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Macquarie University Department of Ancient 2nd Semester, 2011. AHIS 241 / 341

AlexanderAlexander thethe GreatGreat andand thethe HellenisticHellenistic AgeAge

Unit Outline, Schedule, Tutorial Materials and Bibliography

1 Contents:

Unit Introduction and Requirements p. 3

Unit Schedule: Lecture and Tutorial topics p. 9

Map 1: 's March of Conquest. p. 11

Weekly Tutorial Materials p. 12

Map 2: Alexander's Successors, 303 B.C. p. 17

Map 3: The 3rd Century World of Alexander’s Successors p. 18

Map 4: The Background to the p. 27

Unit Main Bibliography p. 32

2 Macquarie University Department of 2011 AHIS 241 / 341: and the Hellenistic Age. UNIT INTRODUCTION This Unit on Alexander the Great and the ‘Hellenistic Age’ will begin with the political situation in Fourth Century and the rise of Macedon. It will focus first on the career of Alexander the Great, and the interpretation of a number of key episodes in his life. The aim will be to build up an overall picture of his motives and achievements, and the consequences of his extraordinary conquests for later history. The focus will then turn to the break up of his ‘’ at his death, and the warfare among his successors which led to the creation of the great rival kingdoms of the . The Unit will be primarily a study in cultural history, set against the background of the political history of the Mediterranean world. It will not be tied to an event-by-event account of the post- Classical Greek world, but will focus also on the history of ideas and institutions. Wider cultural questions will be discussed in relation to institutions, manners and thought (including , and art) of the period. General issues to be treated will include kingship, political ideology, inter- relationships and leagues, ideas of unity and cosmo-politanism, resistance to Greek political by the conquered peoples, and and monism in religion. These and other topics will be studied in relation to Greece itself and in relation to the ‘hellenised’ of the . An attempt will be made to define the relationships between Greek and those of ‘the East’. For example: can we speak of the ‘cultural hegemony’ of the , or was the process in fact the reverse? Was Hellenism swallowed up in the ‘morass’ of Near Eastern cultural diversity? Is the process simply one of accommodation, or is a more whole-hearted syncretism involved? The last time the Unit was run, in 2009, it was worth 4 credit points. For 2011 the workload has been scaled back to match the Unit’s current 3 credit point value. Teaching Staff: Unit Convenor Dr. Chris Forbes Phone: (02) 9850 8821 Email: [email protected] Office: W6A 536 Consultation Hours: Wednesday and Thursday, 3-4 pm. General Enquiries: Ms. Raina Kim, Ms. Angela Abberton Phone: (02) 9850 8833 Email: [email protected] Office: W6A 540 Lectures, Tutorials and Class Work. For lecture times and classrooms please consult the MQ Timetable website: http://www.timetables.mq.edu.au. This website will display up-to-date information on your classes and classroom locations. At the time of printing the details were as follows: The Lectures take place (1) on Wednesday at 4 p.m. in W5C 320 and (2) on Friday at 11 a.m., in W5C 220. Both Lectures are recorded, and may be downloaded from the iLecture system. External students also receive the lectures on CD by mail.

3 For Internal students, Tutorial times are Wednesday 5-6 p.m. (Y3A 212), Thursday 10-11 a.m. (W5A 203), Friday Midday (W5A 201), Friday 2-3 p.m. (W5C 209) and Friday 3-4 p.m. (W5C 334). Other tutorials may be organised, depending on class sizes. Attendance at Tutorials is compulsory: if you miss more than two you will need to explain your absence to your tutor in writing. Medical certificates or photocopies of them should be attached where appropriate. For External students, there are, naturally, no weekly Tutorials (though if you are close to the University you are very welcome to turn up anyway!). There is, however, exactly the same Tutorial work, on the same timetable, except that you must send in your written Short Papers (see below) within 7 days of receiving the Lectures for the relevant . The weekly schedule of lectures and tutorial topics can be found later in this Unit Introduction. Detailed questions are also to be found below, in the Tutorial Materials section. You should bring your notes for Tutorial questions with you to the compulsory On Campus Session, on Saturday September 17th. Special Library services for Distance students are detailed on the Library's Distance Page, http://www.lib.mq.edu.au/borrowing/distance-ed-students.html. The address is: Library Distance Education Service, Macquarie University Library, NSW 2109, . The Distance Education Librarian can also be contacted by Email, at [email protected], or by phone on (02) 9850 7558, Freephone (within Australia): 1 800 632 743, Fax: (02) 9850 7590.

Prescribed Texts: The three prescribed books for the Unit are (1) , The Campaigns of Alexander, the Penguin translation of A. de Selincourt; (2) M.M. Austin, The Hellenistic World from Alexander to the Roman Conquest, 2nd edition, 2006, (3) G. Shipley, The Greek World after Alexander. The early tutorials will be based on Arrian, The Campaigns of Alexander, and documents from M.M. Austin, The Hellenistic World. Students will need to begin working through Arrian at once. Later tutorials will be largely based on documents from Austin. This book is essential, and is supplemented by documents provided in the Tutorial Materials section, below. Tutorial discussion will focus around the detailed examination of particular documents. All but three of these come from either Austin or Arrian. The additional material will be provided in the Unit booklet. Students will need to work through the documents in detail before coming to the Tutorial, and in many cases do some wider reading as well. There is little point coming to the Tutorial without doing this reading. Our aim will be to explore issues raised by the documents in as much detail as possible. If you are interested, further ancient sources can easily be purchased in Penguin translations; both 's Life of Alexander (in The Age of Alexander, trans. I. Scott-Kilvert) and Quintus (trans. J. Yardley) are available. The other book recommended (but not required) is A.B. Bosworth's Conquest and Empire, (in my view) the best modern work on Alexander; if you are particularly interested in Alexander, it is the one to buy. All these should be available in the Co-op. Online : Once again this year we will be running a Blackboard CE6 Online Forum, an electronic ‘Bulletin Board’ where issues related to the Unit can be discussed. To gain access to this system you will need a capable of running one of the common web-browsers, and you will need to make sure it is correctly configured. For more information, see the Online Browser Tune-up, at https://learn.mq.edu.au/. Note that participation in the Online Forum is worth 15% of your marks: see below.

4 The Forum will provide two basic facilities: the ‘Bulletin Board’, where issues can be publicly discussed and ideas or references can be shared, and internal email, so that you can send one another private notes. I will post extra material on the Forum, and take part in the public discussions. I can also be reached by Email either via this system or the normal University Email. Please note that your contributions to the Forum are part of the assessable work in the Unit. Further details will be announced in the first of term; they will also be available online at the Unit public Web site: http://www.anchist.mq.edu.au/241/241frames.htm. We hope that this Online Forum will be of particular value to external students. Graduate Capabilities and Learning Outcomes: All academic programmes at Macquarie seek to develop Graduate Capabilities. These are: 1. Discipline-specific knowledge and skills; 2. Critical, analytical and integrative thinking; 3. Problem-solving and research capability; 4. Creative and innovative; 5. Effective communication; 6. Engaged and ethical local and global citizens; 7. Socially and environmentally active and responsible; 8. Capable of professional and personal judgement and initiative; 9. Committment to continuous learning. Note: The numbers listed at the end of each Learning Outcome (below) indicate how it is aligned with the Graduate Capabilities. The learning outcomes of this unit are (link to graduate capabilities in brackets): A. learning from a variety of ancient text types and other ancient sources relevant to the career of Alexander the Great, and the political, social and cultural history of the subsequent Hellenistic period (1, 2, 8) B. gaining a comprehension of ancient world-views and cultural concepts (1, 2, 6, 9) C. contextualising particular ancient documents and other sources of information within their wider cultural environment (2, 3, 5) D. gaining an awareness of the complexity of ancient accounts of past events and experiences (1, 2, 3, 8) E. conducting independent research on a chosen topic (2, 3, 4, 5, 8) F. engaging with and responding critically to a variety of scholarly opinions (2, 3, 4, 6, 8) G. formulating an independent view in with both ancient evidence and modern interpretations (1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8). Assessment. Assessment for the Unit is made up of three pieces of written work, Online Forum participation, and an examination. There are two Short Papers (1,000 words each, 25% total) and one (2,000 words for 200-Level students, 2,500 words for 300-Level students, 30%). Your contributions to the Online Forum are worth 15%. The two hour examination is worth 30%.

To pass this Unit you must simply achieve a passing grade (50%) overall.

The University suggests that you should be doing approximately 9 hours’ work per week (averaged over the semester, including the two weeks of the break) for a 3 credit point Unit.

5 Task Weight Due Date Linked Unit Outcomes Linked Graduate Capabilities Short Paper 1 12.5% Variable A, B, C, D, E, F, G. 1, 2, 3, 5. Major Essay 30% 04/10/11 A, B, C, D, E, F, G. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 8. Short Paper 2 12.5% Variable A, B, C, D, E, F, G. 1, 2, 3, 5. Online Forum 15% Exam Date D, F, G. 1, 2, 5, 6, 7, 9. Examination 30% Exam Period C, F, G. 1, 2, 3, 5, 9. The Short Paper topics are given in the Weekly Tutorial materials, and also form the basis for Tutorial discussion. You must hand in at least one Short Paper from Weeks 2-6, and at least one from Weeks 7-13. These assignments are to be handed in before the tutorial after the one in which they are discussed: i.e. within a week of the relevant Tutorial discussion. For each week you will find a number of questions on the document(s) set, and an overall interpretative question. All of these ought to be prepared for the weekly Tutorial. When you decide to hand in a short paper based on a particular week's topic, you should write on the overall interpretative question, using the individual questions as a guide as to what ought to be discussed. The Short Papers are exercises in careful and critical reading of documentary sources. Their aim is to develop skills of analysis and deduction, and the ability to write a lucid short answer to a precise set of questions. They are not primarily exercises in the collection of the opinions of others, even if those others are great scholars. The assignments will be marked primarily on your understanding of the sources themselves. Please note that essay form is required for all work submitted. Point form or extended notes are not good enough. Footnotes should be given, and should conform to the rules laid out in “Essay Presentation & Conventions: Style Guide”, which is available from the Ancient History Office on the Fifth Floor of W6A (Room 540), and in the Departmental website, at http://www.anchist.mq.edu.au/pdfs/EssayPres.pdf. Major Essay. The , of approximately 2,000 words (200 Level) or 2,500 words (300 Level), are due on Tuesday October 4 th , the first day back after the break. Wider reading is required for the essays. Essay formalities should follow the guidelines in “Essay Presentation & Conventions: Style Guide”, which is (again) available from the Ancient History Office on the Fifth Floor of W6A (Room 540), and on the Departmental website (as above). Footnotes and a full Bibliography are required. A list of topics with basic bibliographies will be distributed shortly. Bar-coded Arts Coversheet Written work must be submitted through the Arts Student Centre (via the appropriate assignment box) on Level 1, W6A (for internal students) or via COE (for external students). Internal students must print and attach a completed coversheet to all submitted work. A personalised assignment coversheet is generated from the student section of the Faculty of Arts website at: http://www.arts.mq.edu.au/current_students/undergraduate/admin_central/coversheet. Please provide your student details and click the Get my assignment coversheet button to generate your personalised assignment cover sheet. No other coversheets will be provided by the Faculty. Return of marked work Marked work will be returned to students via tutorials or lectures. Residuals will be available for collection from the Arts Student Centre (W6A Foyer). Examination: The University Examination period in Second Half of 2011 is from Monday November 14th to Friday December 2nd. You are expected to present yourself for examination at the time and place

6 designated in the University Examination Timetable. The timetable will be available in Draft form approximately eight weeks before the commencement of the examinations and in Final form approximately four weeks before the commencement of the examinations at: http://www.timetables.mq.edu.au/exam. The only exception to sitting an examination at the designated time is because of documented illness or unavoidable disruption. In these circumstances you may wish to consider applying for Special Consideration. Information about unavoidable disruption and the special consideration process is available under the Extension and Special Consideration section of this Unit Guide. If a Supplementary Examination is granted as a result of the Special Consideration process, the examination will be scheduled after the conclusion of the official examination period. Individual Departments should contact the Associate Dean Learning and Teaching to confirm when Supplementaries are scheduled. You are advised that it is Macquarie University policy not to set early examinations for individuals or groups of students. All students are expected to ensure that they are available until the end of the teaching semester, that is, the final day of the official examination period. Extensions and Special Consideration: Late assignments will be penalised at the rate of 2% per day, unless prior arrangements for an extension have been made with your tutor. If your assignment is going to be late, please contact your tutor for an extension in advance! University Special Consideration Policy: http://www.mq.edu.au/policy/docs/special_consideration/policy.html Applying for Special Consideration: Students applying for Special Consideration circumstances of three (3) consecutive days duration, within a study period, and/or prevent completion of a formal examination must submit an on-line application with the Faculty of Arts. For an application to be valid, it must include a completed Application for Special Consideration form and all supporting documentation. The on-line Special Consideration application is found at: http://www.arts.mq.edu.au/current_students/undergraduate/admin_central/special_consideration.

University Grading Policy http://www.mq.edu.au/policy/docs/grading/policy.html The grade a student receives will signify their overall performance in meeting the learning outcomes of a unit of study. Grades will not be awarded by reference to the achievement of other students nor allocated to fit a predetermined distribution. In determining a grade, due weight will be given to the learning outcomes and level of a unit (ie 100, 200, 300, 800 etc). Graded units will use the following grades: HD High Distinction 85-100 D Distinction 75-84 Cr Credit 65-74 P Pass 50-64 F Fail 0-49 Academic honesty Academic honesty is an integral part of the core values and principles contained in the Macquarie University Statement (http://www.mq.edu.au/ethics/ethic-statement-final.html). Its fundamental principle is that all staff and students act with integrity in the creation, development, application and use of ideas and information. This means that:

7 All academic work claimed as original is the work of the author making the claim. All academic collaborations are acknowledged. Academic work is not falsified in any way. When the ideas of others are used, these ideas are acknowledged appropriately. The link below has more details about the policy, procedure and schedule of penalties that will apply to breaches of the Academic Honesty policy. Academic Honesty Policy http://www.mq.edu.au/policy/docs/academic_honesty/policy.html

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Centre staff are there to smooth the way into university life; answer questions; give informed advice; provide a sympathetic ear; de-mystify uni ways and procedures.

The Faculty Assessment Coversheet and Arts on-line Submissions are located at: www.arts.mq.edu.au/current_students/undergraduate.

8 Unit Outline:

Week 1, beginning Monday August 1st. Lecture 1: Alexander the Great: his career and achievements. Lecture 2: Alexander's motives: propaganda, mythology, wanderlust and logistics. Tutorial: Course structure and requirements. General discussion.

Week 2, beginning Monday August 8th. Lecture 3: Three major interpretations of Alexander. Lecture 4: Alexander the ? Tutorial: Austin 3 (Austin2 4) and Arrian I.11 (compare briefly Arrian 7.8-9). Why did Alexander set out to invade Persian territory?

Week 3, beginning Monday August 15th. Lecture 5: Alexander's Death, his Will and ‘Last Plans’. Lecture 6: The succession crisis and the Diadochoi. Tutorial: Austin 2, 4 and 5 (Austin2 3, 5, 6): Alexander's treatment of the cities.

Week 4, beginning Monday August 22nd. Lecture 7: The rise of . Lecture 8: Monarchy and Religion: the ruler cult. Tutorial: Austin 11 (Austin2 12): the Persian habit of ().

Week 5, beginning Monday August 29th. Lecture 9: The new institutions of the Hellenistic kings and the decline of Lecture 10: The Seleucid Kings Tutorial: Austin 14 (Austin2 17): The Marriages at .

Week 6, beginning Monday September 5th. Lecture 11: The Lecture 12: The Antigonids Tutorial: Austin 15 (Austin2 18): The ‘mutiny’ and banquet at .

Week 7, beginning Monday September 12th. Lecture 13: The Hellenistic (1). Lecture 14: The Hellenistic Polis (2) Tutorial: Documents on Kingship (Documents provided, and Austin 56(a) and 199) (Austin2 70 and 233). BREAK External On Campus Session, Saturday September 17th.

Week 8, beginning Tuesday October 4th. N.B. Major Essays due Tuesday 4th. Lecture 15: Hellenistic Art. Lecture 16: and Political Protest Tutorial: There is no tutorial this week.

9 Week 9, beginning Monday October 10th. Lecture 17: The Hellenisation Process (1). Lecture 18: The Hellenisation Process (2). Tutorial: Austin 124, 125, 126 (Austin2 144, 145, 146): Health and miraculous cures.

Week 10, beginning Monday October 17th. Lecture 19: Anti- Reaction in . Lecture 20: and the Greek States (1). Tutorial: Austin 162, 163 (Austin2 208, 209): IV ‘Epiphanes’.

Week 11, beginning Monday October 24th. Lecture 21: Anti-Hellenic Reaction in . Lecture 22: Rome and the Greek States (2). Tutorial: Egyptian nationalism: The ‘Potter's ’ (provided).

Week 12, beginning Monday October 31st. Lecture 23: Rome and the Greek states (3). Lecture 24: , Hellenistic and other. Tutorial: Hellenised Judaism (Documents provided).

Week 13, beginning Monday November 7th. Lecture 24: . Lecture 25: Hellenistic Religion, continued. Unit Summary. Tutorial: Austin 68 (Austin2 84): Flamininus and the ‘Freedom of the Greeks’.

The Examination Period begins on Monday November 14th. The date of the examination has not yet been set.

10 11 Weekly Tutorial Materials

Week 1's Tutorial time will be used for a discussion of the nature and requirements of the Unit. For each succeeding week, you will find a number of questions on the document(s) set, and an overall interpretative question. All of these ought to be prepared for the weekly Tutorial. When you decide to hand in a short paper based on a particular week's topic, you should write on the overall interpretative question, using the individual questions as a guide as to what ought to be discussed.

Week 2: Austin Doc. 3, = Austin2 Doc. 4 and Arrian I.11.

The Causes of Alexander's Invasion of Persian Territory

1. What information does Arrian give us about his methods as an in the first few sentences of his account of Alexander? (Use the Penguin translation: this brief passage is not in Austin.) What light does this throw on the questions below? 2. How consistent are the figures in the various sources for the numbers in the army at the time of the original invasion? How might we explain the level of inconsistency? 3. What information does Arrian give us about the time of year the invasion began? (You may want to read around the set passage a little.) 4. How credible is the incident reported by Diodorus about Alexander being the first to come ashore on Persian-held territory, and claiming it as a “spear-won prize”? 5. What can we tell about Alexander's financial position at the time of the invasion? Compare Plutarch in Austin Doc. 3(a) = Austin2 Doc. 4(a), Quintus Curtius 10.2.24 (not in Austin: use the Penguin or Loeb edition) and Arrian 7.8-9. 6. Does Alexander's giving away of large amounts of ‘crown property’ (Austin Doc. 3, = Austin2 Doc. 4) fit into this picture? Why is Alexander doing this? 7. Particularly given that Alexander had already realised the proceeds of the selling of the 30,000 Thebans (440 talents according to Diodorus 17.14 = Austin Doc. 2b = Austin2 Doc. 3b), how can we explain his financial situation at this point? 8. Likewise, given his financial situation, how can we explain the timing of the invasion? 9. Supplementary Question: What can we tell from Diodorus 17.7 and 5.44.5 about the strategic situation on the eve of the invasion? To what extent does this change our assessment of Alexander's aims?

Question: What factors seem to have effected Alexander's decision to invade Minor when and how he did?

12 Week 3: Austin, docs 2, 4 & 5, = Austin2 Docs. 3, 5 & 6.

Alexander and his treatment of the Greek Cities

1. Thebes, Austin Doc. 2 (a) and (b), = Austin2 Doc. 3 (a) and (b), cf. Arrian 1.9. Plutarch's account clearly implies that Alexander was personally responsible for the destruction of Thebes, whereas Diodorus explicitly states that this decision was made by an official meeting of Greek delegates (though he does not say how they were called together or how representative a group they were). Can these differing versions be reconciled? If so, how? If not, which seems more plausible to you, and why? 2. Aspendus, Arrian 1.26-27; note the two stages of Alexander's dealings with this town. What parallels can be drawn between Alexander's treatment of Thebes and Aspendus? (Note that the Apendus incident, though placed here for thematic reasons, actually after the dealings with , and .) 3. Sardis and Ephesus, Austin Doc. 4 = Austin2 Doc. 5. a. Note Alexander's treatment of Mithrenes, the Persian governor of Sardis: Arrian 3.16 tells us he was later made governor of . Why is he so well treated? b. What is the significance of Alexander granting the people of Sardis “their ancestral ” and their freedom? c. At Ephesus, it should be noted that there had been several changes of . Ephesus had staged a democratic at the approach of 's advance force under Parmenio; at a later stage a pro-Persian had staged a counter-coup and conducted purges. Alexander now re-instates the democracy. Why a democracy? d. What is the significance of Alexander diverting the tribute Ephesus used to pay to to the ? What was his normal practice? e. Why does Alexander cut short the violence of his reinstated democracy against the pro- Persian oligarchs? Arrian claims this action “brought him as much credit as anything else he did”. Why? With whom? 4. Chios, Austin Doc. 5 = Austin2 Doc. 6. Note that Austin's introductory comments tell a story of coup and counter-coup similar to that at Ephesus. a. See Arrian 2.2: why does Alexander ask for a small naval force as part of this agreement? b. Can you tell precisely who is allowed to come back from ? c. See Arrian 3.3: what really happened to the Chian oligarchs?

Question: Can you find any general consistency across Alexander's dealings with these different cities? If so, what is it? If not, what differing factors condition his actions?

13 Week 4: Austin, Doc. 11. = Austin2 Doc. 12, = Arrian 4.10.5ff.

The Question of Proskynesis

1. Note that there are two different accounts of the introduction of proskynesis in the passage of Arrian set for today. Can we treat them as two events in a sequence of attempts by Alexander? If so, in what order? If not, which is likely to be the more reliable account? 2. Dealing with ‘account 1’, the first and longer account in Arrian, a. what can we deduce about the sources of this account from Arrian's introduction? b. what is the issue over proskynesis, according to Arrian's contextualising of the story? c. who was ‘in’ on the plot to introduce the practice? d. what are the reasons given, in ’ speech, for introducing the practice? Are they the reasons one might have expected? e. what are ’ objections? Do they seem to fit the context? f. what questions are raised by the fact that all the details to do with deification in this account are reported as speeches? g. why did Alexander decide to abandon the attempt to introduce the practice? 3. Now, dealing with the shorter ‘second account’ in Arrian: a. what do we know about the sources of this account (cf. Plutarch, Life of Alexander 54)? b. what, aside from its brevity, is the main difference of emphasis from the first account? c. does it seem likely that this account describes Alexander's ‘second attempt’ to introduce proskynesis? Does anything suggest that the two accounts might instead be out of chronological order, or varying retellings of the one underlying event? 4. How can we decide between a ‘maximalist’ interpretation of these stories, which makes them an attempt to deify Alexander, and a ‘minimalist’ interpretation, which makes them merely an attempt to ‘level out’ the status of the different ethnic groups in Alexander's court?

Question: Why did Alexander want the Greeks and in his court to offer him proskynesis, in the Persian manner?

14 Week 5: Austin Doc. 14 = Austin2 Doc. 17, Arrian 7.4.4-5.

The ‘Mass Marriages’, etc., at Susa.

1. The elite marriages. What were Alexander's intentions here, and how did the officers in question respond? N.B. for more, and very colourful information, see , , 538b. a. Why might Persian wedding ceremonial have been used? b. “More than any action of Alexander this seemed to show a popular and comradely spirit.” Who might have thought so, about what specifically, and why? Compare Arrian 7.6, where the grudges of some are detailed. 2. The ‘marriages’ of the common Macedonian soldiers a. We might well have guessed that soldiers would pick up ‘girlfriends’ along the march, but it is worth noting that a large ‘camp’, including complete families as well as ‘service industries’, followed the army through even some of its toughest marches. See Arrian 6.26, Quintus Curtius 8.4. b. Why might Alexander have used this opportunity to ‘formalise’ the ‘marriages’ of these men? 3. The debts of the army. a. How can we explain the unwillingness of the soldiers to come forward? Is there a breakdown of trust in Alexander? If so, why? b. Note Arrian's editorial comments about Alexander's reaction, and compare his comments on the reliability of 's history in Arrian 1.1. Why does Arrian take this to be such a matter of principle? c. Note the total figure given here: 20,000 talents! Quintus Curtius 10.2.9-11 and Plutarch, Life of Alexander 70 both give a total of 9,870 talents. In either case, this is a huge sum of money. Can you find any clues as to how many soldiers are involved, so as to estimate the average level of indebtedness? d. To whom might the soldiers have been in debt? e. How can we explain these extraordinary figures? f. Why does Alexander pay these debts? 4. Note that this section of Arrian's narrative ends with special gifts and honours for those who had given notable service on the Indian campaign. Is there a common theme across these four differing incidents? If so, what do you think it is?

Question: To what extent does this passage give us evidence of a ‘racial fusion’ policy? evidence of some other general policy of Alexander? (If some other, you will need to define the difference clearly.) Or is it primarily to do with particular circumstances, and not evidence of a general ‘policy’ at all?

15 Week 6. Austin Doc. 15 = Austin2 Doc. 18, Arrian 7.12.

The Opis ‘Mutiny’ and the ‘Banquet of Reconciliation’

(For interest, compare Plutarch, Life of Alexander 71, and / or Diodorus 17.109 and / or Quintus Curtius 10.2.12ff.) 1. Note first of all that the Opis demobilisation is closely linked, both chronologically and logically, with the arrival of the 30,000 ‘Epigonoi’. We do not know the precise time-frame, but Arrian gives the impression that only a few weeks or at the most a month separated the events. From Susa, where the marriages had been celebrated and the debts of the army paid, after the arrival of the Epigonoi, Alexander takes his river-cruise to the Persian gulf, and then the whole army marches to Opis. 2. The ‘Mutiny’ and its immediate consequences. a. Who were actually discharged from service at Opis? What were the conditions of discharge? b. What does Arrian list as the main causes of discontent? (You might like to compare Arrian 4:13-14.) c. How do the Macedonians respond to Alexander's demobilisation? How does Alexander react to this? Do you think he was expecting such a reaction from the troops? d. By what stages does Alexander put pressure on the ‘mutineers’? At what point do you think his apparent fury before the troops gives way to cool manipulation? e. What, in your view, was the emotional root of the Macedonian unrest? How does Alexander manage to defuse it? How successfully does he defuse it? 3. The Banquet: you might like to look over your notes from Lecture 3. a. Who was invited? Who sat where? Who sat with Alexander? b. Who drank from Alexander's cup? c. What are we to make of the wording of Alexander's prayer? d. What is Alexander's intention in holding the banquet? 4. The Aftermath: for this read Arrian 7.12, which follows immediately after the extract in Austin. a. What happens about the original demobilisation, which caused the mutiny in the first place?

Question: How much significance should we place on the Opis banquet, in assessing Alexander's aims? Was it a forum for Alexander to declare his ‘ethnic policy’ in any sense? If so, what policy was declared? If not, what was the aim of holding the banquet?

16 17 18 Week 7: Athenaeus 6.253, Austin Doc. 56a and 199, Austin2 Doc. 70a and 233. Documents on Kingship

Note that we have for this week three very different documents to do with the ideology of Hellenistic monarchy: the account from Athenaeus of the arrival of Poliorcetes in , and the hymn sung to him there; a description of Cleomenes of and his ‘royal style’ (Austin Doc. 56A, = Austin2 Doc. 70a), and an obituary to I of (Austin Doc. 199, = Austin2 Doc. 233). 1. Demetrius Poliorcetes (see below) a. In the same way that Arrian's editorialising ‘framed’ his account of the attempted introduction of proskynesis, interpreting it as deification, Athenaeus ‘frames’ his discussion of Demetrius and the Athenians. What is the theme under which he discusses the incident? How reasonable is his understanding? b. The incidents mentioned occurred in 291/0. Demetrius was first given divine honours in Athens in 307, when he threw out 's puppet, Demetrius of Phaleron (Plutarch, Life 8-12); he returned a year or two later and spent the winter in the at the invitation of the Athenian people (Plutarch, Life 23-27), besieged the city in 294 (Plutarch, Life 33-4), received the honours above in 291/0, and was back again as an aggressor in 287. Cf. Plutarch, Life, 46. It is particular political considerations that determine the reaction in each case. c. What particular standard forms of cult honours are mentioned here? What features most amaze the author? What, according to the author, most amazed Demetrius himself? What aspects seem to you to be most indicative of a changed attitude to great men? d. What appears to be the point of the comparison of Demetrius with in the Hymn itself? We know how Demetrius came to be in Athens: how did Demeter ‘come to be there’? What does this suggest about the parade in the second extract quoted by Athenaeus? e. In general: how do we understand the instances of ruler-cult described here? Is Athenaeus correct that they are essentially outrageous flattery? If this is not a sufficient explanation, what is? 2. Cleomenes of Sparta (Austin Doc. 56A, = Austin2 Doc. 70a) a. Why is Plutarch agreeably impressed with Cleomenes’ lifestyle? With whom does he contrast Cleomenes? b. What aspects of Cleomenes’ behaviour appeal to him most? c. What is the point of Plutarch's comment on the “hunt for men” engaged in by many kings? 3. of Pergamon (Austin Doc. 199, = Austin2 Doc. 233) a. What was it about Attalus’ use of his wealth that most impresses ? b. What qualities of kingship does Polybius most admire in Attalus? Why are these selected as the qualities of a ‘good king’?

Question: What do these documents tell us about the ‘image’ of kings in the Hellenistic period?

19 Extract from Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae, 6.253, adapted from the translation of C.B. Gulick's Loeb edition, Cambridge, Mass., 1929.

Even the Athenian populace became notorious for flattery. At any rate, , a relative of the orator, tells a story in the twentieth book of his of the flattering conduct of the Athenians towards Demetrius Poliorcetes, and says that it was not to his liking. He writes as follows: “Some of these things, it is plain, annoyed him, but other acts were downright disgraceful and humiliating, such as to and Aphrodite , and also altars, shrines and libations to Burichus, Adeimantus and Oxythemis, parasites1 of his. Paeans were chanted to every one of the above, so that even Demetrius himself was amazed at these actions, and declared that not a single Athenian of his time had shown himself to be great and fine of .”

The Thebans also, in their adulation of Demetrius, founded a of Aphrodite Lamia, as says in his work On the Painted Porch in . Lamia was a mistress of Demetrius, as was Leaena. What is there, then, surprising in what the Athenians, flatterers among flatterers, did in composing paeans and processional hymns in honour of Demetrius himself? Demochares, at any rate, writing in his twenty-first book, says: “When Demetrius returned from Leucas and Corcyra to Athens, not only did the Athenians welcome him with offerings of incense and crowns and libations, but processional hymns as well; mummers with the elevated phallus met him with dancing and song; and as they took their places in the crowds they sang and danced, repeating the refrain that he (Demetrius) was the only true god, while all the others were asleep or making a journey or non-existent; he, however, was sprung from and Aphrodite, pre-eminent in beauty and embracing all within his benevolence.”

They begged and entreated him, Demochares says, and offered prayers to him. This is the amazing account of Athenian flattery that Demochares has given. And Duris of cites the mummers’ song itself in the twenty-second book of his Histories: “For the highest and dearest of the have come to our city. Here the time has brought together Demeter and Demetrius. She comes to celebrate the solemn mysteries of the daughter, but he, as is appropriate for a god, is here in gladness, fair and smiling. Majestic he appears, surrounded by his friends, he himself in the centre like the among the stars. O son of the most mighty god Poseidon and of Aphrodite, greetings! For other gods are either far away, or have no ears, or do not exist, or ignore our prayers; but we can see your very presence, not in wood or stone, but in truth. And so we pray to you. First bring , beloved, for you have the power. I cannot fight the Sphinx, who crushes not merely Thebes but the whole of Greece, the Aetolian who sits upon the cliff like the ancient Sphinx, and snatches up and carries off all our men. For it is the Aetolian way to carry off their neighbours' property, and now even more distant things. The best would be for you to punish him yourself; but if not, find some either to cast him down or turn him to stone.”

This was the song sung by the victors of , not merely in public, but even in their homes – the very people who had put to death one who bowed down to the King of Persia, the heroes who

1. Literally “flatterers”, i.e. .

20 had slaughtered countless tens of thousands of ! , at least, in his The Apothecary, or Crateias, puts on the stage a drinking the health of one of his companions in the , and represents him as saying the following: “Slave! Hand me the large beaker, but first ladle into it four measures for my companions here, in the name of friendship; I'll give three as an offering to the Saviour gods. One for King Antigonus’ victory – happy ! – one for the sturdy lad Demetrius … Bring the third for Aphrodite Phila. Greetings, fellow drinkers; how full of blessings is the cup from which I'll !”

This is what the Athenians had become at that time, when Flattery, like a ravening beast, had injected its madness into the city …

There is no Tutorial for Week 8.

Week 9: Austin Docs. 124, 125, 126, = Austin2 Docs. 144, 145, 146.

Medicine and Miracles.

The spectrum of medical services in antiquity extended all the way from ‘tertiary-trained’ professional doctors, through local ‘wise men / women’, herbal (which, of course, the ‘professionals’ used too) ‘faith-healing’ to sheer . In these three documents we have the opposite ends of the spectrum in modern scientific terms, though in social prestige, the doctors commemorated here and the shrine of were both at the top of the scale. If you wish to read further in this area, see, on ancient technical medicine, G. Majno, The Healing Hand: Man and Wound in the Ancient World (Harvard, 1975), E.D. Phillips, Greek Medicine (, 1973), R. Jackson, Doctors and Diseases in the , (London, 1988) and S.M. Sherwin-White, Ancient Cos, (Göttingen, 1978), and R. Flemming, “Women, Writing and Medicine in the Classical World”, C.Q. 57.1, 2007, 257-279. On the cult of Asclepius see L. & N. Edelstein, Asclepius: a Collection and Interpretation of the Testimonies, Baltimore, 1945, H.C. Kee, “Self Definition in the Asclepius Cult”, in Jewish and Christian Self-Definition, ed. E.P. Sanders, (London, 1980), and L.R. LiDonnici, The Epidaurian Miracle Inscriptions: Text, Translation and (Atlanta, 1995). 1. Austin Doc. 124, = Austin2 Doc. 144: An Honorary Inscription for a doctor leaving service. a. Who, whom, where, what for? Who is setting up this inscription? In honour of whom? Where is it being set up? What actions are being commemorated? Why are the cities of and Cnossus (as well as Cos) involved? b. What can we tell from this inscription about the basis and terms on which doctors were being hired by cities in this period? Is this doctor being particularly honoured, or is the commendation here ‘standard’? c. Compare Austin Doc. 99, = Austin2 Doc. 117, where it appears a special tax supports a ‘town doctor’. Would this seem likely to pay wages, a retainer fee, or what? 2. Austin Doc. 125, = Austin2 Doc. 145:

21 a. In this document it is reported that the doctor in question “distributed his services equally to all”. Does this impress you as being typical, or exceptional? b. Like the doctor in Austin Doc. 124, = Austin2 Doc. 144, his services to non-citizens are particularly noted. Are there any special circumstances here that might explain this case? c. What is the significance (direct and indirect) of the fact that the doctor sometimes treats patients “from his own means”?

3. Austin Doc. 126, = Austin2 Doc. 146: a. Read through the documents. What is an historian meant to do with documents (such as these) which from a modern scientific point of view range from the potentially explicable to the utterly bizarre? Is it legitimate to simply write this kind of material off as ‘superstitious nonsense’, or would you have a bad (historical) conscience doing so? How should an historian deal with evidence which radically contradicts his or her own world-view? b. The documents come from the Temple of the healer-god Asclepius. The normal practice at the temple was to undergo preliminary purification ceremonies, and then sleep the night in the temple itself. The god would reveal the requirements for a cure in a dream, or, in some cases, effect a cure directly. Does this throw any light on any particular cases? c. What do we know about who wrote these documents, who set them up, and where they were on display? What was the purpose of their location likely to be? d. Can you find ‘reasonable’ explanations for any of these stories? What do you think about the ones you cannot explain?

Question: What do we learn here about the conditions of the ancient practice of medicine? How should the historian deal with evidence such as Austin Doc. 126, = Austin2 Doc. 146?

22 Week 10: Austin Docs. 162-3, = Austin2 Doc. 208-9. Antiochus IV ‘Epiphanes’.

1. Austin Doc. 162, = Austin2 Doc. 208. a. Once again, the questions are: Who, whom, where, what for? Who is setting up this inscription? In honour of whom? Where is it being set up? What actions are being commemorated? (Make sure you read Austin's introduction, or, for more detail, O. Mørckholm's Antiochus IV of , catalogued under Moerkholm.) b. In what ways did the Attalids assist Antiochus? What were their likely motives? What do we learn about perceptions and ideologies of Kingship? c. How do we understand the multiplication of reasons to praise the royal persons in question in the latter part of the inscription? 2. Austin Doc. 163, = Austin2 Doc. 209. a. Polybius i. What was it that people found puzzling or offensive about Antiochus’ behaviour, according to Polybius? Once again, what do we learn about perceptions and ideologies of Kingship? (Note that the term translated “embarrassment” by Austin in the fifth-last line might better be translated “bafflement”.) ii. Can you detect a pattern or patterns in Antiochus' behaviour which might explain his apparent eccentricity? iii. You might like to turn to a copy of Polybius and read a page or two further for more examples of Antiochus’ behaviour. b. i. What, in Livy's view, are the marks of “a truly royal spirit”? How was this expressed in the case of Antiochus IV? ii. In what areas were Antiochus’ actions traditional, and in what areas innovative? Once again, can a pattern be detected? Question: What do the differing comments of ancient writers tell us about (a) Antiochus IV Epiphanes, and (b) attitudes to monarchy?

23 Week 11: Additional Material:

The ‘Potter's Oracle’: Egyptian Resistance to Greek Domination?

This extraordinary document, probably dating (in this form) from the B.C., claims that it originated more than a thousand years earlier. It presents itself as the prophecies of an otherwise unknown potter of the high New Kingdom period, as to what will happen in Egypt ‘in the far ’. In fact this is a literary fiction: it was clearly written under the Ptolemies, and has been through several versions. Part of its ‘predictions’ are therefore fraudulent retellings of recent history to simulate prophecy; part of it, however, is clearly genuinely predictive. All of it is written in strange and (to our minds) extravagant imagery, almost a kind of code. The work has many similarities to Jewish ‘apocalyptic’ writings.

1. The overall question here is simply: to whom is this document written, and what is its message to them? To answer it, however, we need to understand the document itself better. 2. What would be the significance of “the river will flow without enough water”, in the first lines, to an Egyptian? 3. “the Typhonians” mentioned throughout this document, apparently identical with “the Girdle-wearers”, seem to be named after Typhon, the Greek primeval -monster usually identified with god Seth (or Soutek). Seth was a destructive god, often personifying the random violence of the forces of nature. What can you find out about “the Typhonians”, purely from this document? 4. Note how the -level violence and disorder described in the document is mirrored at the cosmic level. Compare the Shakespearian idea of a ‘great chain of being’, such that events at the human level and events at ‘higher levels’ all reflect one another. a. what human level and social level disorder is going on? b. how is the climate ‘going wrong’? c. what cosmological changes are taking place? d. how does the writer link these different changes? 5. What general social picture might these vivid if obscure references be describing? In other words, what is this ‘about’? 6. The ‘tale of two cities’ in this document appears to contrast “the city that will be built” or “the city by the sea” (clearly ) with “the (native) city”, which is later specified as Memphis. What will happen to these two cities? 7. What seems to be the point of “not a few of those dwelling in Egypt … abandon(ing) their own land and go(ing) to a foreign place”? 8. Who might “he who will be hateful to all men”, who comes “out of Syria” be? To put the question more broadly, what might be the origin of this image? What does the description of the idealised native king who follows suggest? 9. How literally ought we to take the apparent hope for a of the dead in the final paragraphs?

24 10. Various Egyptian and Greek gods are obscurely identified in the document. “Hephaistos” means Ptah, and the “he” a sentence or two later is probably Ptah as well. “Agathos ” (literally, “the Good Spirit”) is the “spirit of Alexandria”. According to Pseudo- Callisthenes 32.10-13, when Alexander was examining the site of the future Alexandria, a great snake appeared, and was killed, and Alexander set up a Hero Shrine to it, as “Agathos Daimon”. Apparently there were harmless small snakes in the district that lived in peoples’ homes, which were remembered as incarnations of that Agathos Daimon, and offered food on the city's birthday. The point of this obscure reference is therefore that even the city's own patron Spirit will leave and go to Memphis. 11. The sentence, “This city, in which every race of men dwelt, was all-nourishing”, appears to be a deliberate reference to the recorded in Plutarch, Life of Alexander 26. Here Alexander marks out the outline of the city using barley meal, and, when it is eaten by birds from the nearby marshes, takes this as a bad omen until (his favourite seer) reinterprets it. The author of the Oracle apparently knows this tradition. What use does he make of it? 12. How much more sense does the document make now? What is your best guess as to its intended audience, and its message to them?

Question: In what ways does the ‘Potter's Oracle’ illustrate common themes of national resistance to foreign domination? Illustrate your answer with comparisons to the Maccabean case (but 't let that take over the question!).

Egyptian Resistance to Hellenistic Cultural Hegemony: The ‘Potter's Oracle’ (Rainer Papyrus, c.220 B.C., and / or c.130 B.C.)

… and lawless. The river will flow without enough water, with insufficient, so that the land … will be inflamed, but against nature. For in the time of the Typhonians they will say: “Wretched Egypt, you are wronged by terrible iniquities wrought against you.” The sun will be darkened, not wishing to look upon the evil things in Egypt. The land will not welcome the sowing of the seed. These … will be blasted by the wind. And the farmer did not sow on account of this, but tribute will be required of him. They are fighting in Egypt because of the lack of nourishment. What they till, another reaps and takes away. In this generation there will be war and murder which will destroy brothers, and husbands and wives. For these things will come to pass when the great god Hephaistos wishes to return to the city, and the Girdle-wearers, being Typhonians, will destroy themselves … evil will be wrought. He will go on foot to the sea in wrath, and will trample on many of them because of their impiety. And out of Syria will come he who will be hateful to all men, and … being … he will come from Ethiopia … and from the realms of the impious into Egypt and he will be established in the city which will later be laid waste. And for two years our … well … The month of Amon and he said well. Their children will be defeated. And the land will be unsettled and not a few of those dwelling in Egypt will abandon their own land and go to a foreign place. Friends will murder friends. There will be weeping and their ills will be worse than those of the others. And men will perish at each others hands. Two of their number will pass on to the same place(?) because of the one help. Much death will fall upon pregnant women. The Girdle-wearers being Typhonians are destroying … And then Agathos Daimon will abandon the city being established and will enter Memphis, and the foreign city which will be built will be emptied. And these things will take place at the conclusion of the evils when the falling of

25 the leaves occurs in the Egypt of the foreigners. The city of the Girdle-wearers will be laid waste as in my furnace, because of the unlawful deeds which they executed in Egypt. The statues transferred there will return to Egypt. The city by the sea will become a drying place for fishermen because Agathos Daimon and Knephis will have gone to Memphis, so that some who pass through will say: “This city, in which every race of men dwelt, was all-nourishing.” And then Egypt will increase, when for fifty-five years he who is well disposed, the king the dispenser of good, born of the Sun, established by the great goddess , is at hand, so that those surviving will pray for the resurrection of those who died before, in order that they might share in the good things. At the end of these things trees will bear leaves and the forsaken will be filled with water, and the winter having been stripped of its natural dress, will run its own cycle. And then the summer will take its own course, and the winds shall be well-ordered and gently diminished. For in the time of the Typhonians the sun was darkened, having shone forth on evil customs and having exhibited the of the Girdle-wearers. And Egypt …

Week 12: extracts from 1 and 2 (below).

The Maccabean : Jewish Resistance to Hellenisation?

1. Excerpts from 1 Maccabees 1.10-57, 2 Maccabees 4. Dealing first with the period 175-170 B.C.: a. Who might the ‘set of renegades’ mentioned in the first paragraph and alluded to in 2 Maccabees 4 be? The most important clues are in what they were able to do. b. According to the first author, what was the cause of the ‘renegades’’ dissatisfaction? What changes did they bring about? Now, dealing with the period around 169-167: c. The third paragraph of the 1 Maccabees extract claims that Antiochus’ action against the Jews was part of a wider campaign for what we might call ‘cultural uniformity’ throughout his empire. There is no other evidence to suggest this, and it's probably best to see this as exaggeration by the author. As far as we know, only the Jews and were asked to alter their customs. d. What precisely did Antiochus ban? (Give details.) With what did he replace it? What were the punishments? e. The ‘Appalling Horror’ (often translated more literally, ‘The of Desolation’) is also mentioned in the Biblical book of Daniel, 8.13; cf. also 7.24ff., and the image is re-used in another context by in the Gospels. It was, in its original context, an altar to Olympios set up in place of the altar of burnt offerings to the God of , in the Temple in . According to , A.J. 12.253, a pig was sacrificed on it. /continued over

26 27 f. Can you find any clues as to what proportion of the population might have been actively involved in the ‘reforms’, first, at the early stage (1 Maccabees para. 1), and secondly, in the enforcing of the King's decree (para. 3)? What proportion of the population might have ‘gone along with’ the reform? What proportion might have been actively involved in resistance? (Try hard to separate out the of the author from the clues about details.) 2. 2 Maccabees chapter 6. a. Note that “an old man” from Athens might equally well be translated “an Athenian elder” or “a man named Geron, from Athens”. b. Once again, attempt to separate out concrete details from the powerful rhetoric of the author. What does this passage add to the information of the previous passage about the details of the religious reforms instituted by Antiochus? c. Is there any evidence to suggest that ruler-cult was a prominent feature of the reform? d. How geographically widespread was the reform? e. In the second paragraph the author gives us a detailed ‘editorial comment’ on the narrative. How does he interpret the events for his readers? What is he trying to suggest, and why? f. How do you respond to the ‘martyrdom story’ of Eleazar? How might we decide to what extent this vivid report is really historical, and to what extent a ‘typical’ martyrdom story, formulated out of standard elements? For those particularly interested, compare this story with the “Martyrdom of Polycarp”, an early Christian leader c. 110-155 A.D. It can be found in the Penguin translation, Early Christian Writings, trans. M. Staniforth, and in a number of other translations in the Library. What features do these two narratives have in common? What do you make of the similarities?

Question: What are the major differences of emphasis between these two documents? What evidence do they give us as to the extent of (a) Judean support for Antiochus, and (b) serious resistance to Antiochus, between 170 and 167? Extracts from 1 Maccabees 1.10-57. (c. 175 B.C.) Antiochus Epiphanes … became king in the one hundred and thirty-seventh year of the kingdom of the Greeks. It was then that there emerged from Israel a set of renegades who led many people astray. “Come”, they said, “let us reach an understanding with the nations surrounding us, for since we separated ourselves from them many misfortunes have overtaken us.” This proposal proved acceptable, and a number of the people eagerly approached the king, who authorised them to practise the foreign observances. So they built a gymnasium in Jerusalem, such as the nations have, disguised their circumcision, and abandoned the holy covenant, joining themselves to the Gentiles as willing slaves of impiety. (c. 169 B.C.) … After his conquest of Egypt, in the year one hundred and forty-three (of the ), Antiochus returned and marched with a strong force against Israel and Jerusalem. In his arrogance he entered the Sanctuary and took the golden altar, the lamp-stand with all its fittings, the table for the Bread of the Presence, the vessels for drink-offerings, the golden , the curtain and the crowns. He also stripped all the plating from the Temple facade. He took the silver, the gold and the precious vessels, and found the hidden treasures as well, and took everything with him when he returned to his own country. He had caused much destruction, and spoke arrogantly about it all …

28 29 (167 B.C.) … Then the king issued a decree to his entire kingdom: all were to become a single people, each abandoning their own customs. All the nations conformed to the King's decree, and many Israelites accepted the foreign form of worship, sacrificing to idols and profaning the Sabbath. The king also sent messengers with written orders to Jerusalem and the towns of Judah directing them to adopt customs foreign to the land. He ordered the banning of whole burnt offerings, and drink-offerings from the Temple, the profaning Sabbaths and Feast-days, and the defiling of the Temple and its ministers. He ordered the setting up of altars, idols and sacred precincts, and the sacrificing of pigs and other unclean animals. People were to leave their sons uncircumcised, and prostitute themselves to all kinds of impurity and abomination, so that they would forget the Law and the observances. Anyone who did not obey was to be put to death … (167 B.C.) … On the fifteenth of Kislev, 145, the king had the Appalling Horror set up on the altar. Altars were also built in towns all around Judah, and incense was offered at the doors of houses and in the streets. If any scrolls of the Law were found they were torn up and burned. If anyone was found to have a copy of the book of the Covenant, or to be practising the Law, they were sentenced to death by the terms of the decree. Month by month these wicked men (Israelite collaborators) acted against any who broke the terms of the decree in their towns. On the twenty- fifth of the month they offered sacrifices on the altar which had been erected over the altar of whole burnt offerings. Women who had had their children circumcised were put to death under the terms of the royal decree, with their babies hung around their necks. Their families and those who circumcised the babies were executed at the same time. Yet there were many in Israel who stood firm, and took a stand against eating unclean food. They chose to die rather than to defile themselves and profane the Covenant, and they were killed. A time of great wrath came upon Israel. 2 Maccabees Ch. 4. 175-170 B.C. When Seleucus had departed this life and Antiochus, called Epiphanes, had succeeded to the kingdom, , brother of Onias, usurped the High Priesthood by underhand methods. He approached the king with the promise of three hundred and sixty talents of silver, with eighty talents to come from future revenue. He further committed himself to guarantee another one hundred and fifty talents if he were allowed to use his authority to establish a gymnasium and an ephebeia (Greek youth organisation), and to enrol men in Jerusalem as Antiochenes. When the king gave his assent, Jason set out to introduce his fellow-countrymen to the Greek way of life as soon as he was in power. He suppressed the existing royal concessions to the Jews, granted at the instance of John, father of that Eupolemus who was later to be sent on the embassy of friendship and alliance with the Romans, and, overthrowing the lawful institutions, introduced new usages contrary to the Law. He went so far as to plant a Gymnasium at the very foot of the , and to fit out the most outstanding of his young men in the Greek broad-brimmed hat. Godless wretch that he was, and no true High , Jason set no bounds to his impiety. Indeed the hellenising process reached such a pitch that the ceased to show any interest in the services of the altar; scorning the Temple and neglecting the sacrifices, they would hurry off to take part in the unlawful exercises on the training ground as soon as the signal was given for the discus. They disdained all that their ancestors had esteemed, and set the highest value on Greek honours… 2 Maccabees Ch. 6. (167 B.C.) Shortly afterwards, the king sent an old man from Athens to compel the Jews to forsake the customs of their ancestors and to live no longer by the laws of God, and to profane the Temple in Jerusalem and dedicate it to Olympian Zeus, and the temple on Mt. Gerizim to Zeus the Friend of Strangers, as the inhabitants had requested. The imposition of this evil was oppressive and altogether intolerable. The Temple was filled with debauchery and revelling by the foreigners, who dallied with prostitutes and had intercourse with women within the sacred precincts, introducing other indecencies besides. The altar was loaded with abominable offerings that were forbidden by the laws. People

30 could neither keep the Sabbath nor observe the traditional feasts, nor even confess themselves to be Jews. At the monthly celebration of the King's birthday people were driven by harsh compulsion to partake of the sacrifices, and when a festival of was celebrated, they were forced to wear ivy wreaths and walk in the Dionysiac procession. At the suggestion of the people of * a decree was issued to the neighbouring Greek cities, enforcing the same conduct on the Jews there, obliging them to share in the sacrificial meals, and ordering the execution of those who did not choose to conform to Greek customs. The disaster that had come upon them was obvious. For example, two women were brought in for having circumcised their children. They were publicly paraded around the town, with their babies hung at their breasts, and then hurled down from the top of the city wall. Others who had assembled in the caves to keep the seventh day without attracting attention were betrayed to Philip and all burned together, because their consciences would not permit them to defend themselves, out of respect for the holiness of the day. Now I urge anyone who may read this book not to be depressed by these calamities, but to recognise that these punishments were designed not to destroy but to discipline our nation. Indeed, it is a sign of great benevolence when evil-doers are not left for long to their own devices, but are punished immediately. In the case of the other nations the Lord waits patiently until they have reached the full measure of their sins before he punishes them. But he does not deal this way with us, so as not to have to punish us later, when our sins have come to a head. He never completely withdraws his mercy from us. Although he may discipline us with disasters, he does not desert his own people. Let this be said as a reminder; we must go back to our story without more ado. Eleazar, one of the foremost teachers of the Law, a man already advanced in years and of most noble appearance, was being forced to open his mouth to eat pig's flesh. But he, welcoming death with honour rather than living with pollution, went to his death of his own accord, spitting the out, as anyone who has the courage to reject what it is not lawful to taste ought to do, even despite a natural love of life. Those who were in charge of the unlawful took the man aside because of their long- standing friendship with him, and urged him to bring meat for himself, of a kind he could eat, and only pretend that he was eating the flesh of the sacrificial meal that had been commanded by the king. This way he would be saved from death, by taking advantage of an act of kindness prompted by his long-standing friendship with them. But making a noble decision worthy of his years and the dignity of his old age, and the well-earned distinction of his grey hairs, and his impeccable conduct from boyhood, and above all, according to the holy Law given by God himself, he publicly stated his convictions, telling them to send him to . “Such pretence is not worthy of our time of life,” he said, “for many young people might suppose that Eleazar at the age of ninety had gone over to an alien way, and through my pretence, for the sake of living a brief moment longer, they would be led astray because of me; I would only bring defilement and disgrace on my old age. Even if, for the moment, I avoid the punishment by mortals, living or dead I can never escape the hands of the Almighty. Therefore, by bravely giving up my life now I shall prove myself worthy of my old age, and leave the young a noble example of how to die a good death willingly and nobly for the revered and holy laws.” With these words he went straight to the place of execution. His escorts, so recently well disposed towards him, turned against him after what he had said, which they regarded as sheer madness. Just as he was dying under the blows, he groaned aloud and said: “It is clear to the Lord in His holy knowledge that though I might have escaped death, whatever terrible sufferings I am enduring under this beating, in my soul I am glad to suffer, because I fear him.” In this way he died, leaving his death as an example of and a memorial of courage, not only for the young, but for the great body of his nation.

* Or possibly “at the suggestion of Ptolemy”, i.e. Ptolemy the son of Dorymenes, the Seleucid governor of the region.

31 Week 13: Austin Doc. 68, = Austin2 Doc. 84, extracts from Polybius 18.44-46. The Intervention of Rome and the ‘Freedom of the Greeks’, 196 B.C.

The general issue for today is to try to understand the aims of Roman policy in Greece, particularly in their settlement of the against Philip V. Note that the passage from Polybius describes two quite different sets of events: (a) the arrival of the Roman commission to actually make a settlement, and its publication, and (b) the (very) public announcement of the actual withdrawal of Roman forces. A. Dealing, first of all, with the treaty: 1. From whom were the Greeks in “” declared to be free? What about the Greeks of “Asia”? N.B. the significance of “their own laws”. Cf. Austin Doc. 4, = Austin2 Doc. 5, from Week 3. 2. What kinds of places are to be handed over to the Romans? 3. What ‘strategic arms limitations’ are imposed on Philip? 4. What is the point about the handing over of deserters? 5. How serious is the indemnity? 6. What is the significance of these provisions for ? for the rest of Greece? 7. Why the very positive reaction, given the possible truth of what the Aetolians are saying? Why are the Aetolians so extraordinarily negative? 8. What will Antiochus III think about the treaty? B. The second section of the extract deals with the full public announcement of Roman withdrawal, made, dramatically, at a great -Hellenic festival at . 1. The reaction, as you can read, is overwhelming. Why? What is announced here that had not been said already above? 2. Locate as many of the places which are being left independent here as you can. How serious is the loss of territory for Macedon? 3. Are there any limits on the ‘freedoms’ announced here? See, for an example, the rest of Polybius 18.45. 4. What, as far as we can see, might be Rome's intentions in this very generous settlement? Is their motive war-weariness? Genuine altruism (as Polybius clearly ) or philhellen- ism? Or is this a strategy of ‘Divide and Conquer’? Are they simply removing all major threats to their own position (i.e. both Macedon and Antiochus)? Is this a propaganda vic- tory making lots of friends and thus balancing the greater powers further away? i.e. a friendly buffer zone? Or what? 5. How might we explain Polybius’ totally positive reaction to the Roman settlement, given that scholars are seriously divided about Rome's intentions?

Question: How should we interpret the intentions of Flamininus in his declaration of the ‘freedom of the Greeks’?

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REFERENCE: Note also the older Cambridge Ancient History, Vols. VI-X. Vols. VI, VII and VIII are available in the new edition. See particularly Vol. VII and VIII. Main Ancient Sources: Alexander and Arrian (trans. Loeb or Penguin : see Bosworth's commentary). Hellenistic History: Plutarch, Lives (Loeb or Penguin). Diodorus Siculus (Loeb). Q. Curtius Rufus (Loeb or Penguin) : Yardley, J. C., and Heckel, W., Justin, Epitome of the Philippic History of Pompeius Trogus, vol. 1: Books 11-12.

Welles, C. (ed.) Royal Correspondence in the Hellenistic Period.

62 Egypt: Papyri, in The Papyri, ed. B.P. Grenfell and A.S. Hunt.

Palestine: Maccabees I & II (in B.M. Metzger, The Apocrypha of the Old Testament (Oxford, 1965), Josephus.

Rome and the See above: Livy (Loeb and Penguin). Hellenistic Monarchies: Polybius (Loeb and Penguin; see also F.W. Walbank: A Historical Commentary on Polybius (Oxford, 1957).

See also the texts in E. Barker, From Alexander to Constantine, and M.M. Austin, The Hellenistic World.

63