma’ tadâ’ ka’ angka’na (there is no food for us, no one brings the food). Then anot- The part of musical theme above is her player answer, nyaré sé raddhin ka’ a melody played when welcoming guests. angka’ pas (let’s find a beautiful girl, and The melody is played with march rhythm. bring the food together). Then they all Rajana explains the musical theme as fol- laugh, even sometimes the jokes become lows. a talk by tokang siaran (MC)” (Sahamo, “The melody is a must played by eve- personal communication, July 24, 2016). ry strékan to’jher orchestra when guests are coming, the melody becomes sign The joke during the break of the play or code which has ‘magnetic’ power. is a kind of negotiation space of strékan Al When the melody is played, all people Fajar to strékan music style of a colonial will know that guest are coming” (Raja- na, personal communication, April 18, soldier which seems serious and very dis- 2016). cipline. Instead of imitating very discipline performance style, they even show disobe- Musical theme with march rhythm is dience attitude by slenge’an act. Slenge’an a musical theme played by soldier players refers to act of disobedience, ignorant and of strékan music in colonial era for welco- careless. They mock colonial style of stré- ming official guest in the district. Use of the kan music by the jokes. melody signifies that a change of strékan In this case, the subject has shaken music from colonial to pasca-colonnial era system of the sign in colonial discourse, it does not automatically erase or change the exists outside the sign and continuously format at all. Strékan to’ jher players use/ shakes established the structure of mea- play the sign assumed as ‘elite’ music in ning. Its position leads to movement of order to be used in different cultural spa- ambivalent signifier, undecidable and ten- ce. They imitate Western elite music tradi- se movement which opens hybrid space. tion to present it in cultural space of low/ They, who are workers, implicitly counter working class tradition. They play colonial and ‘mock’ its former elite tradition in a signs with cultural local signs, which make ‘new’ space by ambiguous mimicry act. colonial signs slippage. Model of march music with the mu- Strékan Tétét / Saronén sical theme of a colonial soldier is a model In the same era, the strékan term is of working class speech by means of imi- not only interpreted as brass music, but tating (mimicry) music style in welcoming also refers to every music group played colonial elite guest in cultural space of low for welcoming guests (ngambâ’ tamoy) in class people. Bhabha explains that “mimic parlo event. There are some music groups does not (completely) follow, because in often called as strékan music which is to’ mimicry, it tends to contain a mockery.” jher, strékan tétét dan strékan tabbhuwân / klénéngan. Klénengan and tabbhuwân refer Panakajaya Hidayatullah, The dynamic phenomena of strékan music from colonial ... 7 to Madurese music group usual- attraction. Cultural encounter, which hap- ly in a wedding event, in Situbondo. The pens antagonistically, also influences mo- group usually plays Madurese song with del of tétét music show, the change can be kéjhungan vocal. seen from costume and its show formation. Before strékan to’jher/brass orchestra Here is a costume used in the tétét show in exists, Situbondo people have art music Situbondo. tradition called tétét music or in Madura known as saronén. The term tétét is coming from the onomatopea sound of that music instrument. In Situbondo, this instrument is popular as tétét rather than saronén. Sa- ronén/tétét has been assumed by Madure- se or non-Madurese people as Madurese instrument (Bouvier, 2002:55). Tétét music has been popular music in Situbondo, be- cause most Situbondo people are Madure- se who migrate to Situbondo since a long time (Husson, 1997, p. 86). Bouvier exp- lains tétét instrument based on its organ- Figure 3. Procession of tétét music in parlo event, in Kalbut (Situbondo). Source: Misyono ology, documentation in 24th July 2016 “Saronen is a cone-shaped music instru- ment made of the teak tree with six ho- les in front and one on the back. A small Figure 3 is an example of tétét ento- annulet made of brass (konéngan) ties urage show model when parading bride the back part to stainless steel part (pessé in Situbondo. Kutunuk explains costume poté). Its tip, made of palm wood, clamps used in the tétét show as follows. its doubled tongue (pépet) made of sepat “In the past, tétét show in Situbondo only or palm leaves (tarébung: Borassus flabelli- used kalambhi pésa’,but now it has chan- fer L). In its tip, it adds a wing from coco- ged along with the times, philosophical- nut shell (pétok) which looks like player’s ly now its costume is pointless” (Kutu- moustache when blowing it.” (Bouvier, nuk, personal communication, August 2002, p. 56). 24, 2016).

In Madura, the saronén orchestra is Kalambhi pésa’ is typical clothes of Ma- related to cow (for cow race / durese people which consist of a white t- karabhân sapé) and beautiful cow competi- shirt with red stripped, covered with black tion sapé sono’), and horse (for the ritual ce- shirt unbuttoned and using black trousers remony in shrine tomb or wedding party) (Prasisko, 2015, p. 77). The statement exp- (Bouvier, 2002, p. 56). In Situbondo, tétét is lains a change of tétét show costume. From often used to accompany bride entourage the costume, the entourage uses a uniform line. One entourage (rombongan- local term with striking red dominant color, which is to call traditional art group in Situbondo) pink. The striking color use in Madurese tétét usually consists of tétét, kennong tello’ culture has its own meaning. Konstantinos (three ), ghung () and cak kocak/ Retsikas has explained in his research, that kencér (Kutunuk, personal communication, there is a relation between the rough and April 18, 2016). hard characteristic of Madurese people In parlo event, tétét entourage line with their favorite color preference which begins the show by playing music instru- is light and striking. ment by walking, accompanying bride en- “Thermal and colour dispositions are in- tourage procession. Until today (2016), this terrelated for the hotness of blood which is tradition still continues, even the show so- directly associated with the colour red, the metimes adds jârân kéncha’ (rocking horse) colour par excellence of ‘Madurese’ sifat. 8 HARMONIA : Journal of Arts Research and Education 17 (1) (2017): 1-12

Reddish colours and gleaming combina- dily while playing instruments. There is tions are commonly interpreted as mani- something which makes it look different festing the turbulent tentions imagined from just only drum band , they do to inhabit the ‘Madurese’ person, its un- not just line up tidily, but also combine it controllability of emotions and extrovert with simple choreography/dance motion disposition”(Retsikas, K., 2007, p. 192). (looks like dancing). This hybrid costume and motion often become parody and en- Color, especially, of clothes is assu- tertainment for people. The ‘unique’ show med as a kind of articulation or manifesta- spontaneously makes the audience laugh tion of human characteristics. This means and fun. The phenomena show how mi- that rough and hard characteristic of Ma- micry is again used in a ‘new’ space. As durese people are represented by means of Bhabha called mimicry as an act of ‘imita- striking color. Madurese people articulate ting as well as resisting’, which often con- their characteristic of openness and blunt- tains mockery. Mockery is seen from their ly through clothes color signifier (Prasisko, eccentric gesture and show. 2015, p. 60). Hub De Jonge also explains Besides procession, strékan tétét is the same thing about the color preference also appropriated to strékan to’ jher model. of Madurese color clothes, “either Madu- Strékan is identical to a music performan- rese man or woman likes striking and rou- ce for welcoming guest with seat format. sing color, such as scarlet, yellow, green, After strékan tétét finish to parade the bri- orange, light blue” (De Jonge, Huub, 2011, de, they then present music with seat for- p. 66). mat. In parlo event, the strékan tétét group Costume used by tétét entourage at usually sits beside strékan to’ jher. Strékan glance is like soldier uniform with acces- tétét is placed on left side of the gate and sories on head and bracelet in hand, but it strékan to’ jher on the right side of wedding is still incomplete because there are other gate. The two strékan groups are alternate- accessories also used such as wristwatch ly playing the music. Here is a photo of the (used by saronén/tétét blower), sport shoes, strékan tetet orchestra playing by seat for- soccer socks, sunglasses and black skull mat in a parlo event. cap (used by saronén/tétét blower). Nord- holt said that “clothes is social skin and our culture” (Nordholt, 2005, p. 1). Laurie also said that clothes are an expression and identity of the person, because the clothes we wear will describe and define ourselves (Nordholt, 2005, p. 1). The use of costume by the tétét group is a way of how they articulate their iden- tity. By means of the costume, they express hybrid identity which is a symbol of mo- dernity, presented through wristwatch, sports shoes, soccer socks, sunglasses, and symbol of tradition seen from soldier Figure 4. Strékan tétét when playing in seat uniform. Hybrid identity then emerges format. Source: Misyono documentation in as something new and ambivalent, it is 24th 2016 not something modern, but also not fully traditional. Besides costume, the hybrid When these two groups are playing form is also seen from how they do pro- side by side, it actually signifies a contesta- cession. The procession is done by a tétét tion. There are two groups directly interact group almost the same like what drum each other. Rajana explains it as follows. band group usually does. They line up ti- “In the past, strékan to’ jher and strékan Panakajaya Hidayatullah, The dynamic phenomena of strékan music from colonial ... 9

tétét were performing side by side when come important guests. When doing “gu- welcoming guest. Implicitly, it depicts dung”, the atmosphere becomes emotional, competition between tradition and mo- music sound becomes ‘chaotic’ (disorder), dernity. Visually, strékan to’ jher tends to western music idiom from strékan to’ jher is call more modern and classy compared mingled with sléndro pentatonic sound, a to strékan tétét. It is also seen from seat strékan tétét position, we, strékan to’ jher players, usu- typical characteristic of music. ally sit on a chair, while strékan tétét sit Musically, the sound is actually ‘chaotic’ crossed-leg on the floor with a mat. The and disorder, but in the tradition of Ma- contestation is actually shown from the durese culture, the sound signifies fun ex- outside, we are, in fact, mingling each pression. From this phenomenon, it shows other, we are joking and we, at a certain how the system of the sign in the position moment, even play shaking a hand, we of hierarchy power relation becomes ‘cha- call it gudung” (Rajana, personal com- otic’ when doing ‘gudung’. Gudung shows munication, April 18, 2016). the phenomenon of hybrid sound which potentially tends to disrupt the system of Agus’ statement explains that there the sign in established power relation. is power relation in strékan music in parlo event. The two strékan group meet in a per- Strékan in Contemporary Era (1970’s – formance space, which then depicts a con- Now) testation between tradition and modern. The anti-imperial politic of Soekar- Strékan to’ jher with the Western element no in 1960’s which declaimed influence of is assumed as modernity symbol, visual- America and Europe commercial culture, ly seen from its seat position on the chair, opened a gate for popular music from In- while strékan tétét is assumed as tradition dia and the middle east. (Weintraub, 2012, symbol from its seat position, sitting cros- p. 64). Vigorous film industry from India, sed-leg on the floor with a mat. If it is seen Malay and Arab give their own atmosphe- visually, it actually shows unequal power re for strékan music. In 1960’s, in Situbondo relation between modernity (elite) and tra- city there were two movie theaters named ditional (subordinate), clearly seen from Nirwana and Dahlia. This place became that space. the only entertainment for people, while Power relation is not always stag- television was still rare, and only owned by nant, as Bhabha said, in some condition rich people (Kutunuk, personal communi- phenomena can be bias and ambivalent. It cation, April 18, 2016). The movies became is seen concretely when doing “gudung”. sources of inspiration for strékan music. Gudung is a term which refers to a musical Gradually, its instruments have changed, expression when the two strékan groups firstly it added accordion, bamboo flute, together play music emotionally. Here is instrument, , contrabass and tam- Rajana explanation about gudung. bourine. The additional instruments also “When all music groups sound toget- change its musical characteristic, from her, it calls gudung. In Asembagus, the- re were three music groups which are using mars, bossanova, belero and other strékan to’ jher, strékan tétét and strékan latin music to dominant Malay rhytm. tabbhuwân. Gudung sounds all music Until early 1970’s, when dangdut groups there, gudung is accompanied music begins popular, then strékan music by sowing yellow rice. When gudung, change, following a trend of the times. the players are very emotional, playing From its instruments, they continual- music out loud (nyéng-ranyéngan), the ly change to instruments usually used in groups compete for each other to play Malay orchestra, which are electric guitar, louder”(Rajana, personal communicati- electric bass, ketipung, tambourine, flu- on, April 18, 2016). te and keyboard. Its instrumental change Gudung is played when a wedding goes in line with a development period of couple comes to wedding area and there dangdut national music which begins to 10 HARMONIA : Journal of Arts Research and Education 17 (1) (2017): 1-12 use the electric instrument in 1970’s (Sas- usually placed in wedding area, beside ongko, 2006, p. 20). kuade (bride seat). The change of perfor- Today (2016) strékan to’jher music mance model also changes its musical fun- in parlo event has transformed to use all ction. It formerly places in front of wed- instruments of Malay orchestra and the ding gate and functions as ‘ngambâ’ tamoy’ songs played are dangdut. The players rea- (welcoming guests), now it changes to lize the change because of demands of the entertainment music to accompany guest times, market and demand from audience while enjoying the food. taste. They, whether want it or not, must change the outdated music format to mo- dern music and more popular in society (Rajana, Suhannat and Sahamo, personal communication, July 23-24, 2016). Accor- ding to Hauser, something underlies the birth of popular art is boredom. Boredom then causes (restlessness) (Hauser, 1982, p. 580). The change of performance in strékan to’ jher to strékan dangdut is a logical conse- quence of commercialization of art. Although, it changes musically and instrumentally the name is still the same, Figure 5. Strékan dangdut Melodi Ria by still using the name, strékan music. Mu- Source: Rasyid Melodi Ria collection sically, strékan dangdut does not have a certain musical characteristic, strékan dang- Today strékan dangdut and tétét mu- dut music usually plays dangdut piur song sic still exist in Situbondo society (Based (dangdut piur is a term used by Weintraub on field observation, in Kalbut (North Si- to differ rhythm of pure dangdut with eth- tubondo) in parlo even (wedding party) nic and ), with a slow rhythm. Espe- of Yuliyanti and Vijri Nur Rohmatillah in cially, the songs played are 1970’s songs, 24th July 2016, there are two strékan groups such as songs from Rhoma Irama, Rita Su- which are strékan dangdut and strékan tétét). giarto, Ida Laila etc. It is different to strékan to’ jher music which Strékan dangdut still continues instru- has transformed to be strékan dangdut, mental characteristic of former strékan strékan tétét still maintain its performance music. Typical instrumental characteristic model and formation like before. That two of strékan to’ jher style when welcoming strékan music still perform in a performan- guest do not lose at all. Strékan dangdut ce space in parlo space, but its contestation music changes instrumental music with space has been different to the era before. mars rhythm in the style of strékan to’ jher to instrumental dangdut music (the song Conclusion which deletes its lyric and melody, then changes to instrumental music play). A The dynamic change of strékan music song usually played instrumentally by model from colonial to contemporary era strékan dangdut music is entitled ‘Pertemu- becomes a sign of social condition change an’ (A meeting) by Rita Sugiarto. Its vocal in Situbondo. In the colonial era, by me- melody song is played by flute instrument. ans of colonial domination and hegemony, Here is a photo of strékan dangdut orchestra strékan music emerges as modernity sign in a parlo event. and is interpreted by people as ‘elite’ mu- The Figur 5 explains that strékan mu- sic. Strékan music in colonial style is a brass sic has changed many things, also changed music group functioned as music for wel- interpretation of its performance model. coming important guests/officials in the Now this strékan music has used a stage district. There is unequal power relation Panakajaya Hidayatullah, The dynamic phenomena of strékan music from colonial ... 11 between colonizer (dominant) and coloni- Pertunjukan dalam Masyarakat Madu- zed (subordinate) seen from strékan music. ra. : Yayasan Obor Indonesia. The birth of strékan group ‘Chandra Kelu- Budiawan. (Ed). (2010). Ambivalensi: Post- arga’ as slavenorkest is an example which Kolonialisme Membedah Musik sampai can be interpreted as a kind of colonizer’ Agama di Indonesia. Yogyakarta: Jala- power to colonized sutra. Cultural encounter, which occurs Chisaan, C. (2008). Lesbumi: Strategi Politik conflictual and antagonistic, then opens a Kebudayaan. Yogyakarta: LKIS. negotiation space. Established hierarchy Ganap, V. (2011). Krontjong Toegoe. Yogya- position then becomes ambivalent. Stré- karta: Badan Penerbit Institut Seni kanin pasca-colonial era plays colonial Indonesia Yogyakarta. system of the sign by means of imitating Hauser, A. (1982). The Sociology of Art, a part of the colonial strékan style, which translated by Kenneth J. Northoott. is then appropriated and processed by a London: University of Press. local sense of Madurese culture in Situ- Husson, L. (1997). Eight Centuries Of bondo. This creates a hybrid identity in Madurese Migration to East Java. negotiation space. In a pasca-colonial era, Asian and Pasific Migration Journal, strékan music is reinterpreted as popular/ 6(1), 77-102. working class music functioned as music Jounge, H. De. (2011). Garam, Kekerasan for welcoming guests (ngambâ’ tamoy) in dan Aduan Sapi: Essai-Essai Tentang parlo event. Orang Madura dan Kebudayaan Mad- Government politic of anti-imperia- ura. Translated by Arief B. Prasetyo. lism in 1950’s and popularity of dangdut Yogyakrta: LKIS. music in national music industry arena Koentjaraningrat. (2000). Pengantar Ilmu also influence strékan model and function Antropologi. Jakarta: PT Rineka Cipta. in Situbondo, in the contemporary era. Laurie, A. (1992). The Language of Clothes in Model of strékan music has transformed to Nordholt, Henk Schulte. 2005. Cut- be Malay orchestra (dangdut). The change ward Appearances: Trend, Identitas, is a logical consequence of commercializa- Kepentingan. Translated by M. Imam tion of art. In the contemporary era, strékan Aziz. Yogyakarta: PT LKIS Pelangi music is then interpreted as entertaining Aksara. music for commercial people. Matanasi, P. (2007). KNIL: Bom Waktu Music and society have a dynamic Tinggalan Belanda. Yogyakarta: Med- relation. The adaptation process is a kind Press. of society creativity, which must be appre- Merriam, A. P. (1964). The Anthropology of ciated in order to maintain the dynamic Music. Northwestern: Northwestern process and translate it in the changing so- University Press. cial condition of society. Mintargo, W. (2008). Musik Revolusi Indone- sia. Yogyakarta: Penerbit Ombak. References Nordholt, H. S. (2005). Cutward Appear- ances: Trend, Identitas, Kepentingan. Arifin, E. B. (2008). Quo Vadis Hari Jadi Ka- Translated by M. Imam Aziz. Yogya- bupaten Situbondo. Situbondo: Bappe- karta: PT LkiS Pelangi Aksara. kap Situbondo in collaboration with Prasisko, Y. G. (2015). Blandongan: Perebu- Kopyawisda Jatim. tan Kuasa Budaya Masyarakat Jawa dan Banoe, P. (2003). Kamus Musik. Yogyakar- Madura. Yogyakarta: LPRIS. ta: Kanisius. Retsikas, K. (2007). The Power of the Senses Bhabha, H. K. (1994). The Locating of Cul- Ethnicity, History and Embodiment ture. London and New York: Rout- in East Java, Indonesia. Jurnal Indone- ledge. sia and the Malay World, 35(102), 183 Bouvier, H. (2002). Lèbur!:Seni Musik dan – 210. 12 HARMONIA : Journal of Arts Research and Education 17 (1) (2017): 1-12

Sasongko, M. H. (2006). Perubahan Wujud and strékan dangdut Sandes in Penayangan dan Makna Musik Dang- Asembagus dut di TPI dan Indosiar 1994-2004, Dis- Age:about 50 years old sertation. Yogyakarta: Gadjah Mada University. Name: Imam Kutunuk Soekiman, D. (2011). Kebudayaan Indis: Dari As: A cultural observer of Situbondo Zaman Kompeni Sampai Revolusi. De- Age:about 70 years old pok: Komunitas Bambu. Spradley, J. P. (2006). Metode Etnografi. Name: Suhannat Translated by Hanif Rabbani. Yog- As: A music player of strékan jidur/to’ jher yakarta: Tiara Wacana. Al Fajar Muda in Asembagus Suratno, P. (2013). Masyarakat Jawa & Bu- Age:about 60 years old daya Barat: Kajian Sastra Jawa Masa Kolonial. Yogyakarta: Penerbit Adi Name: Sahamo Wacana (Tiara Wacana Group). As: A music player of strékan jidur/to’ jher Weintraub, A. N. (2012). Dangdut: Musik, Al Fajar in Asembagus Identitas, dan Budaya Indonesia. Trans- Age:about 80 years old lated by Arief B. Prasetyo. Jakarta: Kepustakaan Populer Gramedia. Name: Marsyiah Wadiyo, Haryono, T., Soedarsono, R. M. & As: A music player of strékan Chandra Ke- Ganap, V. (2011). Campursari Man- luarga and Chandra Kirana in Situ- thous: Antara Musik Jenis Baru dan bondo city Fenomena Sosial Masyarakat Pen- Age:about 60 years old dukung. Harmonia Journal of Arts Re- search and Education, 11(2), 115-124. Name: Rasyid Wiyoso, J. (2011). Kolaborasi Antara Jaran As: A music player of strékan Melodi Ria in Kepang dengan Campursari: Suatu Asembagus Bentuk Perubahan Kesenian Tradis- Age:about 60 years old ional. Harmonia Journal of Arts Re- search and Education, 11(1), 1-9. Name: Misyono Yampolsky, P. (2001). Can The Tradisional As: A wedding party host in Kalbut, Situ- Arts Survive, And Should They ?. Ju- bondo rnal Indonesia, 71, 175 – 185. Age:about 50 years old

Informants List

Name: Agus Rajana As: A music player of strékan jidur/to’ jher