INTEGRATION of ISLAM and LOCAL CULTURE: Tandhe’ in Madura
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INTEGRATION OF ISLAM AND LOCAL CULTURE: Tandhe’ in Madura Mohammad Hidayaturrahman Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Wiraraja Jl. Raya Sumenep-Pamekasan KM. 05 Patean, Sumenep, Jawa Timur, 69451 e-mail: [email protected] Abstract: Religion with culture often has a collision. But in Madura, between religion and culture can walk together. This research analyzes how the integration between local culture in Madura especially tandhe’ culture with Islam, as well as what role local actors in realizing a harmonious life. The theory used in this research is the theory of cultural integration of Emile Durkheim. This research method using phenomenology, with descriptive qualitative approach. This research was conducted by observation and interview. There is an integration between Muslims and the local culture of tandhe’, in the form of presenting a culture of tandhe’ in marriage activities conducted in an Islamic way. There is the role of actors in creating a harmonious life between Muslims and the culture of tandhe’, ranging from religious leaders, and people involved in tandhe’. Abstrak: Integrasi Islam dengan Budaya Lokal: Tandhe’ in Madura. Agama dengan budaya seringkali mengalami benturan. Tetapi di Madura, antara agama dengan budaya bisa berjalan bersama. Penelitian ini menganalisis bagaimana integrasi antara budaya lokal di Madura khususnya budaya tandhe’ dengan Islam, serta seperti apa peran aktor lokal dalam mewujudkan kehidupan yang harmonis. Teori yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah teori integrasi budaya Emile Durkheim. Metode penelitian ini menggunakan fenomenologi (phenomenology), dengan pendekatan kualitatif deskriptif. Penelitian ini dilakukan dengan melakukan pengamatan/observasi dan wawancara. Ditemukan adanya integrasi antara kaum Muslim dengan budaya lokal tandhe’, dalam bentuk menghadirkan budaya tandhe’ dalam kegiatan pernikahan yang dilakukan secara islami. Ada peran para aktor dalam menciptakan kehidupan harmonis antara kaum Muslim dengan budaya tandhe’, mulai dari tokoh agama dan orang-orang yang terlibat di dalam tandhe’. Keywords: local culture, integration, harmonious, Madura, tandhe’ 189 MIQOT Vol. XLII No. 1 Januari-Juni 2018 Introduction The Madurese are known to hold strong Islamic teachings. In his life Madurese Muslims are known to be steadfast in carrying out Islamic teachings and religious traditions, both formal and cultural. Madurese people recognize that Islam as a formal teaching is believed and followed in individual and collective life. According to Misnadin, on the other hand, Madurese is stereotypically known as a society that has a tendency to solve life problems through violent means. The stereotype of Madurese is very strong among non-Madurese people, especially those who have never lived on the island known for their salt and tobacco’s potential and production. People outside the Madurese tend to identify Madurese with backwardness, carok, murder, and other acts of violence.1 The Madurese community, who are largely hereditary to the families of santri, are known to be obedient to teachers or kiai. The role and function of teachers is more emphasized on the context of morality that is tied to religious life, especially in the aspect of peace and salvation from the burden or suffering in the afterlife. Therefore, the adherence of the Madurese to the kiai is a distinctive cultural feature that is unquestionable. On the other hand, Madurese are known as traditional Muslim communities with Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) organizations. Madurese society in running religious traditions and life though known hard, but very tolerant to various understandings. This is seen from the trip so far there has never been a case of religious conflicts that occurred in Madura (except the case in Sampang, called the family conflict which later widened into a conflict between religious adherents). According to Pribadi, there are three important elements of cultural santri (Islamic students who learn Islam and stay in Pondok) attached to Madurese society, namely pesantren, representing elements of traditional Islamic education, Nahdlatul Ulama, representing Islamic organizations, and kiai, representing Islamic figures. These three elements are intertwined and form a complex relationship between Islam and politics as practiced in Madurese society. Until now, although Madurese have experienced a shift in assessing modern education, Islamic organizations and ulama, they still retain the sacred values of religion. This can be proved by the strong influence of pesantren, Nahdlatul Ulama, and kiai in religious and worldly affairs. The Madurese believe that Islamic Shariah is very important and needs to be applied in all aspects of their lives. However, like Islam in other parts of Indonesia, Islam in Madura is also strongly influenced by Sufism and local culture.2 1Misnadin, “Nilai-Nilai Luhur Budaya dalam Pepatah-Pepatah Madura: Positive Cultural Values of Madurese Proverbs,” in Atavisme: Jurnal Ilmiah Kajian Sastra, Vol. 15, No. 1, 2012, p. 75. 2Y. Pribadi, Religious Networks in Madura: Pesantren, Nahdlatul Ulama, and Kiai as the Core of Santri Culture,” in al-Jami’ah: Journal of Islamic Studies, Vol. 51, No. 1, 2013, p. 1-32. 190 Mohammad Hidayaturrahman: Integration of Islam and Local Culture Religious leaders also practice religious teachings that respect differences, not easy to judge different people, but rather favor the common good. Religious teachings that are practiced more to give good news to the religious people. Religious leaders are closer to the teachings of the saints who combine religious teachings with the cultural traditions that are inherently attached to society. According to Susanto, in the social hierarchy of the traditional Madura society, kiai is a social elite as well as a religious elite, thus becoming a central figure and plays a vital role in the life of society. Along with the social dynamics of Madura’s people who are moving slowly but surely, in proliferation and modernity, kiai function becomes more and more limited, so it is no longer the sole agent of social change or the main actor of social change. In such cases, the kiai leadership is no longer at the religious-paternist-charismatic level, but moves at a rational-participatory level, so that the reorientation of the role of the kiai in the midst of Madura’s dynamics is essential.3 In the midst of the moderate attitude of the kiai and religious leaders, they expanded a wide range of local arts and cultures in Madura who were often present in a sacred event such as a wedding performed by Muslims in Madura, such as tandhe’. Tandhe’ is one of the arts that is almost always presented by families who organize weddings, especially in remote areas of Madura. The presence of tandhe’ as a local Madura culture held in the sacred wedding ceremony which is also one of the Sunnah and guidance and Islamic teachings is interesting to be studied. Because during this time there was no rejection of religious figures and kiai in Madura against the presence of tandhe’ at the wedding ceremony held. According to Endy Saputra, staff from CRCS, local religions and cultures have been less interested by researchers. This could be because the tandhe’ is seen as a minor and full of negative stereotypes, since Madura and other areas of Java Island are the majority of Muslims. For cases outside of Madura, such as the Java area there have been some scholars who studied tayub (almost the same as tandhe’). The first is Clifford Geertz in his book Religion of Java. Geertz categorizes tayub as part of the abangan tradition. While Robert Heffner in one of his chapters, Javanese Hindu, writes about politics and cultural art, he discusses the tayub in it. Heffner explains that tayub is part of the Hindu ritual and transforms into a popular cultural art. In rural community studies, villages are envisioned and introduced as social areas with distinctive characteristics of society, such as prioritizing harmonization rather than conflict, adhering to traditional values, possessing a spirit of collectivity, kinship, and other polite or amicable characteristics. The social relations of rural communities are usually based on the strength of the bonds of brotherhood, kinship and psychological bonding of 3Edi Susanto, “Kepemimpinan (Kharismatik) Kyai dalam Perspektif Masyarakat Madura,” in Karsa: Journal of Social and Islamic Culture, Vol. XI, No. 1, 2007, p. 30-40. 191 MIQOT Vol. XLII No. 1 Januari-Juni 2018 feelings. Rural social relations reflect group unity based on kinship or lineage. Sometimes the village is inhabited by several groups of relatives or descendants, sometimes also inhabited only by citizens of the same lineage. The background of a mixture of people or ethnic groups or rural ancestry is driven by efforts to meet the same needs of a group of individuals, and the sense of doom that they can meet the needs of each other’s lives. This situation by Cooley called community or local community. According to Cooley, the social identity of the community is (1) group members are physically close to each other; (2) the number of members is small; (3) continuity of relationships among group members; and (4) the familiarity of social relations.4 The familiarity of social relations between group members depends on the intensity of direct contact between members. The familiarity of social relations goes hand in hand with the group’s homogeneous ideals, and has a direct effect on the sustainability of the common life. If social relationships have been intertwined for so long, then creating social intimacy is itself a goal of rural society. Thus it is clear that the relationships between individuals as members of the group are not solely based on the existing agreements, rules and behavior patterns that have been created that have been mutually agreed upon. But the most important thing for the longevity of the relationship lies in the high or low sense of loyalty and devotion of each member to the unity of the group organized according to the pattern of behavior and norms that have been recognized together.