China's Response to U.S.-South Korean Missile Defense System
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Media Capture with Chinese Characteristics
JOU0010.1177/1464884917724632JournalismBelair-Gagnon et al. 724632research-article2017 Article Journalism 1 –17 Media capture with Chinese © The Author(s) 2017 Reprints and permissions: characteristics: Changing sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav https://doi.org/10.1177/1464884917724632DOI: 10.1177/1464884917724632 patterns in Hong Kong’s journals.sagepub.com/home/jou news media system Nicholas Frisch Yale University, USA Valerie Belair-Gagnon University of Minnesota, USA Colin Agur University of Minnesota, USA Abstract In the Special Administrative Region of Hong Kong, a former British territory in southern China returned to the People’s Republic as a semi-autonomous enclave in 1997, media capture has distinct characteristics. On one hand, Hong Kong offers a case of media capture in an uncensored media sector and open market economy similar to those of Western industrialized democracies. Yet Hong Kong’s comparatively small size, close proximity, and broad economic exposure to the authoritarian markets and politics of neighboring Mainland China, which practices strict censorship, place unique pressures on Hong Kong’s nominally free press. Building on the literature on media and politics in Hong Kong post-handover and drawing on interviews with journalists in Hong Kong, this article examines the dynamics of media capture in Hong Kong. It highlights how corporate-owned legacy media outlets are increasingly deferential to the Beijing government’s news agenda, while social media is fostering alternative spaces for more skeptical and aggressive voices. This article develops a scholarly vocabulary to describe media capture from the perspective of local journalists and from the academic literature on media and power in Hong Kong and China since 1997. -
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Index Abbas, Mazhar, 172 African National Congress, 134 Al-Qaeda, 56 Abdi, Abbas, 148 African Union, 115 Al-Sham (ISIS), 56 Abdinuur, Abdiaziz, 62, 65 Afrobarometer, 115, 135 Alves, Henrique, 155 Abdo, Alex, 14, 20 Afro-Realism, 121 Alves, Rosental, 111 Accountability, 28, 30, 110, Aga Kahn, 95 Amanpour, Christine, 195 119, 170 Agos, 107 Amollo, Otiende, 98 ACLU (American Civil Ahmadinejad, Mahmoud, 6, Among, Babara, 94, 97 Liberty Union), 20 144, 147, 148 Amoro, Edgar, 165 Acosta, Julio Bernal, 179 Akhmednabiyev, Akhmednabi, Ampatuan, Alijol, 166 Adams, Brad, 104 209 Ampatuan, Andal, Jr., 165, Advertising, 92 Akin, Dogan, 198–199 169 Advertorials, 94 Akko, Massoud, 53, 56, 58 Ampatuan, Zaldy, 169 Afghanistan Al-Assad, Bashr, 52 Ampatuan family, 170 international withdrawal, Al-Assad, Hafez, 52 ANA News Media Association, 69–74 COPYRIGHTEDAlemu, Reeyot, 117–118 MATERIAL54, 57, 59–60 sexual violence, 64 Alexander, Keith, 15 ANC (African National Africa, 4–5, 31, 99, 114–116, Alfonso, Luis Eduardo, 178, 179 Congress), 108, 119, 120–121, 134, 142, 214. Ali, Haidler, 164 134, 136–140, 142 See also East Africa; Ali, Muhammed, 114 ANC Today, 137 South Africa; West Al-Jazeera, 6, 15, 204, 208 Anderson, Lonny, 16 Africa; specific countries Alkhani, Omar, 57–58, 59, 60 Anomysing software, 21 Africa is a Country (blog), 119 AllAfrica, 120 Anti-state laws (crimes), 124, Africa News Network, 141 Almedia, Monica, 215 125 Africa rising narrative, 115 Al-Mizan, 116 Anti-terror laws, 206, 212 217 bindex.indd 217 1/9/2014 1:00:22 PM 218 index Anti-Terrorism -
As Chinese Pressure on Taiwan Grows, Beijing Turns Away from Cross-Strait “Diplomatic Truce” Matthew Southerland, Policy Analyst, Security and Foreign Affairs
February 9, 2017 As Chinese Pressure on Taiwan Grows, Beijing Turns Away from Cross-Strait “Diplomatic Truce” Matthew Southerland, Policy Analyst, Security and Foreign Affairs A Return to “Poaching” Taiwan’s Diplomatic Partners? On December 21, 2016, Sao Tome and Principe—a country consisting of a group of islands and islets off the western coast of central Africa—broke diplomatic relations with Taiwan, and on December 26 re-established diplomatic relations with China.*1 This is the second time since the election of Taiwan President Tsai Ing-wen† that China has re-established diplomatic relations with one of Taipei’s former diplomatic partners, marking a change in Beijing’s behavior. The first time was shortly before President Tsai’s inauguration in March 2016, when China re-established relations with The Gambia, which had severed ties with Taiwan more than two years before.‡ 2 In 2008, Taipei and Beijing reached a tacit understanding to stop using financial incentives to compete for recognition from each other’s diplomatic partners—a “diplomatic truce.”3 During the period that followed, Beijing also rejected overtures from several of Taiwan’s diplomatic partners to establish diplomatic relations with China.4 Beijing’s recent shift is one of the latest in a series of efforts to pressure the Tsai Administration. Despite President Tsai’s pragmatic approach to cross-Strait relations and attempts to compromise, Beijing views her with suspicion due to her unwillingness to endorse the “One China” framework§ for cross-Strait relations. Sao Tome’s decision to cut ties with Taipei appears to have been related—at least in part—to a request from Sao Tome for more aid.5 A statement released by Taiwan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs included the following: “The government of Sao Tome and Principe .. -
Government and Politics of Southeast Asia University of Michigan Monday/Wednesday 2:30-4:00 2306 MH Winter 2020
Political Science 354: Government and Politics of Southeast Asia University of Michigan Monday/Wednesday 2:30-4:00 2306 MH Winter 2020 Prof. Allen Hicken Department of Political Science 7642 Haven Hall Office Hours: Office Hours: Mon. noon-2:00 Phone: 734-615-9105 Email: [email protected] Course Description: This course is designed to provide an introduction to the politics and political economy of Southeast Asia for advanced undergraduates. A major theme running through the course is the connection between politics and economics. Politics and governments do not exist in a vacuum. Political decisions (or a failure to decide) have economic ramifications, and economic variables (economic policies, development, crises, etc.) influence politics. Among the questions we will examine and debate over the next several weeks are the following: • Is there a link between economic development and democratization? • Is there a link between political authoritarianism and rapid economic growth? • How do political institutions affect economic policymaking? • How have economic crises affected the demands for political change? • What were the political and economic causes of the Asian economic miracle and crisis? • Why do some authoritarian regimes survive for decades? • What is the future for democracy in the region? The course is divided into three sections: Section 1: Because this is a region of the world unfamiliar to most students the first five classes lay the historical background necessary for the rest of the course. We will spend the first few classes reviewing the region’s early modern history and then the differential impact of colonialism. We will then examine the rise of nationalism and communism along with the struggles for independence after WWII. -
1. Asian Disaster Reduction Center
ADRC ANNUAL REPORT Asian Disaster Reduction Center 2017 ANNUAL REPORT No.20 2017 Foreword The Asian Disaster Reduction Center (ADRC), which was established in Kobe in July 1998, will celebrate its 20th anniversary this year. Since its founding, ADRC has been focused on promoting multilateral disaster risk reduction cooperation at the community, national, and regional levels all across Asia and the Pacific. Our activities include exchanges of disaster management experts from government organizations, the collection and dissemination of relevant information, and surveys and research on multilateral disaster risk reduction cooperation. Thus far, as many as 105 officials from 26 member countries have participated in our exchange programs. These interpersonal networks are our most valuable assets when it comes to enabling ADRC to develop and implement future activities intended to improve the resilience of Asian countries. We have worked in cooperation with our member countries to implement a variety of programs for disaster education, including programs that apply space-based technologies to disaster risk reduction. ADRC has also developed the GLIDE system, which is a practical tool for integrating disaster data and databases archived by organizations around the world. Even as we continue these activities, this anniversary provides an opportune time for ADRC to discuss the strategies and initiatives we will adopt over the next 20 years. As ADRC chairman, I sincerely appreciate your cooperation in these efforts, and I invite you to join us in promoting DRR in Asia so that together we can build more resilient societies for all. March 2018 Masanori Hamada, Chairman Asian Disaster Reduction Center Contents Contents 1. -
China's Quest for Global Primacy: an Analysis of Chinese International
C O R P O R A T I O N TIMOTHY R. HEATH, DEREK GROSSMAN, ASHA CLARK China’s Quest for Global Primacy An Analysis of Chinese International and Defense Strategies to Outcompete the United States For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RRA447-1 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication. ISBN: 978-1-9774-0615-6 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © Copyright 2021 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Cover images: prospective56/iStock/ Getty Images Plus; MF3d/iStock/Getty Images Plus Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface This research explores possible international and defense strategies that China might employ to outcompete the United States and achieve a position of international primacy. -
Fear Rules the Junta in Thailand - Asia Sentinel | Asia Sentinel
Fear Rules the Junta in Thailand - Asia Sentinel | Asia Sentinel http://www.asiasentinel.com/politics/fear-rules-junta-thailand/ 4 Views Left Home Politics Economics/Business Society Opinion Country Blog Trending Topics India Indonesia Malaysia China Search... Fear Rules the Junta in Thailand Posted on September 14, 2015 By Kevin Hewison Headline, Politics, Thailand Aigh With the draft constitution rejected, military rule likely for an unknown period Like 3 Tweet 12 With the dust settling a week after the Thai junta’s handpicked parliament unexpectedly binned the draft constitution that had been under construction for months, what seemed to have motivated the refusal was fear. The practical effect is the possibility of democratic elections has receded far into the future With the proposed charter generating criticism from both the junta’s supporters and opponents, it was clear that a self-imposed constitutional referendum tentatively set for around the first of the year, could damage the junta if the constitution was rejected, as seemed likely. This is why all but three of 30 generals on the National Reform Council voted on Sept. 6 to reject the draft, with the media speculating that these military representatives were ordered to vote it down. Even in the unlikely event that the charter got beyond the referendum, the generals were apprehensive that the Bangkok elites and the royalists were still unpopular enough that promised elections might once again produce an unwelcome outcome. The discarded charter was designed to serve the military junta’s concerns about political order and control. Despite some language suggestive of liberal proclivities, the main elements of the draft were conservative, unrepresentative and undemocratic. -
Chinese Views on the Trump Administration's Asia Policy Michael D. Swaine
Chinese Views on the Trump Administration’s Asia Policy Michael D. Swaine∗ Authoritative and non-authoritative Chinese commentaries on the Trump administration’s foreign policy have tended to avoid making hostile remarks in response to some notable U.S. provocations. This cautious stance most likely reflects at least three factors. First, the Chinese now recognize that presidential campaigns often produce aggressive rhetoric, but a new administration eventually moderates its stance in the face of practical constraints. Second, the upcoming 19th Party Congress in fall 2017 strongly indicates the need for Beijing to avoid taking any actions that could generate a foreign policy crisis. Third, the Chinese probably believe that Trump is ultimately someone who will take a pragmatic and transactional approach toward the Sino-American relationship. The current Chinese viewpoint, however, could darken considerably if Washington or Beijing adopt confrontational stances toward sensitive and potentially volatile foreign policy issues such as North Korea, Taiwan, or the South China Sea. In CLM 50, we examined Chinese views on presidential candidates Hillary R. Clinton and Donald J. Trump. In this issue, we take a close look at Chinese views toward President Trump’s policies toward Asia and China. The period covered begins with Trump’s election on November 8, 2016, and ends with the presidential summit between President Trump and Chinese president Xi Jinping, held at Trump’s Mar-A-Lago resort April 6–7. As in previous Monitor articles, Chinese views in this essay are divided into authoritative and non-authoritative statements and actions. Five main foreign policy subjects are covered: 1) the state of overall current and future U.S.-China relations; 2) economic and trade policy, especially involving China; 3) the Taiwan issue; 4) the ongoing North Korea nuclear weapons crisis; and 5) maritime disputes in the South and East China Seas. -
Reeta Ramasamy
Can ASEAN work? Political and Strategic Diversity within a shifting Indo-Pacific Order. Reeta Ramasamy A thesis in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Philosophy School of Humanities and Social Sciences CANBERRA 2016 Contents Page List of Acronyms 2 List of Tables 4 Chapter One: Introduction 5 Chapter Two: Literature Review and Conceptual Framework 14 Chapter Three: Sources of Unity and Disunity 38 Chapter Four: Chapter Four: Nexus of Diversity of ASEAN Strategic 63 Orientations with Great Power to Intra-ASEAN Unity. Chapter Five: External Power Economic Nexus to Intra-ASEAN Disunity 105 Chapter Six: Ties that Bind? 155 Conclusion 181 Appendix 1 195 References 200 1 List of Acronyms ACFTA ASEAN-China Free Trade Area ADB Asian Development Bank ADMM ASEAN Defence Ministers Meeting ADMM-Plus ASEAN Defence Ministers Meeting-Plus AEC ASEAN Economic Community AFC ASEAN Financial Crisis AFTA ASEAN Free Trade Area AHA Centre ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance on Disaster Management AIA ASEAN Investment Area AIIB Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank AMM ASEAN Ministerial Meeting ARF ASEAN Regional Forum ASEAN Association of Southeast Asian Nations ASEAN Community Association of Southeast Asian Nations Community ASC ASEAN Security Community ASCC ASEAN Socio-Cultural Community ASEM Asia-Europe Meeting ASEAN-plus Association of Southeast Asian Nations-Plus CARAT Exercise Cooperation Afloat Readiness and Training CBM Confidence Building Measures CEPT Common Effective Preferential Tariff CLMV Cambodia, Laos, -
Journal of Asian Studies Contemporary Chinese Cinema Special Edition
the iafor journal of asian studies Contemporary Chinese Cinema Special Edition Volume 2 – Issue 1 – Spring 2016 Editor: Seiko Yasumoto ISSN: 2187-6037 The IAFOR Journal of Asian Studies Volume 2 – Issue – I IAFOR Publications Executive Editor: Joseph Haldane The International Academic Forum The IAFOR Journal of Asian Studies Editor: Seiko Yasumoto, University of Sydney, Australia Associate Editor: Jason Bainbridge, Swinburne University, Australia Published by The International Academic Forum (IAFOR), Japan Executive Editor: Joseph Haldane Editorial Assistance: Rachel Dyer IAFOR Publications. Sakae 1-16-26-201, Naka-ward, Aichi, Japan 460-0008 Journal of Asian Studies Volume 2 – Issue 1 – Spring 2016 IAFOR Publications © Copyright 2016 ISSN: 2187-6037 Online: joas.iafor.org Cover image: Flickr Creative Commons/Guy Gorek The IAFOR Journal of Asian Studies Volume 2 – Issue I – Spring 2016 Edited by Seiko Yasumoto Table of Contents Notes on contributors 1 Welcome and Introduction 4 From Recording to Ritual: Weimar Villa and 24 City 10 Dr. Jinhee Choi Contested identities: exploring the cultural, historical and 25 political complexities of the ‘three Chinas’ Dr. Qiao Li & Prof. Ros Jennings Sounds, Swords and Forests: An Exploration into the Representations 41 of Music and Martial Arts in Contemporary Kung Fu Films Brent Keogh Sentimentalism in Under the Hawthorn Tree 53 Jing Meng Changes Manifest: Time, Memory, and a Changing Hong Kong 65 Emma Tipson The Taste of Ice Kacang: Xiaoqingxin Film as the Possible 74 Prospect of Taiwan Popular Cinema Panpan Yang Subtitling Chinese Humour: the English Version of A Woman, a 85 Gun and a Noodle Shop (2009) Yilei Yuan The IAFOR Journal of Asian Studies Volume 2 – Issue 1 – Spring 2016 Notes on Contributers Dr. -
Escalation and De-Escalation: Approaches to the South China Sea Tensions
Escalation and De-Escalation: Approaches to the South China Sea Tensions Jacqueline Joyce F. Espenilla United Nations – The Nippon Foundation of Japan Fellowship Programme 2016 Disclaimer The views expressed herein are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations, The Nippon Foundation of Japan, or the government of the Republic of the Philippines. ABSTRACT The South China Sea dispute is a story of action and reaction. Ever since the Philippine government initiated arbitration under the compulsory dispute settlement provisions of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, China has been behaving in a manner that has unsettled its neighbors and has practically guaranteed the continued volatility of the region. This research steps into this scenario and explores two questions: “What can escalate tensions in the South China Sea to the point of all-out war?” and “How can such an escalation be avoided or mitigated?” The complexity of the situation means that there are no straightforward answers to these questions. This research thus chose to approach the first question by limiting itself to a discussion of two broad categories of China’s escalatory actions: (1) instrumental escalations (e.g. China’s artificial island-building and possible declaration of an Air Defense Identification Zone), and (2) suggestive escalations (e.g. China’s engagement in a spectrum of threats against other South China Sea stakeholders and its conduct of enforcement activities in disputed areas). It asserts that instrumental escalatory acts invite “push back” from other countries, increasing the possibility of misperception and miscalculation during confrontations in disputed areas. -
Detecting Digital Fingerprints: Tracing Chinese Disinformation in Taiwan
Detecting Digital Fingerprints: Tracing Chinese Disinformation in Taiwan By: A Joint Report from: Nick Monaco Institute for the Future’s Digital Intelligence Lab Melanie Smith Graphika Amy Studdart The International Republican Institute 08 / 2020 Acknowledgments The authors and organizations who produced this report are deeply grateful to our partners in Taiwan, who generously provided time and insights to help this project come to fruition. This report was only possible due to the incredible dedication of the civil society and academic community in Taiwan, which should inspire any democracy looking to protect itself from malign actors. Members of this community For their assistance in several include but are not limited to: aspects of this report the authors also thank: All Interview Subjects g0v.tw Projects Gary Schmitt 0archive Marina Gorbis Cofacts Nate Teblunthuis DoubleThink Lab Sylvie Liaw Taiwan FactCheck Center Sam Woolley The Reporter Katie Joseff Taiwan Foundation for Democracy Camille François Global Taiwan Institute Daniel Twining National Chengchi University Election Johanna Kao Study Center David Shullman Prospect Foundation Adam King Chris Olsen Hsieh Yauling The Dragon’s Digital Fingerprint: Tracing Chinese Disinformation in Taiwan 2 Graphika is the network Institute for the Future’s The International Republican analysis firm that empowers (IFTF) Digital Intelligence Lab Institute (IRI) is one of the Fortune 500 companies, (DigIntel) is a social scientific world’s leading international Silicon Valley, human rights research entity conducting democracy development organizations, and universities work on the most pressing organizations. The nonpartisan, to navigate the cybersocial issues at the intersection of nongovernmental institute terrain. With rigorous and technology and society.