Summary of Criminal Case Proceedings
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A Federal Criminal Case Timeline
A Federal Criminal Case Timeline The following timeline is a very broad overview of the progress of a federal felony case. Many variables can change the speed or course of the case, including settlement negotiations and changes in law. This timeline, however, will hold true in the majority of federal felony cases in the Eastern District of Virginia. Initial appearance: Felony defendants are usually brought to federal court in the custody of federal agents. Usually, the charges against the defendant are in a criminal complaint. The criminal complaint is accompanied by an affidavit that summarizes the evidence against the defendant. At the defendant's first appearance, a defendant appears before a federal magistrate judge. This magistrate judge will preside over the first two or three appearances, but the case will ultimately be referred to a federal district court judge (more on district judges below). The prosecutor appearing for the government is called an "Assistant United States Attorney," or "AUSA." There are no District Attorney's or "DAs" in federal court. The public defender is often called the Assistant Federal Public Defender, or an "AFPD." When a defendant first appears before a magistrate judge, he or she is informed of certain constitutional rights, such as the right to remain silent. The defendant is then asked if her or she can afford counsel. If a defendant cannot afford to hire counsel, he or she is instructed to fill out a financial affidavit. This affidavit is then submitted to the magistrate judge, and, if the defendant qualifies, a public defender or CJA panel counsel is appointed. -
Cops and Pleas: Police Officers' Influence on Plea Bargaining
JONATHAN ABEL Cops and Pleas: Police Officers' Influence on Plea Bargaining AB S TRACT. Police officers play an important, though little-understood, role in plea bargain- ing. This Essay examines the many ways in which prosecutors and police officers consult, collab- orate, and clash with each other over plea bargaining. Using original interviews with criminal justice officials from around the country, this Essay explores the mechanisms of police involve- ment in plea negotiations and the implications of this involvement for both plea bargaining and policing. Ultimately, police influence in the arena of plea bargaining -long thought the exclusive domain of prosecutors -calls into question basic assumptions about who controls the prosecu- tion team. A U T H 0 R. Fellow, Stanford Constitutional Law Center. I am grateful to Kim Jackson and her colleagues at the Yale Law journal for their invaluable suggestions. I also want to thank col- leagues, friends, and family who read drafts and talked through the issues with me. A short list includes Liora Abel, Greg Ablavsky, Stephanos Bibas, Jack Chin, Barbara Fried, Colleen Honigs- berg, Cathy Hwang, Shira Levine, Michael McConnell, Sonia Moss, Howard Shneider, Robert Weisberg, and the riders of A.C. Transit's "0" Bus. 1730 ESSAY CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 1732 1. THE SEPARATION OF POWERS WITHIN THE PROSECUTION TEAM 1735 A. Academic Accounts 1736 1. Scholarship on the Police Role in Plea Bargaining 1737 2. Scholarship on the Separation of Powers in Plea Bargaining 1741 B. Prosecutor and Police Accounts of the Separation of Powers in Plea Bargaining 1743 II. POLICE INFLUENCE ON PLEA BARGAINING 1748 A. -
Disclosure and Accuracy in the Guilty Plea Process Kevin C
Hastings Law Journal Volume 40 | Issue 5 Article 2 1-1989 Disclosure and Accuracy in the Guilty Plea Process Kevin C. McMunigal Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/hastings_law_journal Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Kevin C. McMunigal, Disclosure and Accuracy in the Guilty Plea Process, 40 Hastings L.J. 957 (1989). Available at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/hastings_law_journal/vol40/iss5/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Hastings Law Journal by an authorized editor of UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Disclosure and Accuracy in the Guilty Plea Process by KEVIN C. MCMUNIGAL* Consider the following disclosure problem. The government indicts a defendant on an armed robbery charge arising from a violent mugging. The prosecution's case is based entirely on the testimony of the victim, who identified the defendant from police photographs of persons with a record of similar violent crime. With only the victim's testimony to rely on, the prosecutor is unsure of her ability to obtain a conviction at trial. She offers the defendant a guilty plea limiting his sentencing exposure to five years, a significant concession in light of the defendant's substantial prior record and the fact that the charged offense carries a maximum penalty of fifteen years incarceration. As trial nears, the victim's confi- dence in the identification appears to wane. The robbery took place at night. He was frightened and saw his assailant for a matter of seconds. -
The “Radical” Notion of the Presumption of Innocence
EXECUTIVE SESSION ON THE FUTURE OF JUSTICE POLICY THE “RADICAL” MAY 2020 Tracey Meares, NOTION OF THE Justice Collaboratory, Yale University Arthur Rizer, PRESUMPTION R Street Institute OF INNOCENCE The Square One Project aims to incubate new thinking on our response to crime, promote more effective strategies, and contribute to a new narrative of justice in America. Learn more about the Square One Project at squareonejustice.org The Executive Session was created with support from the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation as part of the Safety and Justice Challenge, which seeks to reduce over-incarceration by changing the way America thinks about and uses jails. 04 08 14 INTRODUCTION THE CURRENT STATE OF WHY DOES THE PRETRIAL DETENTION PRESUMPTION OF INNOCENCE MATTER? 18 24 29 THE IMPACT OF WHEN IS PRETRIAL WHERE DO WE GO FROM PRETRIAL DETENTION DETENTION HERE? ALTERNATIVES APPROPRIATE? TO AND SAFEGUARDS AROUND PRETRIAL DETENTION 33 35 37 CONCLUSION ENDNOTES REFERENCES 41 41 42 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS AUTHOR NOTE MEMBERS OF THE EXECUTIVE SESSION ON THE FUTURE OF JUSTICE POLICY 04 THE ‘RADICAL’ NOTION OF THE PRESUMPTION OF INNOCENCE “It was the smell of [] death, it was the death of a person’s hope, it was the death of a person’s ability to live the American dream.” That is how Dr. Nneka Jones Tapia described the Cook County Jail where she served as the institution’s warden (from May 2015 to March 2018). This is where we must begin. EXECUTIVE SESSION ON THE FUTURE OF JUSTICE POLICY 05 THE ‘RADICAL’ NOTION OF THE PRESUMPTION OF INNOCENCE Any discussion of pretrial detention must Let’s not forget that Kalief Browder spent acknowledge that we subject citizens— three years of his life in Rikers, held on presumed innocent of the crimes with probable cause that he had stolen a backpack which they are charged—to something containing money, a credit card, and an iPod that resembles death. -
A Survival Analysis of Pretrial Detention and the Timing of Guilty
CJPXXX10.1177/0887403419838020Criminal Justice Policy ReviewPetersen 838020research-article2019 Article Criminal Justice Policy Review 2020, Vol. 31(7) 1015 –1035 Do Detainees Plead Guilty © The Author(s) 2019 Article reuse guidelines: Faster? A Survival Analysis sagepub.com/journals-permissions https://doi.org/10.1177/0887403419838020DOI: 10.1177/0887403419838020 of Pretrial Detention and the journals.sagepub.com/home/cjp Timing of Guilty Pleas Nick Petersen1 Abstract Although numerous quantitative studies have linked pretrial detention to increased conviction rates, the precise mechanisms linking these decisions remain unclear. Qualitative studies shed light on these processes, revealing that many detainees plead guilty quickly to escape the pains of detention, including poor confinement conditions, strained work or family relations, and “dead time.” Moreover, these pressures to plead are often exacerbated by uncertain detention length, time-sensitive “exploding” plea deals, and temporal discounting. Utilizing data on felony defendants from large urban counties between 1990 and 2004, we assess whether pretrial detention accelerates the pace of guilty pleas. Survival analyses indicate that pretrial detainees plead guilty 2.86 times faster than released defendants do, suggesting that pretrial detention is a powerful prosecutorial tool. Moreover, local resources affect case processing time in ways that are consistent with the courtroom workgroup perspective. Implications for public policies and future research are discussed. Keywords guilty plea, pretrial detention, time-to-plea, bail, case processing time While considerable attention has been devoted to the effects of pretrial detention on convictions, surprisingly few studies have sought to identify the mechanisms underlying these patterns. The limited research in this area suggests that pretrial 1University of Miami, Coral Gables, FL, USA Corresponding Author: Nick Petersen, Department of Sociology, University of Miami, Merrick Building, Room 122G, Coral Gables, FL 33124, USA. -
Structuring Pre-Plea Criminal Discovery Daniel S
Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology Volume 107 | Issue 1 Article 1 Winter 2017 Structuring Pre-Plea Criminal Discovery Daniel S. McConkie Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/jclc Recommended Citation Daniel S. McConkie, Structuring Pre-Plea Criminal Discovery, 107 J. Crim. L. & Criminology (2017). https://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/jclc/vol107/iss1/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern Pritzker School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology by an authorized editor of Northwestern Pritzker School of Law Scholarly Commons. 1. MCCONKIE 4/6/2017 7:01 PM 0091-4169/17/10701-0001 THE JOURNAL OF CRIMINAL LAW & CRIMINOLOGY Vol. 107, No. 1 Copyright © 2017 by Daniel S. McConkie Printed in U.S.A. CRIMINAL LAW STRUCTURING PRE-PLEA CRIMINAL DISCOVERY DANIEL S. MCCONKIE* Ninety-seven percent of federal convictions come from guilty pleas.1 Defendants rely on prosecutors for much of the information about the government’s case on which the decision to plead is based. Although federal prosecutors routinely turn over most necessary discovery to the defense, the law does not generally require them to turn over any discovery before the guilty plea. This can lead to innocent defendants pleading guilty and to guilty defendants pleading guilty without information that could have affected the agreed-upon sentence. This Article argues that the lack of a judicially enforceable pre-plea discovery regime flouts structural protections that due process is supposed to provide. Defendants who plead not guilty and go to trial get a jury to adjudicate guilt and a judge to preside over the proceedings and pronounce sentence. -
Real Offense Sentencing: the Model Sentencing and Corrections Act
Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology Volume 72 Article 19 Issue 4 Winter Winter 1981 Real Offense Sentencing: The oM del Sentencing and Corrections Act Michael H. Tonry Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/jclc Part of the Criminal Law Commons, Criminology Commons, and the Criminology and Criminal Justice Commons Recommended Citation Michael H. Tonry, Real Offense Sentencing: The odeM l Sentencing and Corrections Act, 72 J. Crim. L. & Criminology 1550 (1981) This Criminal Law is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology by an authorized editor of Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. 0091-4169/81/7204-1550 THE JOURNAL OF CRIMINAL LAW & CRIMINOLOGY Vol. 72, No. 4 Copyright © 1981 by Northwestern University School of Law Wzntedin US.A. REAL OFFENSE SENTENCING: THE MODEL SENTENCING AND CORRECTIONS ACT MICHAEL H. TONRY* The Uniform Law Commissioners recently adopted a Model Sen- tencing and Corrections Act.' It provides for the creation of a sentenc- ing commission that would promulgate guidelines for sentencing. In the ordinary case, the judge would be expected to impose the sentence indi- cated by the applicable guideline. Defendants would be entitled to ap- peal the sentence imposed. To forestall or frustrate prosecutorial manipulation of the guidelines by means of charge dismissals and plea bargains, the Model Act separates sanctions from the substantive crimi- nal law by directing the probation officer, the judge, and any appellate court to base sentencing considerations not on the offense of conviction but on the defendant's "actual offense behavior." In this respect, and in several others, the Model Sentencing Act is a perplexing document. -
A Guide to Mental Illness and the Criminal Justice System
A GUIDE TO MENTAL ILLNESS AND THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM A SYSTEMS GUIDE FOR FAMILIES AND CONSUMERS National Alliance on Mental Illness Department of Policy and Legal Affairs 2107 Wilson Blvd., Suite 300 Arlington, VA 22201 Helpline: 800-950-NAMI NAMI – Guide to Mental Illness and the Criminal Justice System FOREWORD Tragically, jails and prisons are emerging as the "psychiatric hospitals" of the 1990s. A sample of 1400 NAMI families surveyed in 1991 revealed that 40 percent of family members with severe mental illness had been arrested one or more times. Other national studies reveal that approximately 8 percent of all jail and prison inmates suffer from severe mental illnesses such as schizophrenia or bipolar disorders. These statistics are a direct reflection of the failure of public mental health systems to provide appropriate care and treatment to individuals with severe mental illnesses. These horrifying statistics point directly to the need of NAMI families and consumers to develop greater familiarity with the workings of their local criminal justice systems. Key personnel in these systems, such as police officers, prosecutors, public defenders and jail employees may have limited knowledge about severe mental illness and the needs of those who suffer from these illnesses. Moreover, the procedures, terminology and practices which characterize the criminal justice system are likely to be bewildering for consumers and family members alike. This guide is intended to serve as an aid for those people thrust into interaction with local criminal justice systems. Since criminal procedures are complicated and often differ from state to state, readers are urged to consult the laws and procedures of their states and localities. -
Criminal Procedure Code of the Republic of Armenia
(not official copy) CRIMINAL PROCEDURE CODE OF THE REPUBLIC OF ARMENIA GENERAL PART Section One : GENERAL PROVISIONS CHAPTER 1. LEGISLATION ON CRIMINAL PROCEDURE Article 1. Legislation Governing Criminal Proceedings Article 2. Objectives of the Criminal-Procedure Legislation Article 3. Territory of Effect of the Criminal-procedure Law Article 4. Effect of the Criminal-Procedure Law in the Course of Time Article 5. Peculiarities in the Effect of the Criminal-Procedure Law Article 6. Definitions of the Basic Notions Used in the Criminal-procedure Code CHAPTER 2. PRINCIPLES OF CRIMINAL PROCEEDINGS Article 7. Legitimacy Article 8. Equality of All Before the Law Article 9. Respect for the Rights, Freedoms and Dignity of an Individual Article 10. Ensuring the Right to Legal Assistance Article 11. Immunity of Person Article 12. Immunity of Residence Article 13. Security of Property Article 14. Confidentiality of Correspondence, Telephone Conversations, Mail, Telegraph and Other Communications Article 15. Language of Criminal Proceedings Article 16. Public Trial Article 17. Fair Trial Article 18. Presumption of Innocence Article 19. The Right to Defense of the Suspect and the Accused and Guarantees for this Right Article 20. Privilege Against Self-Incrimination (not official copy) Article 21. Inadmissibility of Repeated Conviction and Criminal Prosecution for the Same Crime Article 22. Rehabilitation of the Rights of the Persons who suffered from Judicial Mistakes Article 23. Adversarial System of Criminal Proceedings Article 24. Administration of Justice Exclusively by the Court Article 25. Independent Assessment of Evidence CHAPTER 3. CONDUCT OF CRIMINAL CASE Article 26. Conduct of Criminal Case Article 27. The Obligation to institute a criminal case and resolution of the crime Article 28. -
Choctaw Nation Criminal Code
Choctaw Nation Criminal Code Table of Contents Part I. In General ........................................................................................................................ 38 Chapter 1. Preliminary Provisions ............................................................................................ 38 Section 1. Title of code ............................................................................................................. 38 Section 2. Criminal acts are only those prescribed ................................................................... 38 Section 3. Crime and public offense defined ............................................................................ 38 Section 4. Crimes classified ...................................................................................................... 38 Section 5. Felony defined .......................................................................................................... 39 Section 6. Misdemeanor defined ............................................................................................... 39 Section 7. Objects of criminal code .......................................................................................... 39 Section 8. Conviction must precede punishment ...................................................................... 39 Section 9. Punishment of felonies ............................................................................................. 39 Section 10. Punishment of misdemeanor ................................................................................. -
MONOPOLY in LAW and ECONOMICS by EDWARD S
MONOPOLY IN LAW AND ECONOMICS By EDWARD S. MASON t I. THE TERM monopoly as used in the law is not a tool of analysis but a standard of evaluation. Not all trusts are held monopolistic but only "bad" trusts; not all restraints of trade are to be condemned but only "unreasonable" restraints. The law of monopoly has therefore been directed toward a development of public policy with respect to certain business practices. This policy has required, first, a distinction between the situations and practices which are to be approved as in the public interest and those which are to be disapproved, second, a classification of these situations as either competitive and consequently in the public interest or monopolistic and, if unregulated, contrary to the public in- terest, and, third, the devising and application of tests capable of demar- cating the approved from the disapproved practices. But the devising of tests to distinguish monopoly from competition cannot be completely separated from the formulation of the concepts. It may be shown, on the contrary, that the difficulties of formulating tests of monopoly have defi- nitely shaped the legal conception of monopoly. Economics, on the other hand, has not quite decided whether its task is one of description and analysis or of evaluation and prescription, or both. With respect to the monopoly problem it is not altogether clear whether the work of economists should be oriented toward the formu- lation of public policy or toward the analysis of market situations. The trend, however, is definitely towards the latter. The further economics goes in this direction, the greater becomes the difference between legal and economic conceptions of the monopoly problem. -
Classes of Misdemeanors: Anatomy of a Criminal Case
The Misdemeanor Process "It shall be the primary duty of all prosecuting attorneys...not to convict, but to see that justice is done." Art. 2.01 Texas Code of Criminal Procedure The County Attorney handles over XXXXXXX new misdemeanor cases each year. These crimes contribute to the steady erosion of our community's civility, order, and safety. These crimes, if undeterred, can and will erode the quality of life for all of the citizens of Ector County. As Ector County grows, its citizens must remain vigilant to lower the number of these quality of life crimes. The County Attorney thanks all those citizens who contribute to public safety through jury service, volunteer organizations, and reports of crime to law enforcement. Classes of Misdemeanors: This Office is responsible for the prosecution of all misdemeanor cases that are filed in Ector County. “Misdemeanor” is defined in the law as any crime where the maximum possible jail time is one year or less. There are three categories of misdemeanors: Class A; Class B; and Class C. Class A misdemeanors are punishable by a fine of up to $4,000 and/or confinement in jail of up to one year. Some examples of Class A misdemeanor offenses include assault causing bodily injury, driving while intoxicated second offense, theft of property valued at $500 to $1500, and resisting arrest. Class B misdemeanors are punishable by a fine of up to $2,000 and/or confinement in jail of up to six months. Some examples of Class B misdemeanor offenses include driving while intoxicated first offense, possession of marijuana less than two ounces, and telephone harassment.