Philipp Frank's Austro-American Logical Empiricism

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Philipp Frank's Austro-American Logical Empiricism PHILIPP FRANK’S AUSTRO-AMERICAN LOGICAL EMPIRICISM Thomas Mormann The aim of this article is to discuss the “Austro-American” logical empiricism proposed by physicist and philosopher Philipp Frank, particularly his interpretation of Carnap’s Aufbau, which he considered the charter of logical empiricism as a scientific world con- ception. According to Frank, the Aufbau was to be read as an integration of the ideas of Mach and Poincaré, leading eventually to a pragmatism quite similar to that of the American pragmatist William James. Relying on this peculiar interpretation, Frank in- tended to bring about a rapprochement between the logical empiricism of the Vienna Circle in exile and American pragmatism. In the course of this project, in the last years of his career, Frank outlined a comprehensive, socially engaged philosophy of science that could serve as a “link between science and philosophy.” 1. Introduction In the past 3 or 4 decades, quite a few philosophers and historians of philos- ophy of science have engaged in dissecting the various currents of epistemology and philosophy of science that informed the logical empiricism of the Vienna Circle. In this endeavor, neo-Kantian influences were initially distinguished from philosophical doctrines attributed to a specific “Austrian philosophy” whose or- igins are traced to nineteenth-century philosopher-scientists such as Bolzano, Brentano, and Mach. The first to propose the thesis that there was a genuine Austrian philosophical tradition in the larger context of German-speaking phi- losophy was Otto Neurath. In The Scientific Conception of the World: The Vienna Contact Thomas Mormann at Department of Logic and Philosophy of Science, University of the Basque Country UPV/EHU, Avenida de Tolosa 70, 20080 Donostia-San Sebastián, Spain (ylxmomot @ehu.es). I am grateful to two anonymous HOPOS referees for their extremely helpful comments, sugges- tions, and criticisms on two earlier versions of this article. They helped improve considerably the final version of this article. Of course, I am responsible for any remaining errors and other shortcomings. HOPOS: The Journal of the International Society for the History of Philosophy of Science, vol. 7 (Spring 2017). 2152-5188/2017/0701-0003$10.00. © 2017 by the International Society for the History of Philosophy of Science. All rights reserved. Electronically published January 18, 2017. 000 This content downloaded from 158.227.191.004 on April 09, 2017 03:07:55 AM All use subject to University of Chicago Press Terms and Conditions (http://www.journals.uchicago.edu/t-and-c). HOPOS | Frank’s Austro-American Logical Empiricism Circle he characterized Austrian philosophy as anti-Kantian, science oriented, clinging to the spirit of enlightenment, empiricist, and particularly interested in questions of logic and language (Neurath 1929). Later, Neurath’s thesis was elaborated by Rudolf Haller and others and is now known as the Neurath-Haller thesis (see Neurath 1929; Haller 1991; Uebel 2003). Although many members of the Vienna Circle, particularly Neurath and Philipp Frank, can be characterized as Austrian philosophers in the sense of the Neurath-Haller thesis, there were others who could not so easily be subsumed under the Austrian label. Among them, Schlick and Carnap were the most im- portant examples. The aim of this article is to discuss the bold attempt of the Austrian philosopher Frank to read Carnap’s Der logische Aufbau der Welt as a work in the tradition of Austrian philosophy in the sense of the Neurath-Haller thesis (Carnap 1928/1967, henceforth Aufbau). For some time, it has been nearly unanimously agreed that the Aufbau is deeply marked by neo-Kantian, Kantian, and other non-Austrian influences. This is not surprising; Carnap began his philosophical career in Jena as a neo- Kantian, writing his dissertation under the direction of the neo-Kantian Bruno Bauch. More importantly, the first version of the Aufbau was written in the years 1922–25, when he lived as an “independent scholar” in Buchenbach near Frei- burg in Germany.1 Thus, the first version of the Aufbau was written before Carnap came to Vienna. Hence, what is surprising, at least in light of the Neurath-Haller thesis, is that the Austrians welcomed the Aufbau as congenial with the Circle’s allegedly Austrian philosophy. Indeed, at least for a certain time, the Aufbau became the philosophical reference point of the Austrian “scientific world conception.” This point was emphatically formulated by Frank:2 “Carnap gave the new philosophy [i.e., log- ical empiricism of the Vienna Circle] its ‘classical shape.’ He coined many of its terms and phrases and endowed it with subtlety and simplicity. In . The Logical Structure of the World [sic] the integration of Mach and Poincaré was actually performed in a coherent system of conspicuous logical simplicity. Our Viennese group saw in Carnap’s work the synthesis that we had advocated for many years” (1949, 33). Carnap himself did not pay much attention to the originality of Austrian philosophy.3 In Logical Syntax of Language (Carnap 1937a), as well as in later texts after he had left Europe, Austrian philosophers 1. When Carnap lived in Buchenbach, he came into contact with Husserl’s phenomenology. The influence of Husserl’s phenomenology on the Aufbau is well confirmed (see Mayer 1991). 2. Frank did not take Carnap’s non-Austrian philosophical heritage seriously, debunking it as “some sentimental ties to traditional German philosophy” (1949, 34). 3. He never dealt with Bolzano, and Brentano is mentioned in the Aufbau only once as the founder of “the traditional theory of intentionality” (Carnap 1928/1967, sec. 164). 000 This content downloaded from 158.227.191.004 on April 09, 2017 03:07:55 AM All use subject to University of Chicago Press Terms and Conditions (http://www.journals.uchicago.edu/t-and-c). Mormann |SPRING2017 were not mentioned at all (with the exception of Wittgenstein and Popper).4 Even for the Aufbau, he did not get it exactly right when he retrospectively de- scribed Mach’s role for this work as follows: The choice of a phenomenalist basis [for the constitution system mainly dealt with in the Aufbau5] was influenced by some radical empiricist or positivist German [sic] philosophers of the end of the last century whom I had studied with interest, in the first place Ernst Mach, and further Richard Avenarius, Richard von Schubert-Soldern, and Wilhelm Schuppe. For the constitution of scientific concepts on the phenomenal basis I found fruitful suggestions in the works of Mach and Avenarius, and, above all, in the logical constructions made by Russell. (Carnap 1963, 18) He was apparently unaware of the importance of distinguishing between Aus- trian and German philosophy, drawing his inspiration from wherever he could find it, whether Austrian, German, or British sources.6 Striking evidence for this eclectic attitude was his confession that the Aufbau’s constitution theory had two very different sources: “Two entirely different and frequently hostile phil- osophical positions have the merit of both having discovered the necessary basis of the constitution system. Positivism has emphasized that the only material of cognition consists in the undigested experientially given. It is here that we have to look for the basic elements of the constitution system. Transcendental ideal- ism, especially the neo-Kantian school (Rickert, Cassirer, Bauch) has justly em- phasized that these elements do not suffice. Order concepts, our basic relations, must be added” (Carnap 1928/1967, sec. 75). Although Carnap acknowledged having been influenced by Poincaré, he con- sidered Russell’sinfluence far more important, as will be discussed in some detail in section 3. This evidence does not imply that Frank’s Austrian reading of the Aufbau as an “integration of Mach and Poincaré” was mistaken. Carnap might have arrived at some sort of “Austrian philosophy” independently, starting from a “German” philosophical base. Nevertheless, the Aufbau, at least prima facie, 4. Further evidence that Mach only played a minor role for Carnap is that he was never mentioned in Carnap’s pre-Aufbau articles, with one or two exceptions that lack importance. With the shifting of emphasis toward logic and language from the thirties onward, Machian ingredients in Carnap’s em- piricism faded away. 5. In the Aufbau, he was more critical of Mach’s phenomenalism, noting that a Machian consti- tution system did not satisfy the requirement of “epistemic primacy” in contrast to the gestaltist system based on Elementarerlebnisse (see Carnap 1928/1967, sec. 54). 6. In fact, Schubert-Soldern may be characterized as an Austrian philosopher (born in Prague). Avenarius is sometimes considered a “German-Swiss” thinker. 000 This content downloaded from 158.227.191.004 on April 09, 2017 03:07:55 AM All use subject to University of Chicago Press Terms and Conditions (http://www.journals.uchicago.edu/t-and-c). HOPOS | Frank’s Austro-American Logical Empiricism poses a problem for the Neurath-Haller thesis because it challenges the con- traposition of German neo-Kantian and Austrian anti-Kantian philosophy. The Aufbau demonstrates that Kant’s shadow loomed larger than many Austrian philosophers might have thought. Frank, as an Austrian philosopher par excellence, never acknowledged that Kant and other German philosophical traditions had any importance for the Aufbau. As he showed in his Historical Background, he wholeheartedly sub- scribed to Neurath’s bold thesis that “things happen in Austria parallel
Recommended publications
  • Einstein and the Development of Twentieth-Century Philosophy of Science
    Einstein and the Development of Twentieth-Century Philosophy of Science Don Howard University of Notre Dame Introduction What is Albert Einstein’s place in the history of twentieth-century philosophy of science? Were one to consult the histories produced at mid-century from within the Vienna Circle and allied movements (e.g., von Mises 1938, 1939, Kraft 1950, Reichenbach 1951), then one would find, for the most part, two points of emphasis. First, Einstein was rightly remembered as the developer of the special and general theories of relativity, theories which, through their challenge to both scientific and philosophical orthodoxy made vivid the need for a new kind of empiricism (Schlick 1921) whereby one could defend the empirical integrity of the theory of relativity against challenges coming mainly from the defenders of Kant.1 Second, the special and general theories of relativity were wrongly cited as straightforwardly validating central tenets of the logical empiricist program, such as verificationism, and Einstein was wrongly represented as having, himself, explicitly endorsed those same philosophical principles. As we now know, logical empiricism was not the monolithic philosophical movement it was once taken to have been. Those associated with the movement disagreed deeply about fundamental issues concerning the structure and interpretation of scientific theories, as in the protocol sentence debate, and about the overall aims of the movement, as in the debate between the left and right wings of the Vienna Circle over the role of politics in science and philosophy.2 Along with such differences went subtle differences in the assessment of Einstein’s legacy to logical empiricism.
    [Show full text]
  • Philipp Frank at Harvard University: His Work and His Influence
    Philipp Frank at Harvard University: His Work and His Influence The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Holton, Gerald. 2006. Phillip Frank at Harvard: His Work and his Influence. Synthese 153 (2): 297-311. doi.org/10.1007/ s11229-005-5471-3 Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:37837879 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA 10/12/04 Lecture at Philipp Frank Conferences in Prague & Vienna, Sept-Oct. ‘04 Philipp Frank at Harvard: His Work and his Influence by Gerald Holton My pleasant task today is to bring to life Philipp Frank’s work and influence during his last three decades, when he found a refuge and a position in America. In what follows, I hope I may call him Philipp--having been first a graduate student in one of his courses at Harvard, then his teaching assistant sharing his offices, then for many years his colleague and friend in the same Physics Department, and finally, doing research on his archival holdings kept at Harvard. I also should not hide my large personal debt to him, for without his recommendation in the 1950s to the Albert Einstein Estate, I would not have received its warm welcome and its permission, as the first one to do historical research in the treasure trove of unpublished letters and manuscripts, thus starting me on a major part of my career in the history of science.
    [Show full text]
  • Passmore, J. (1967). Logical Positivism. in P. Edwards (Ed.). the Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Vol. 5, 52- 57). New York: Macmillan
    Passmore, J. (1967). Logical Positivism. In P. Edwards (Ed.). The Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Vol. 5, 52- 57). New York: Macmillan. LOGICAL POSITIVISM is the name given in 1931 by A. E. Blumberg and Herbert Feigl to a set of philosophical ideas put forward by the Vienna circle. Synonymous expressions include "consistent empiricism," "logical empiricism," "scientific empiricism," and "logical neo-positivism." The name logical positivism is often, but misleadingly, used more broadly to include the "analytical" or "ordinary language philosophies developed at Cambridge and Oxford. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND The logical positivists thought of themselves as continuing a nineteenth-century Viennese empirical tradition, closely linked with British empiricism and culminating in the antimetaphysical, scientifically oriented teaching of Ernst Mach. In 1907 the mathematician Hans Hahn, the economist Otto Neurath, and the physicist Philipp Frank, all of whom were later to be prominent members of the Vienna circle, came together as an informal group to discuss the philosophy of science. They hoped to give an account of science which would do justice -as, they thought, Mach did not- to the central importance of mathematics, logic, and theoretical physics, without abandoning Mach's general doctrine that science is, fundamentally, the description of experience. As a solution to their problems, they looked to the "new positivism" of Poincare; in attempting to reconcile Mach and Poincare; they anticipated the main themes of logical positivism. In 1922, at the instigation of members of the "Vienna group," Moritz Schlick was invited to Vienna as professor, like Mach before him (1895-1901), in the philosophy of the inductive sciences. Schlick had been trained as a scientist under Max Planck and had won a name for himself as an interpreter of Einstein's theory of relativity.
    [Show full text]
  • Prof. Richard Von Mises
    Professor Richard von Mises (1883 – 1953) From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Richard_von_Mises ) Richard Edler von Mises ( 19 April 1883, Lwów – 14 July 1953, Boston, Massachusetts) was a scientist and mathematician who worked on solid mechanics, fluid mechanics, aerodynamics, aeronautics, statistics and probability theory. He held the position of Gordon-McKay Professor of Aerodynamics and Applied Mathematics at Harvard University. He described his work in his own words shortly before his death as being on “... practical analysis, integral and differential equations, mechanics, hydrodynamics and aerodynamics, constructive geometry, probability calculus, statistics and philosophy.” Although best known for his mathematical work, he also contributed to the philosophy of science as a neo- positivist, following the line of Ernst Mach. Historians of the Vienna Circle of logical empiricism recognize a "first phase" from 1907 through 1914 with Philipp Frank, Hans Hahn, and Otto Neurath. His older brother, Ludwig von Mises, held an opposite point of view with respect to positivism and epistemology. During his time in Istanbul, von Mises maintained close contact with Philipp Frank, a logical positivist and Professor of Physics in Prague until 1938. His literary interests included the Austrian novelist Robert Musil and the poet Rainer Maria Rilke, on whom he became a recognized expert. Von Mises’ Life: Eighteen months after his brother, the Austrian School economist Ludwig von Mises, Richard von Mises was born in Lemberg, then part of Austria-Hungary, into a Jewish family. His parents were Arthur Edler von Mises, a doctor of technical sciences who worked as an expert for the Austrian State Railways, and Adele Landau.
    [Show full text]
  • The Law of Causality and Its Limits Vienna Circle Collection
    THE LAW OF CAUSALITY AND ITS LIMITS VIENNA CIRCLE COLLECTION lIENK L. MULDER, University ofAmsterdam, Amsterdam, The Netherlands ROBERT S. COHEN, Boston University, Boston, Mass., U.SA. BRIAN MCGUINNESS, University of Siena, Siena, Italy RUDOLF IlALLER, Charles Francis University, Graz, Austria Editorial Advisory Board ALBERT E. BLUMBERG, Rutgers University, New Brunswick, N.J., U.SA. ERWIN N. HIEBERT, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass., U.SA JAAKKO HiNTIKKA, Boston University, Boston, Mass., U.S.A. A. J. Kox, University ofAmsterdam, Amsterdam, The Netherlands GABRIEL NUCHELMANS, University ofLeyden, Leyden, The Netherlands ANTH:ONY M. QUINTON, All Souls College, Oxford, England J. F. STAAL, University of California, Berkeley, Calif., U.SA. FRIEDRICH STADLER, Institute for Science and Art, Vienna, Austria VOLUME 22 VOLUME EDITOR: ROBERT S. COHEN PHILIPP FRANK PHILIPP FRANK THELAWOF CAUSALITY AND ITS LIMITS Edited by ROBERT s. COHEN Boston University Translated by MARIE NEURATH and ROBERT S. COHEN 1Ii.. ... ,~ SPRINGER SCIENCE+BUSINESS MEDIA, B.V. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication data Frank, Philipp, 1884-1966. [Kausalgesetz und seine Grenzen. Englishl The law of causality and its limits / Philipp Frank; edited by Robert S. Cohen ; translation by Marie Neurath and Robert S. Cohen. p. cm. -- (Vienna Circle collection ; v. 22) Inc I udes index. ISBN 978-94-010-6323-4 ISBN 978-94-011-5516-8 (eBook) DOI 10.1007/978-94-011-5516-8 1. Causation. 2. Science--Phi losophy. I. Cohen, R. S. (Robert Sonne) 11. Title. 111. Series. BD543.F7313
    [Show full text]
  • Physics and the Philosophy of Science at the Turn of the Twentieth Century
    Physics and the Philosophy of Science at the Turn of the Twentieth Century (Forthcoming in the Enciclopedia Italiana di Storia della Scienza under the title, “Fisica e Filosofia della Scienza all’Alba del XX Secolo”) I believe that philosophy can be helped to its feet again only if it devotes itself seriously and fervently to investigations of cognitive processes and the methods of science. There it has a real and legitimate task . Philosophy has obviously come to a standstill because it . still has taken no new life from the vigorous development of the natural sciences. — Hermann von Helmholtz to Adolf Fick, ca. 1875 (as quoted in Koenigsberger 1902–1903, 243) Introduction: Disciplinary Symbiosis Theoretical physics and the philosophy of science are among the most important fields of research in the twentieth century, this as gauged both by their prominence within their respective disciplines and by their broader social and intellectual impact. Yet in 1850 neither field, as we know it today, would have been recognized in the academy or elsewhere as constituting an autonomous mode of inquiry with associated institutional structures. With hindsight, each might be glimpsed in germ. Some would read Hermann von Helmholtz’s 1847 lecture, Über die Erhaltung der Kraft (Helmholtz 1848) as marking the advent of the search for generalizable explanatory structures whose deployment is a distinguishing mark of theoretical physics. Some would read Auguste Comte’s Cours de philosophie positive (1830–1842) or William Whewell’s The Philosophy of the Inductive Sciences (1840) as inaugurating the systematic study of those general questions about scientific method, the nature and limits of scientific knowledge, and the structure and interpretation of scientific theories whose focal significance later defined the field in the form made famous by the members of the Vienna Circle.
    [Show full text]
  • Biographical Notes
    Appendix Biographical Notes Bursian, Viktor Robertovich (1886–1945), a Russian and Soviet theoretical physi- cist. He worked on a range of physical problems, firstly using classical, then later quantum physics from 1918 to 1932 under Joffe at the Physico-Technical Insti- tute in Leningrad (LFTI). From 1932 until his arrest in 1936 “for participation in a fascist-Trotskyite-Zinovievite organization” he was professor then director of the Scientific-Research Institute of Physics at Leningrad University. He carried out work in mineral prospecting in the 1920s, one of the founders of the technique of electrical geo-exploration. For more details see Bursian (1988). Bursian was sentenced in 1937 by the Supreme Military Court to 10 years in a labor camp, which he spent in the technical special office of the NKVD carrying out thermal calculations. Egorshin, Vasilii Petrovich (1898–1985), born into a peasant family, joined the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party in 1915. After the revolution in 1921 he taught courses at Moscow University and from 1924 taught physics at the Communist University. Like Hessen he then studied at the IKP. He also joined the Deborin group, but turned against them in the late 1920s. Fock, Vladimir Aleksandrovich (1898–1974), a major Soviet theoretical physicist, known internationally for his foundational work in quantum mechanics and QED, where he introduced key mathematical concepts such as Fock space. Graduating from Petrograd University where he was a postgraduate, becoming a professor there in 1932. He collaborated with the Physico-Technical Institute in Leningrad (LFTI) from 1924 to 1936 and had periods of collaboration with the Vavilov State Optical Institute in Petrograd (now St.
    [Show full text]
  • 36Pm Mathews
    Michael R. Matthews 223 Rescuing Two Positivist “Babies” from the Educational Bathwater Michael R. Matthews University of New South Wales It is an understatement to say that Positivism is unpopular in education circles. “Positivist” has become for educators, what “terrorist” is for politicians. In the past two decades positivists and their bathwater have been summarily dispatched out the education window. This situation represents a dramatic turn in philosophical and educational fashion. In the 1920s, adherents of the newly formulated positivism, or the “Scien- tific Conception of the World,” were social and educational progressives in a reactionary central-European milieu. In the 1950s and 1960s the logical empiricist variant of positivism dominated philosophy of science and monopolized the “nature of science” chapters of science textbooks. Most serious educational researchers measured their work against positivist norms of rigor, clarity, objectivity, repeat- ability, and so on. The change in intellectual fashion was dramatic: from comfortable bath to defenestration in just the time it took to say “Thomas Kuhn.” But how well based is the educational rejection of positivism? What can be rescued from the bathwater? This paper will answer the question by going back to the sources and examining the philosophical and educational views of two of the founding Vienna Circle positivists — Philipp Frank and Herbert Feigl — and arguing that they at least should be rescued from the bathwater; and further that most of their orientation to science, philosophy and education should be rescued along with them. Both Frank and Feigl followed in the scientific and philosophical footsteps of Ernst Mach, who also had deep and robust educational views.1 THE MENACE OF POSITIVISM The sheer volume of positivist “bad press” in education makes a comprehensive survey impossible, but a small sampling gives an idea of the whole.
    [Show full text]
  • Philipp G. Frank: Critic of Modern Science
    Loyola University Chicago Loyola eCommons Master's Theses Theses and Dissertations 1969 Philipp G. Frank: Critic of Modern Science Justin. Synnestvedt Loyola University Chicago Follow this and additional works at: https://ecommons.luc.edu/luc_theses Part of the Philosophy Commons Recommended Citation Synnestvedt, Justin., "Philipp G. Frank: Critic of Modern Science" (1969). Master's Theses. 2487. https://ecommons.luc.edu/luc_theses/2487 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses and Dissertations at Loyola eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of Loyola eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 License. Copyright © Justin. Synnestvedt PHILIPP G. FRANK: CRITIC OF MODERN SCIENCP. by Justin Synnestvedt A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Loyola University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts November 1969 -- PREFACE The purpoae of till• paper i• to preMnt Pblllpp G. Frank a• epitoml&lna aome of the develop11ent• 'tbat have occurred in the philo•opby of acle.nce during th.la century. Frank i• particularly well aulted ae a •ubject for thl• •tudy, for aeveral raa•ona. In the tlr•t place, b.e baa been an i.nf luential contributor to the growth of modern science, tbrough hi• work aa Proteaaor of Theo• retical Pbyeica at Prague, fr• 1912 to 1938, aact aa Lecturer on Physic• and Mathematica at Banard, fc• 1939 until hi• ret!zwnt 1n 1954.
    [Show full text]
  • Building a New Thursday Circle Carnap and Frank in Prague
    Building a New Thursday Circle Carnap and Frank in Prague Adam Tamas Tuboly Institute of Philosophy, Hungarian Academy of Sciences; University of Pécs, Pécs, Hungary [email protected] 1 Building a New Thursday Circle Carnap and Frank in Prague1 1. Introduction When Carnap wrote a short intellectual autobiography for Marcel Boll in March 1933, he mentioned two things about Prague: (1) that he became a professor at the German University in 1931, and (2) that he worked on his Logische Syntax der Sprache until 1933.2 These things are well known. Carnap spent, however, five long years in Prague, just like he did before in Vienna: so, one might ask, whether (1) and (2) indeed sufficiently characterize his Prague- period. Philipp Frank (1949, 45), who was there for almost twenty years when Carnap arrived, wrote that “[f]rom 1931 on we [i.e. Frank and Carnap] had in this way a new center of ‘scientific world conception’ at the University of Prague.” This seems to be much more than what Carnap claimed. Actually Carnap might have had great expectations regarding Prague: the First Conference on the Epistemology of the Exact Sciences, where the Vienna Circle made public its manifesto, was organized by Frank there in 1929; five years later in 1934 the Preliminary Conference of the International Congresses for the Unity of Science was hosted again in Prague. As Jan Sebestik (1994, 205) claimed, “Prague has always been one of the important European centres of learning and of science, and it has often been the forerunner of vast currents or movements, both intellectual and political.” The city also had a long tradition of scientifically oriented philosophical thinking: through Bernard Bolzano, members of the Brentano-School (such as Anton Marty, Tomáš G.
    [Show full text]
  • L. Susan Stebbing, CEM Joad, and Philipp Frank on the Philosophy Of
    Knowledge Missemination: L. Susan Stebbing, C.E.M. Joad, and Philipp Frank on the Philosophy of the Physicists Adam Tamas Tuboly Institute of Philosophy, Hungarian Academy of Sciences; Institute of Transdisciplinary Discoveries, University of Pecs Science popularization might take different forms. In the early twentieth cen- tury, Sir James Jeans and Sir Arthur Eddington presented the most successful endeavors. Philosophers were highly unimpressed and disturbed by these pop- ular works and various authors declared their disagreement with the physi- cists’ philosophical books against their own philosophical background. I will discuss three different philosophers, L. Susan Stebbing, C. E. M. Joad, and Philipp Frank, whose three lines of criticism represent three different forms of philosophy, social engagement, and scientific outlook. What is interesting is that there was a point when the most diverse philosophers (of science) agreed in contrast of their common enemy, namely, those popularizing scientists that have their reputation and use it to propagate false, or at least misleading views about science, culture, and values. What we shall see is how far this agreement went among these figures and how the divergent strategies culminated in very similar results regarding knowledge dissemination. Keywords: Susan Stebbing, Arthur Eddington, James Jeans, philosophy of physics, popularization of science, C.E.M. Joad, Philipp Frank, logical empiricism The paper was first presented at the Matter and Life: Historico-logical Issues in Post-1800 Physics and Biology workshop (Sarton Centre for History of Science, Ghent University, 27. 08. 2018). I am indebted to Bohang Chen, Maarten van Dyck and Charles T. Wolfe. I am also grateful to George Reisch for the many discussions on Frank’s philosophy, the two anonymous reviewers of the journal and to Alexander Levine and Michael Whitworth for their kindness and help.
    [Show full text]
  • Logico-Empiricism's Philosophy of Biology 1934/36
    Erschienen in: Philosophia Scientiæ ; 22 (2018), 3. - S. 233-255 “Wrongful Life” Reloaded: Logical empiricism’s philosophy of biology 1934-1936 (Prague/Paris/Copenhagen): With historical and political intermezzos Gereon Wolters University of Konstanz (Germany) Résumé : Ce chapitre reprend, en l’enrichissant, un article antérieur sur la philosophie de la biologie de l’empirisme logique, en en examinant les thèses centrales telles qu’elles sont exprimées lors des rencontres de Prague (1934), de Paris (1935) et de Copenhague (1936), rencontres décisives pour le développe- ment du mouvement et son rayonnement dans le monde occidental. Je montre que l’empirisme logique n’a pas contribué au développement de la philosophie de la biologie, comme il l’a fait pour celui de la philosophie de la physique ou des mathématiques. Les raisons de cet échec sont triples : 1o ) les empiristes logiques n’avaient qu’une vague connaissance des sciences biologiques ; 2o ) ils se sont focalisés sur un cadre stérile (idéologique), l’antivitalisme et le réductionisme, qu’ils prenaient pour la philosophie de la biologie ; 3o ) cela les a empêchés de traiter des véritables problèmes de la biologie. Entre les différentes sections de ce chapitre, j’insère des « intermezzos » qui replacent différents protagonistes de ces rencontres dans un contexte plus large (la grande guerre, les persécutions, le langage). Abstract: I offer a revision (“reload”) of an earlier paper on logical- empiricism’s philosophy of biology by locating its central theses in the context of the international conferences of Prague (1934), Paris (1935), and Copenhagen (1936), so important for the development of logical empiricism and its spread in the Western world.
    [Show full text]