Women’s Political Networks Defining Leadership, Breaking Barriers, and Fostering Change

Lucina Di Meco

WOMEN’S POLITICAL NETWORKS BACKGROUND AND RESEARCH Women’s Political Networks: Defining Leadership, Breaking Barriers, and Fostering Change

Acknowledgements I’d like to gracefully acknowledge all the politicians, gender experts and managers of political networks who generously took part in this study, sharing with me their experiences and thoughts regarding women’s political networks. In alphabetical Gwen K. Young, Director order, they are: Achol Williams, Aida Balamaci, Ajla van Heel, Alessia Mosca, Anita Perez Ferguson, Anna Burke, Aretha Frances, Caroline Hubbard, Federiga Bindi, Marie A. Principe, Funke Baruwa, Gabriela Jakovleva, Gabriella Borovsky, Hanane Ennadir, Hilary Program Associate Anderson, Krishanti Dharmaraj, Jennifer Siebel Newsom, Jessica Berns, Jessica Althea Lloyd, Grounds, Jessica Huber, Joanna Maycock, Joyce Banda, Kah Walla, Kent Da- Program Coordinator vis-Packard, Khadija Idrissi Janati, Khatoun Haidar, Kristin Haffert, Kristen Sam- Ellysse Dick, ple, Kudzai Makombe, Lana Ackar, Lesia Radelicki, Lia Quartapelle, Lindy Wafula, Communications Assistant Margarita Percovich, Maria Eugenia Valverde, Maria Ysabel Cedano, Mahnaz Afkhami, Mary Balikungeri, Massimo Tommasoli, Melanne Verveer, Randi Davis, Special thanks to Gwen K. Sandra Pepera, Susannah Wellford, Sonia Palmieri, Sonja Lokar, Susan Markham, Young and Marie Principe Teina Mackenzie, Valeria Fedeli, Valerie Dowling, Vivian Roza, Zeina Hilal. In for editing this publication and to Ellysse Dick for addition, I’d like to acknowledge Karine Lepillez, who read the manuscript and design and layout. provided critical comments and Elyse Gainor, who kindly proofread it. Finally, a special thank you goes to Gwen Young, Director of the Global Women’s Leadership About the Initiative and Women in Public Service Project at the Wilson Center, who believed in the importance of this research and made it possible. Women in Public Service Executive Summary Project This paper seeks to understand the impact women’s political networks have globally The Women in Public Ser- in supporting women overcome the universal cultural and structural barriers they vice Project will accelerate face in engaging in a political career. With best practices from national, regional global progress towards and international networks, this paper explores the role and modus operandi net- women’s equal participa- works have adopted in supporting women running for national office in congres- tion in policy and political sional or parliamentary elections, enhancing their effectiveness and shaping their leadership to create more leadership once in office. Through desk research of existing literature, interviews dynamic and inclusive in- with women engaged in national politics and experts in this field, this paper also stitutions that leverage the seeks to raise questions on the role of technology, the media and the correlation full potential of the world’s between women’s participation in networks and their substantive representation. population to change the way global solutions are About the Author forged. Cover: Northrop Grumman/The Lucina Di Meco is a Senior Gender Expert with more than 15 years of experience Wilson Center/Women in Public in the design, management and implementation of international development Service Project; Anna Burke: Parliament@Work (CC BY-SA programs addressing gender inequality. Lucina has worked for the United Nations, 3.0 au), via Wikimedia Com- as well as a wide range of international nonprofits and foundations, defending and mons; all other photos courtesy promoting women’s and girls’ rights and empowerment in Africa, Asia and Latin of individuals pictured. America. 2 The Women in Public Service Project

Women’s Political Networks: Defining Leadership, Breaking Barriers, and Fostering Change Background and Research Paper Annex I: Researching Women’s Political Networks: A Resource Guide

Annex II: Designing Women’s Political Networks: A Ten-Step Toolkit

Background and Research Paper on Women’s Political Networks Introduction 4

Women in Politics: Considerations on Descriptive and Substantive Representation 4

Why Does This Matter? Going Beyond Sheer Numbers...... 5

Women’s Political Networks: Definition, Role, Membership and Key Relations 6

Are All-Women Networks Always Best? ...... 8 Women’s Networks and the Women’s Movement: Difficulties and Gains of a Complicated Relationship...... 9 Women’s Political Networks, Social Media and Digital Technologies: Online Networks, Hashtag Activism and More...... 11

Women’s Networks as Barrier Breakers 11

Ambition and the Confidence Gap: Women’s Networks as Political Recruiters and Confidence Boosters...... 12 Societal Expectations, Prevailing Models of Macho Leadership and Media Misrepresentation: Women’s Networks as Agents of Cultural Change ...... 15

Domestic Responsibilities and Family Penalty: Women’s Networks as Support and Practice Changers...... 17

Gender-Based Violence in Politics: Women’s Networks as Advocates and Women’s Rights Defenders...... 18 Substituting the Old Boys’ Club: Women’s Networks as Resources for Networking, Mentoring and Coaching...... 20 Lack of Financial Resources: Women’s Networks as Assets to Sustain Political Campaign Costs...... 21

Women’s Political Networks: Suggestions for Further Investigation 22

Conclusion 24

Endnotes 57

Background and Research Paper on Women’s Political Networks | 3 Women’s Political Networks: Defining Leadership, Breaking Barriers, and Fostering Change

Introduction ceilings of UN Secretary-General and United States President. In 1995, when the Fourth World Conference on Women was convened by the United Na- This paper seeks to understand the impact wom- tions (UN) in Beijing, China, the world average en’s political networks have on supporting women of women in parliament was 11.3 percent. The running for office, getting women elected, and conference represented a turning point for the shaping their policies and effectiveness once in global women’s movement, with the affirmation office. of “women’s rights as human rights” and the To explore these issues, Part I reviews contem- adoption of the Beijing Platform for Action, an porary thinking on women’s descriptive and agenda for women’s empowerment with very substantive representation. In Part II, this study specific goals, measures and indicators to increase, defines and describes the different types of wom- among other things, equal participation of men en’s political networks and explores answers to and women in politics. some key questions that concern their member- Since then, progress has been made, as women ship, their relationship to the women’s movement doubled their representation in parliaments and and their use of technology. Part III analyzes the congresses all over the world (at the end of 2015, universal cultural and structural barriers women women held 22.7 percent of seats). Still, as the face in each stage of a political career and provides Sustainable Development Goals remind us, ensur- best practices of how different types of networks, ing women’s full and effective participation and separately or working in cooperation, have sup- equal opportunities for leadership in the political ported women in overcoming these barriers. Part public life globally is a goal not yet fully achieved. IV highlights some of the main opportunities for Progress in this respect is uneven: while the further investigation from this research. Accom- Nordic countries achieved on average 41 percent panying this paper are a key bibliography on women’s representation and Rwanda and Boliv- women in politics and a mapping of national and ia have a majority of women in their national international actors active in this field (Annex legislatures, most countries have failed to achieve I), and a toolkit with basic guidelines on how Beijing’s target of 30 percent women’s representa- to design a network fostering women’s political tion at a decision-making level in legislative and representation. governmental bodies. In 2013, in In Asia and the Pacific, where 60% of the world population lives, women hold on average 18.4% of seats in I. Women in Politics: national legislatures.1 It is also important to note Considerations on that increased representation does not necessarily mean equal voice and power. Since 1960, only Descriptive and Substantive 54 women have become the top political execu- Representation tive in their countries;2 women hold only about The fact that women represent approximately half 17 percent of ministerial positions worldwide of the world’s population should in and of itself and even then, they tend to be reliably entrusted be a strong argument for equal representation. with social welfare portfolios, which do not grant In addition, women’s participation in legislatures power to decide how revenues should be allocat- is proven to have a positive impact on the policy ed or to take part in national security or foreign agenda, profound consequences on the way pol- policy decisions.3 Finally, still in 2016, despite the itics is practiced and a beneficial ripple effect on presence of extremely strong female candidates, society as a whole. women have not yet shattered the highest glass

4 | Background and Research Paper on Women’s Political Networks The Women in Public Service Project

Globally, women legislators tend to be more sen- to run for office. Now we only have one female sitive to community needs, as they often prioritize president. What if it was the other way round?”10 4 issues like childcare, education and health; wom- Another question also remains to be fully ad- en lawmakers are also much more engaged in gen- dressed. What are the conditions under which der equality matters, including gender-based vio- 5 nationally-elected female legislators drive these lence, equal pay and parental leave. While there changes? Is the effectiveness dependent upon is no ultimate evidence regarding the differential their sheer numbers, the strength of their internal pervasiveness of corrupt behaviors among men network, their connections to their constituency, and women in public office, multiple surveys in or other factors? India have found a correlation between women’s increased representation and improved popular perceptions about public office.6 In the United Why Does This Matter? Going Beyond Sheer States, 34 percent of the people interviewed for Numbers a recent survey said they perceived women to be The Beijing Platform for Action asserts that wom- more ethical and honest, while only 3 percent said en must achieve at least 30 percent representation the same about men.7 in political institutions before their presence can Furthermore, a growing body of research exam- have a transformative effect. This approach, often ining leadership styles finds women to be less referred to as the critical mass theory, suggests aggressive, more cooperative and have a more that only when a certain critical mass of wom- democratic approach in decision making.8 In en is present in a political institution, will they October 2013 in the United States, during the be strong enough to confront the dominating federal government “shut down,” as the prospect culture, organize themselves as a group and act on of a historic default loomed close, it was women behalf of women’s interests. from the Senate who worked across party lines to Since Beijing, 77 countries all over the world have put forward a plan that successfully reopened the adopted compulsory gender quotas to increase government. A study from the Canadian public the number of female lawmakers through legislat- service points at the positive impact that equal ed candidate quotas or reserved seats.11 Political representation has on institutional culture, pro- parties in fifty-four countries have also adopted grams and operations at all levels.9 voluntary quotas, with degrees of effectiveness Lindy Wafula, member of the Labour Party of that generally reflect their overall gender-sensi- Kenya who ran for office in the last two parlia- tivity, the presence of women in party elites and, mentary elections, sums it up: “I keep asking my- to a lesser extent, their ideological make-up.12 In self and women and men in Africa: what would countries like Rwanda and Bolivia, where women achieved and surpassed that critical mass almost overnight due to ambitious quota rules, they were “Now we only have one female president. able to pass gender equality legislation that would What if it was the other way round?” have seemed unrealistic only a few years earlier. Lindy Wafula, Member of the Labour Party of While certainly useful in increasing the sheer Kenya and two-time parliamentary candidate number of women in office (women’sdescriptive representation), quotas can produce resistance or backlash in some countries.13 Also, quotas do not Africa be like if we had 52 female presidents? necessarily increase the ability (or even willing- Would we still see war, hunger, poverty? This is ness) of female legislators to work on gender the question I ask to women as I encourage them equality and women’s policy concerns (women’s

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substantive representation). Neither do they remove the needs of its population must include an equal many of the cultural and structural barriers wom- number of women legislators to ensure a truly en face in entering the political life and achieving democratic representation. senior leadership positions.14 The critical mass approach has also come un- II. Women’s Political Networks: der harsh criticism in recent years for a variety of reasons. First, it assumes women legislators Definition, Role, Membership should primarily respond to women as their core and Key Relations constituency.15 According to a 2008 global IPU survey of men and women in parliament, howev- A social network can be defined as a set of actors er, while women parliamentarians reported feeling (individuals, groups, organizations, or societies) a responsibility to represent the needs and inter- and the relations between these actors.18 Building ests of women, they also noted feeling an equal upon this definition, this paper considers wom- responsibility to represent the needs of men and en’s political networks as the set of critical actors children.16 Second, this approach strengthens a working to increase women’s political participa- gender-stereotypical notion of which matters are tion, recruitment and leadership and the rela- of women’s interest, often with a strong focus on tions among them. These actors include the men health and education.17 Third, the critical mass and women who, through women’s civil society approach demands for women representatives a organizations, women’s political party wings and higher and different standard of accountability, women’s parliamentary bodies (by themselves neither taking into consideration nor challenging women’s political networks), represent important the role played by a multiplicity of stakeholders in stakeholders to the legislative process. The paper the legislative process, which includes civil society will analyze the role each one of these stakehold- organizations, political parties and national legis- ers plays to increase women’s representation, both latures. Finally, this approach does not explain the individually and in strategic partnerships some- incredible achievements made by women lawmak- times referred to as women’s co‐operative constella- ers who were able have important gender-equality tions.19 legislation passed despite holding very few seats. Women’s networks are not necessarily substitu- These considerations reflect the need to overcome tive, but complementary with respect to policies the critical mass approach in favor of a new narra- aimed at increasing women’s descriptive repre- tive for gender parity in the political life: one that sentation. In some cases they prepare the ground assumes equal representation as a precondition for them, such as when networks advocate for for political institutions that are inclusive, able to gender quotas. In other cases, they contribute to mirror the realities and respond to the needs of all eliminating some of the barriers that make those people in their societies. Worldwide, to a greater policies necessary in the first place. For example, or lesser extent, men and women are educated networks can increase the supply or demand and socialized differently because of their gender of female candidates by increasing the pool of identity, which fosters differing life experiences with respect to health, education, social norms, “Having been part of a women’s network, economic constraints and much more. By virtue when you get into office you will have greater of those experiences, their perspectives are differ- political will to advance the position of women.” ent albeit often complementary and need to be represented equally in the political life. With this Dr. Joyce Banda, Former President of Malawi in mind, any government aiming at fully meeting

6 | Background and Research Paper on Women’s Political Networks The Women in Public Service Project

qualified female political aspirants or convincing political parties and the “In order to make significant progress in electorate of the importance of hav- women’s political empowerment, we need a ing more women in office. Women’s lot more of such networks.” networks also play an essential role Melanne Verveer, Executive Director, Georgetown in promoting women’s substantive Institute for Women, Peace and Security and former representation, by fostering dialogue U.S. Ambassador-at-Large for Global Women’s Issues among critical actors to the legislative share experiences and tools on how to successfully process, including women in government, civil advance gender equality policies. In order to make society and political party activists.20 For Joyce significant progress on women’s political empow- Banda,21 former president of Malawi and women’s erment, we need a lot more of such networks.”24 rights activist, “having been a part of a women’s network and having gotten that support from your fellow women, when you get into office Women’s Political Networks in Civil Society, you will have greater political will to advance the Political Parties and National Legislatures: A position of women”. Multiplicity of Experiences and Goals Finally, women’s networks shape and inform Since Beijing, a great number of women’s political women’s leadership. According to Joanna Barsh, networks have been created, varying for geograph- Senior Partner at McKinsey & Company, many ic outreach (national, regional or international) very successful women use a “centred leadership”, and membership (political party wings, parlia- heavily reliant on the power of “connecting”, or mentary committees and caucuses, civil society “identifying who can help you grow, building groups), among other categories. Each of them stronger relationships, and increasing your sense offers different advantages and services to their 22 of belonging.” Speaking with over seventy fe- members. Asked about the role of different wom- male leaders for their book Fast Forward, Verveer en’s networks for her political career, Kah Walla,25 and Azzarelli also found “connecting with others” the first woman to run for president in Camer- to be absolutely essential in unlocking women’s oon, explained: “Each network provides you with 23 potential.” It’s through these connections that something. Being part of national women’s net- women discover their power and purpose, as well works you can understand and reach out to wom- as find the strength and validation to pursue their en involved at the grassroots level and build your political vision. constituency. In a regional network you share experiences and understand how to advance your Melanne Verveer, Executive Director of the issues. The international network enables you to Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security and first ever U.S. Ambas- sador-at-Large for Global Women’s “Being part of national women’s networks, Issues at the Department of State you can understand and reach out to from 2009 to 2013, explains it this women involved at the grassroots level.” way: “I believe women’s networks are invaluable in providing female Kah Walla, first woman to run for President in political aspirants with the tools they Cameroon need to get elected, despite the many hurdles in their paths. Women’s take your grassroots work to a global level, find networks also make an enormous difference in en- similarities and differences with other activists in abling female legislators to meet across party lines,

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the world, learn and build the connections”. budgetary allocations.29 In some countries, wom- Women’s civil society organizations and networks en’s parliamentary bodies allow men to serve as play a very important role in raising political honorary members. awareness, acting as a loudspeaker for issues and While each one of the above mentioned actors grievances and monitoring the government and (women’s civil society organizations, political par- political parties’ commitment to gender equality ty wings and parliamentary bodies) independently at the national, regional and international lev- plays an important role improving women’s politi- el. For example, in view of the 2014 European cal representation and leadership, they can achieve Parliament elections, the European Women’s their goals most effectively when they strategically Lobby (EWL), the largest umbrella organization work together, even in a challenging political of women’s associations in the European Union, climate. In Germany, Italy and the United States performed “gender audits” of the manifestos of in the 1960s and 1970s, a very small number of the main European parties, assessing their com- female lawmakers managed to advance important mitment to women’s rights. Because of the sheer laws on gender equality thanks to the strength de- numbers of their members, women’s organizations, rived from the connection they had with women’s especially if organized through networks, can civil society organizations and women’s political influence the agenda of political parties interested party wings.30 In the 1990s in Uruguay, women in reaching out to women as a constituency. legislators, despite occupying only 15 percent of Often referred to as the gatekeepers of democracy, seats, succeeded in shaping the legislative agenda political parties are very important actors in the in favor of gender equality thanks to the strength Banca- promotion of women’s inclusion in democratic of their cross-party parliamentary network da Femenina and its connectivity with the Uru- institutions. Women who are members of politi- 31 cal parties organize themselves through formal or guayan women’s movement. According to Mar- informal groups or networks commonly referred garita Percovich, a long-time feminist, politician Bancada Femenina to as “women’s wings.” These bodies are generally and one of the founders of the , this connectivity has been important to “multiply aimed at supporting women who run for office 32 and/or seek senior leadership positions within the actions and enrich the political agenda.” 26 party, as well as influence the party’s agenda with Speaking about her experience with women’s net- respect to policies concerning women. While the works, the European parliamentarian from Italy majority of political parties globally have women’s 33 27 Alessia Mosca says: “I strongly believe in wom- wings, their effectiveness varies widely, from very en’s networks. I have had the chance to be elected influential to purely symbolic, often as a reflection also thanks to the support of many female groups of the overall gender-sensitivity of the party and its record of addressing gender issues in gover- 28 nance and electoral processes. “I have had the chance to be elected thanks In parliaments, congresses and parliamentary to the support of many female groups and assemblies, women often organize themselves networks that have believed in me.” through what the Inter-Parliamentary Union Alessia Mosca, European Parliamentarian from Italy (IPU), the international organization of parlia- ments, describes as parliamentary committees or caucuses, depending on their structure and func- tioning. These bodies monitor the implementa- and networks that have believed in me. And I tion of gender mainstreaming across the country’s had proof of its strength also a step further the legislative work, practices and, in some instances, elections, while working on the law that bears my

8 | Background and Research Paper on Women’s Political Networks The Women in Public Service Project

name and introduces in Italy gender quotas in the gender roles and be judged upon them. Several boards of listed companies. If it was not for the experts and coordinators of international wom- help of different professional groups representing en’s political networks interviewed for this study professional women’s interests, female colleagues pointed to the relationships of validation, mento- in the Parliament that supported us, the media ring, support and solidarity that women develop attention mostly started by female journalists, and in such spaces. According to Jessica Huber, Senior the awareness raised among all the men coun- Gender Specialist at the International Foundation terparts, we would not have achieved that result for Electoral Systems (IFES): “There is a strong so quickly. And it would not have had such an demand and enthusiasm for the camaraderie, vali- impact on the Italian society in general.” dation and kinship among women who are in the

Are All-Women Networks Always “There is a strong demand and enthusiasm for the camraderie, vaidation and kinship among Best? women who are in the singular role of being a All over the world, the majority of woman and an election leader.” networks fostering women’s political Jessica Huber, Senior Gender Specialist, International leadership include mostly, if not only, Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES) female members. There is a strong case to be made for female-only net- works in some circumstances, for example when it singular role of being a woman and an election comes to capacity building, mentoring and coach- leader.”39 Federiga Bindi, scholar and former gov- ing. Research on girls shows how they perform ernment official in Italy who directed a training better in same-sex environments34 and when the program for women leaders in international rela- teacher is female.35 Also, when working in same- tions in 2013 confirmed: “I am still in touch with sex teams, women and girls boost their self-con- many participants: each time they never fail to re- fidence and draw on each other’s strengths.36 The peat how that week in Brussels changed their life reason behind this seems to be that people tend forever. They gained a self-awareness and self-con- to relate and learn from “similar others” and that fidence, in addition to a set of specific skills and the social ties that participants forge with one tools that have since made the difference in both another play a key role in going beyond a simple their professional and personal lives.”40 learning experience to an actual capacity-building experience.37 Former United States Secretary of While female-only political networks are import- State and presidential candidate Hillary R. Clin- ant, female political aspirants, activists and legis- ton echoed this notion when reflecting on her lators need to complement them with other kinds experience at the women’s college Wellesley: “In of political networks that are open to men, as they so many ways this all-women college prepared might have more of the breadth, connectivity and me to compete in the all-boys club of presidential dynamism that are so important in the passage politics.”38 from a simple support network to one that truly helps people advance in their careers. 41 In addi- In some countries more than others, women feel tion, when it comes to achieving policy change more comfortable in female-only environments, that tackles societal norms on gender identity and where they report feeling safe, able to share their roles, the inclusion of men, generally the power experiences, ambitions and the challenges they brokers in political institutions, can prove very face in accessing the political career without the important. For example, the involvement of male pressure to perform according to stereotypical lawmakers was key for achieving positive changes

Background and Research Paper on Women’s Political Networks | 9 Women’s Political Networks: Defining Leadership, Breaking Barriers, and Fostering Change

in legislation with respect to female genital muti- women’s roles in the family as “complementary” lation in Uganda and abortion in Uruguay. 42 to that of men.47 The Tunisian women’s move- Finally, there is a point to be made in favor of ment took to the streets in protests and ultimately political networks that take into consideration the succeeded in having the word “complementary” restrictive gender norms in society through the substituted by the word “equal,” in direct oppo- challenges women and men face for their gender sition to what had been advocated for by many identity, engaging both beyond traditional nar- women lawmakers. Other times, women start ratives of men’s and women’s roles and interests. a political career after having been part of the Created in 2016, the Finnish parliamentary group women’s movement, where they found a training on Feminism, open to (and attended by) both ground and a support network. Once elected, men and women, does just that. The founder these women are more likely to continue engaging explained: “Men are favored in recruitment in with the movement for an open dialogue on their Finland. Mothers are favored in custody battles. A policy agenda. feminist group looks at both of these issues.”43 For many women politicians, however, the reality is in between: while they developed some rela- Women’s Networks and the Women’s tionship with the women’s movement prior to en- 44 tering politics, they do not see this relationship to Movement: Difficulties and Gains of a be the only--or even the main--factor that helped Complicated Relationship them running for office, become a party candi- For many women and girls who are skeptical date and be elected. In those instances, women in towards political parties and politics in general,45 power will often try to push forward some items activism in civil society organizations linked to on the women’s movement agenda but they might the women’s movement often represents a first be negotiable in exchange for support from senior step in the direction of political engagement. The party leadership. relationship between the women’s movement and Often, women legislators find themselves in women in government or political parties is how- a dilemma: on the one hand, they fear being ever a complicated one. Khadija Idrissi Janati, an identified as “women’s issues” politicians and entrepreneur and political activist from Moroc- pigeonholed, particularly if newly-elected.48 On co, described her relationship with the women’s the other hand, they try to keep a connection to movement in her country as: “Supportive, as we the women’s movement and receive support for all have the same objective of encouraging more their gender-sensitive legislative work. Sometimes, women to go into politics but conflictive, because in the political compromising and negotiating we do not do it the same way.”46 process, the relationship between female lawmak- Sometimes, this relationship depends on the ers and representatives of the women’s movement movement’s role in getting a female candidate get strained, leaving women legislators and the elected. Some women access the political life gender-equality agenda vulnerable. through typically “male” channels (family, po- Despite its difficulties and complications, the litical party affiliation, friends); in those cases, relationship between women legislators and the they do not necessarily engage with the women’s women’s movement is a very important and po- movement and do not always share its ideology. tentially beneficial one for both stakeholders: for In Tunisia, after the 2011 elections, most women female lawmakers, it keeps them connected with elected in office belonged to the moderate Islamist their female constituency, informs and grants le- Ennahda Party; in the discussions on the new gitimacy and public support to their policy-mak- constitution, they supported a draft describing ing and supports their voices when they are being

10 | Background and Research Paper on Women’s Political Networks The Women in Public Service Project

sidelined. For women’s civil society activists, it provides a channel to in- “There hasn’t been any moment in my fluence policies and promote lasting political life which hasn’t intersected with the change. policy discussions happening within women’s networks” In Central and Eastern Europe, Valeria Fedeli, Education Minister of Italy women from progressive political parties, civil society organizations and parliament, organized through Fedeli, Italy’s Education Minister and long-term the CEE Network for Gender Issues, successfully feminist, said about her political trajectory: advocated for the adoption and implementa- “There hasn’t been any moment in my politi- tion gender quota policies in Slovenia, Kosovo, cal life which hasn’t intersected with the policy the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, discussions happening within formal or informal Indonesia, Ukraine, Albania and several other women’s networks. Being connected with women countries. In Rwanda, grassroots activists from who share one’s own experiences is fundamental the women’s movement created a common front in achieving common goals and gender-sensitive 52 with women from the leading political party policies.” (Rwandan Patriotic Front, RPF) and women Anita Perez Ferguson, former President of the legislators to successfully advocate for quotas, National Women’s Political Caucus and White a modification in inheritance laws favorable to House Liaison to the U.S. Department of Trans- women and the introduction of stark legislation portation reported that “women who had been to prevent gender-based violence and rape.49 In in networks were much more able to accomplish, 2003, in Mozambique, more than one thousand understand policy changes. They had deeper women marched to the National Assembly to levels of conversation, were more open to differ- demand the passing of the New Family Law Act ent approaches, had a greater comfort level and a (which contained provisions to allow women to strengthened ability to function further in their work without their husband’s permission). Af- political careers. They were better equipped.”53 ter having previously stalled for four years, the bill was passed one month after the demonstra- According to Sonja Lokar, member parliament tion.50 According to Mary Balikungeri, Director in Slovenia from 1986 to 1992 and Executive and Founder of the Rwanda Women’s Network: Director of the CEE Network for Gender Issues “Grassroots women’s organizations since 1998: “All the women from the progressive in their efforts to empower women and promote gender equality need to “All the women from the progessive parties be capacitated to make linkages with that stayed long in politics were brought up women in decision making levels to through the women’s networks.” join efforts in finding durable solu- Sonja Lokar, Executive Director, CEE Network for Gender Issues and former Member of tions to fundamental challenges Parliament, Slovenia faced by grassroots women.”51 Some current and former women parties that stayed long in politics, surviving the politicians interviewed for this study reported pressure of the political life and working on issues finding a direct correlation between their ability of violence, sexual rights and care in Southern to push forward a gender equality agenda (in and Eastern Europe were brought up through the other words, their substantive representation) and women’s network. The others came, stayed for a their experience in women’s networks. Valeria mandate and disappeared.”54

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Women’s Political Networks, Social Media mentor one another with limited cost.55 In addi- and Digital Technologies: Online Networks, tion, specialized online platforms like iKNOW 56 Hashtag Activism and More Politics, WikiGender, PROLID and Apolitical connect women at various stages of the political Digital technology has revolutionized the way career and support them in accessing, sharing and men and women work, live and think. This rev- disseminating information and resources, and olution has not left out the political arena; social launching advocacy and awareness campaigns media plays an increasing important role in the with very limited costs. way information is shared globally and contrib- utes to defining the relationship between citizens Women legislators and coordinators of women’s and governments. political networks interviewed for this study have pointed out the importance of online tools Women’s networks in civil society are capitalizing to connect women with one another nationally on social media’s unprecedented political and and internationally. At the same time, they have awareness-raising potential. Hashtag activism has stressed how these tools should be seen as comple- brought women’s issues to the forefront of polit- mentary, not substitutive with respect to in-per- ical agendas, helping to increase the visibility of son gatherings, where women at all stages of polit- issues that were under-reported in mainstream ical recruitment truly connect, learn to trust one media, like the #BringBackOurGirls campaign another and develop bonds that enable them to in 2013, which reached over 1 million tweets. continue mentoring and supporting one another. 57 Women’s political party wings and women’s par- As Sonja Lokar put it: “Virtual things are good liamentary bodies globally have also become savvy if they are in support of the real thing.” in using technology and social media for reaching out to their constituency, mobilizing support for their agenda, celebrating activities and achieve- III. Women’s Networks as ments and raising awareness on important issues. Barrier Breakers The Georgian Dream, the political party leading Today, women can run for office almost any- the governmental coalition that won the 2012 where,58 theoretically having the same chances to elections, has a website with information on the get elected as their male counterparts. The reality initiatives carried out by their female members at is, however, quite different: in the overwhelming the national and local levels. In 2016, Hillary for majority of countries, women find it extremely America, the political action committee sup- difficult to consider, let alone pursue, a political porting the Democratic Presidential Candidate career, because of obstacles often perceived as Hillary R. Clinton, released an application for insurmountable that directly relate to their gender iPhones which engaged supporters with quizzes identity. on policy issues, information on local advocacy and fundraising events and suggestions on how to Structural and cultural barriers59 are the main support the candidate. challenges women face in the three stages of the political career: from eligible to aspirant (as Women who are actively engaged in politics women decide they want to run for office); from have much higher familiarity and access to such aspirant to candidate (as women are selected by technologies compared to the overall population. political parties as candidates); and finally from They rely on commercial social media platforms, candidate to elected official (as women are vot- like Facebook, Twitter, Skype and Whatsapp to ed by the population and selected for office).60 connect with one another, share information, Structural barriers reflect the overall gender gap build a constituency, disseminate their ideas and

12 | Background and Research Paper on Women’s Political Networks The Women in Public Service Project

in a society: educational, professional, economic sal some of the barriers they face are. The degrees and social differences in the roles and achieve- are different, but the principles are the same. This ments of men and women. Cultural barriers refer has led to WDN’s concerted effort to first focus to a societal belief of women and men’s roles, on addressing these barriers in order to set the acquired early in life through family, community, foundation for successfully increasing women’s and education, and reinforced through media and leadership in this field.”63 61 continued socialization. Some barriers, like gen- Women’s networks in civil society, political parties der-based violence in politics, have both a cultural and legislatures have an incredibly important role and a structural dimension, as they build upon to play, each by its own right or working coop- existing prejudices of women’s roles to restrict eratively, in supporting women to overcome the their ability to attain professional roles in public barriers they face. office. While attaining a political career is difficult for Ambition and the Confidence Gap: Women’s men and women, the analysis of their sex-disag- gregated responses on what are perceived as the Networks as Political Recruiters and main obstacles faced in this direction are very dif- Confidence Boosters ferent. For male legislators, lack of support from In 2013, Lawless and Fox surveyed more than the electorate and from political parties, lack of 2,100 American college students between the ages finances and lack of experience in representative of 18 and 25, assessing their political ambitions. functions are the top four barriers. For women, Their findings were, in their own words, “trou- they are domestic responsibilities, prevailing cul- bling”, as the young men interviewed were twice tural attitudes regarding the role of women, lack as interested in a political career than their female 62 of support from family and lack of confidence. peers.64 What is more, this ambition gap was sim- At a closer analysis, two things are clear: first, the ilar to the one found in older age groups, where main barriers women report facing relate closely women are burdened by family obligations and to their gender identity; second, these barriers do painfully aware of the difficulty achieving work- not substitute, but mostly add to the ones report- life balance. What creates such a gap, so early on? ed by their male colleagues, making their climb to 65 power even steeper. According to Lawless and Fox, encouragement (or lack thereof) is key in defining young people’s According Valerie Dowling, Director at the Wom- political ambition. The young men and women en’s Democracy Network (WDN) at the Inter- they surveyed were just as likely to respond posi- national Republican Institute (IRI), which has tively if encouraged to consider a political career, trained thousands of women engaged in politics but female students received such encouragement all over the world: “The more women we train as much less than male students did. Girls’ ambition our network grows, the more we see how univer- gap can also be explained by the scarcity of female political leaders. As Madeleine Albright, the first “The more women we train as our network woman Secretary of State in the United States, grows, the more we see how universal some of famously said: “I never dreamed one day becom- the barriers they face are.” ing secretary of state. It’s not that I was modest; Valerie Dowling, Director, Women’s Democracy it’s just that I had never seen a secretary of state Network, International Republican Institute (IRI) wearing a skirt”. Conversely, several studies find a very strong positive correlation between the political aspirations of adolescent e models in the political life.66

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Women and girls’ ambition gap is also closely mance is ambiguous, successful women are rated related to their confidence gap. In The Confidence as less competent than men.”74 One consequence Code, by Katty Kay and Claire Shipman, the au- is that women who enter politics are on average thors stress how very often women are burdened more educated and experienced than their male by levels of self-doubt exponentially superior colleagues;75 another one, though, is that many to the ones men with similar professional and extremely qualified women simply never run. educational achievements face.67 In the political field, like in many others, women hold themselves Women’s networks have an incredibly important to a much higher standard than their male coun- role to play in providing the encouragement, vali- terparts and often feel too unqualified to con- dation and role models that women and girls need sider running for office. Also, women are more to consider pursuing a political career that, unlike reluctant to promote themselves and are averse to men and boys, they might not find elsewhere. competitive environments, particularly when the competition is against men.68 As the Executive All over the world, civil society networks imple- Director of the Massachusetts Women’s Political ment leadership programs to ignite women’s polit- Caucus Priti Rao stated: “Women in particular ical ambitions. According to Randi Davis, Di- tend to be less likely to be self-promoters. In rector of the Gender Team in UNDP’s Bureau order to get a woman to agree to run for office for Policy and Programme Support (UNDP), she has to be asked seven times by seven different “these networks supports women’s leadership with people.”69 mentoring, research, advocacy and they therefore play a vital role in supporting women to become The confidence gap does not only impact the -be leaders and be effective in leadership roles. They ginning of women’s political career (from eligible are also incubators and mentors of leadership. to aspirant and candidate), but it influences their They are vital to supporting women to become work once elected into office. In the United States leaders and be successful ones.” For example, and Sweden, women legislators give fewer speech- the European Women’s Lobby organizes a Young es than their male colleagues because they are Feminist Summer School. In the United States, the concerned about being perceived as too assertive non-governmental organizations Running Start and facing backlash.70 Their concerns are very and IGNITE, among others, introduce young real, as women-sponsored bills often receive more girls to the importance of political participa- hostility and scrutiny than male-sponsored bills.71 tion and leadership through trainings in public Risk-aversion also plays a role. One study found speaking, networking, platform development and that female state legislators in the United States more. According to Susannah Wellford, President were willing to consider running for congress only and Founder of Running Start: “Women and if their perceived odds at winning were 20 per- cent or more, while men in the same roles were “Encouraging girls to be self-confident about willing to consider running for any odds above their aspirations is an extremely important zero.72 From a behavioral psychology stand- step in ensuring their political engagement.” point, this risk-aversion is a direct consequence of the high social price in likeability women pay Susannah Wellford, President and Founder, Running Start for being perceived aggressive or competitive.73 Women who are performing stereotypically male jobs seem to be in a lose-lose situation: “When performance is observable, successful women girls’ networks are important because leadership are rated as less likeable than men; when perfor- for women can be lonely in a way that it is not for

14 | Background and Research Paper on Women’s Political Networks The Women in Public Service Project

men. What we heard from the girls we work with lead and they appreciate the manner in which I is that, before the program, they felt that saying lead and that is a very supportive environment to that they wanted to run for office was not OK. be a part of.”78 Encouraging girls to be self-con- fident about their aspirations and “Many other women in the community trust connecting them with others who me to lead, and that is a very supportive share them is an extremely import- environment to be part of.” ant step in ensuring their political Teina Mackenzie, former parliamentary engagement.”76 candidate, Cook Islands

TheShe Should Run initiative offers an online nomination tool, where individuals can submit the information of a wom- Political parties have also started realizing the an who they think should consider running for importance of recruiting women. In the Unit- office someday, and the program gives her positive ed Kingdom, the Conservative and the Labour encouragement, connections, and the necessary parties have programs to encourage young women resources to take the next step. In Ireland, the to run for office. The Canadian Liberal Party has Women for Election Initiative inspires and equips a Women’s Candidate Search Director to help women to succeed in politics through trainings on recruit women to the party. The Swedish Social confidence, communications and campaigning. Democratic Party features a handbook for women Many more trainings are developed by interna- party members on how to identify and remove the tional civil society organizations like the National traps that make it difficult for them to advance Democratic Institute (NDI), the International within the party, unmasking socio-behavioral pat- Republican Institute (IRI), Women’s Leadership terns that tend to leave them behind.79 In Cam- Partnership (WLP) and others. Talking about bodia, the Sam Rainsy Party (SRP) women’s wing the role women’s networks played in her political provides trainings for female activists. trajectory, Kah Walla reported: “I had made up In some instances, women’s parliamentary bodies my mind to go into politics and was politically have successfully advocated for the introduction active, but being part of a network focusing on of practices aimed at recruiting more women in women’s leadership allowed me to be on panels politics and boosting the confidence of female with world class leaders. This contributed tremen- legislators. In 1997 in Iceland, a multi-partisan dously to my confidence in running for president. parliamentary committee created and funded a Networks that I am part of have then invited me 5-year campaign to increase the number of wom- to speak about my experience to other women, en in politics through ads, mentoring programs which in turn gave courage to many more women 77 and trainings. In the German Bundestag, when to become politically engaged.” Teina Mack- a woman raises her hand to speak in discussions, enzie, who ran as the only independent female she is automatically shifted to the top of the list of candidate in the 2014 parliamentary elections in male speakers. This practice aims at overcoming the Cook Islands, also stressed the importance of women’s diffidence about speaking in male-dom- women’s networks as confidence boosters: “The inated groups and maximizes their opportunities greatest element has been the self-esteem boost to participate.80 I receive as I recognize that many other women in the community (and beyond) count on me to Women in civil society organizations, political take their concerns to a variety of forums on their party wings and parliamentary bodies can cata- behalf - they trust me to lead, they expect me to lyze change at an even greater extent when they

Background and Research Paper on Women’s Political Networks | 15 Women’s Political Networks: Defining Leadership, Breaking Barriers, and Fostering Change

work co-operatively and strategically together as ical career and be identified as leaders in the first a network. In Lithuania, the government brings place. together women from different political parties For centuries, women’s perceived primary roles into non-governmental organizations known as as mothers, wives and caretakers limited their Women’s Politicians (Milda) clubs. These clubs, engagement in the public sphere. Consequently, funded through state budget, hold seminars and leadership has been associated with traits consid- training events aimed at increasing the confidence ered to be stereotypically male, like aggression, and number of women in politics locally and 83 81 competitiveness, dominance and decisiveness. nationally. In the United States, the Women A 2010 Pew Global Attitudes survey of 46 coun- in Public Service Project (WPSP) of the Global tries found that, despite women’s advances in Women’s Leadership Initiative at the Wilson Cen- the last century, women’s ability to lead is still ter engages an ever-growing number of women at questioned in many countries where women have the highest levels of decision-making, including traditionally enjoyed very little political repre- women working in the government, academia, sentation: majorities in Mali, Palestine, Kuwait, civil society organizations and political parties to Pakistan, Bangladesh and Ethiopia and nearly half build a network of stakeholders that will allow of Jordanians and Nigerians still said men make women to assume positions as public leaders better political leaders than women.84 The idea of across the globe. As Gabriela Jakovleva, WPSP a woman leader, particularly in an eminently public and male-dominat- “Behind every successful man stands a ed environment like politics, often successful woman, but behind every successful defies cultural norms and expecta- woman stands the network that we have built.” tions, demanding from women who Gabriela Jakovleva, Women in Public Service engage in this field and, often from Project Institute Alumna from Macedonia their families, the willingness and ability to challenge long-held percep- tions of femininity and leadership. In alumna from Macedonia summed up: “‘Behind this context, it is not surprising that many women every successful man stands a successful woman’, lawmakers consider prevailing cultural attitudes but behind every successful woman stands the 82 regarding the role of women and lack of support network that we have built.” from families as the primary obstacles to pursuing a political career. Societal Expectations, Prevailing Models Media outlets play an extremely important role of Macho Leadership and Media in shaping perceptions around women as poli- Misrepresentation: Women’s Networks as cy-makers, politicians and leaders, however their Agents of Cultural Change influence has often been a negative one, as high- lighted by the 2011 documentary Miss Represen- Ambition and confidence gaps are strictly relat- tation. In 2015, women made up only 16 percent ed to the gendered roles that women and men of the people in news about politics and govern- are socialized to play. While programs like the ment worldwide;85 female politicians are not only ones mentioned above are incredibly important covered less than their male colleagues, but the in empowering women and girls and changing nature of their coverage is often very gender-ste- society one woman at a time, they should al- reotypical, as much larger attention is paid to the ways be framed within a wider discussion about way they are dressed, their body image and their the cultural norms and stereotypes that make it family life.86 A study on the media coverage of counter-intuitive for women to consider a polit-

16 | Background and Research Paper on Women’s Political Networks The Women in Public Service Project

female candidates in Canada found that women down cultural and structural barriers -- improving are generally described according to four roles: leadership around the world and showing every- “sex object, mother, pet, and iron maiden.” Each one what women can achieve.”91 of these roles “poses dangers for women’s equal Societal expectations and attitudes evolve in- representation in politics, as well as societal gen- crementally (under normal circumstances) or der equality more generally. Indeed, to the extent abruptly (often as a result of conflict and political that news coverage perpetuates well-entrenched, unrest). In both cases, women’s networks have an but tired stereotypes about men’s and women’s extremely important role to play in supporting roles, abilities, and aspirations, media contribute the women who are defying societal expectations to broader dysfunctions in how the genders see to gain larger shares of representation and power. themselves and each other.87 In the past century, conflict has been a catalyst for These attitudes matter enormously, as they have change and women’s enhanced political repre- proven to be better predictors of women’s ad- sentation for many countries, including Rwanda, vancement in public life than, for example, a Burundi, Angola, Mozambique, Namibia, South country’s level of socioeconomic and democratic Africa and Uganda. After the Arab Spring, wom- development, or women’s participation in the 88 en gained unprecedented representation in na- labor force. The way media treats female politi- tional legislatures in Algeria, Iraq and Tunisia.92 cians does not only impact the demand of female Because conflict disrupts social norms and prac- candidates (how the electorate and political tices, women often need to step out of the private parties perceive women as candidates), but also sphere to occupy new roles as heads of house- their supply (the pool of women willing to run). holds, combatants or at the fore-front of peace In a survey conducted after Australia’s first female building activities aimed at de-escalating conflict. Prime Minister Julia Gillard left office in 2012, These activities offer women a training ground 80 per cent of women over the age of 31 said they in political engagement and the opportunity of were less likely to run after seeing how negatively 89 gaining the popular support and visibility neces- Gillard was treated by the media. sary to become viable candidates for democratic Societal and cultural expectations are however not elections. Women can also play an essential role as permanent. Evidence shows that where women countries re-write constitutions and basic electoral hold public office for a sustained amount of time, and civil laws, to ensure that the new legislation is the general perception about their ability to lead gender-sensitive and provides greater opportuni- improves.90 As Gwen Young, Director of the ties for representation to female political activists. Women in Public Service Project at the Wilson In these situations, it is key that women organize Center, pointed out: “Simply having female through political networks, where they gain the leaders changes the norms about who can lead connections, information and skills to take advan- and what qualities are necessary in leadership. tage of the opportunities presented to make their Having women in leadership roles is breaking voices heard and ensure lasting change. Even in the absence of an external, dramatic “Having women in leadership roles is breaking shock like conflict, women’s networks are ex- down cultural and structural barriers, improving tremely important to promote incremental change leadership around the world.” in societal expectations around women, politics Gwen K. Young, Director, Women in Public and leadership. Service Project at the Wilson Center Women’s civil society organizations all over the world have been particularly savvy in using the

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media for challenging the gender status quo women’s wing supported a civic education radio in political campaigns. In the Czech Republic, program to advocate for increased women’s partic- before the 2006 elections, the local non-govern- ipation in legislatures.96 mental organization Forum 50 percent sponsored Women in national legislatures can foster change a poster campaign featuring a long row of trousers in parliamentary culture, challenging prevailing and ties and the question “Do you really have a cultural norms on men’s and women’s roles within choice?” In Turkey, the local civil society associa- democratic institutions, with positive ripple tion Ka-Der created posters featuring well-known effects on the entire society. Because of women’s Turkish businesswomen and female artists wear- advocacy within parliament, in South Africa, the ing a tie or moustache and asking: “Is it necessary 97 93 term “chairman” was replaced by “chairperson.” to be a man to enter parliament?” During the Since 2012 in Italy, several women parliamentar- 2010 electoral campaign in Haiti, women from ians started demanding to be referred to with the civil society produced and disseminated the “Elect feminine form of their professional titles, instead Haitian Women” television and radio campaign of the default masculine forms, still widely in use. to encourage voters to elect women candidates. This request encouraged a national debate involv- The campaign subverted the traditional stereo- ing academics, journalists and feminist groups type of women as homemakers with slogans such on the use of language to reinforce or challenge as “If we can run our families, we can run our stereotypes regarding women’s roles in politics. country.”94 Women’s organizations have also been active in documenting and protesting against gen- Changing cultural norms regarding what is der bias in the way women are depicted by media, macho and what is feminine is however a long- training media outlets on gender-sensitive media term process and one that requires engagement coverage and encouraging opinion surveys on of a broad range of stakeholders from civil society voter attitudes towards women in politics. Recent organizations, national legislatures and political research from the United States and Europe has parties, each working individually, as well as in reported a positive evolution in media coverage cooperation. According to Jennifer Siebel New- with respect to gender and politics,95 possibly in som, who wrote, directed, and produced the 2011 response to the pressures received from women’s award-winning documentary Miss Representation civil society organizations and networks. and currently leads The Representation Project, a nonprofit organization that uses film and media Women organized in political parties can raise as a catalyst for cultural transformation: “Our cul- awareness on the importance of women’s political ture’s limiting gender stereotypes - that our girls representation and disseminate media messages value lies in their youth, beauty, and sexuality and highlighting the central role women play in the that our boys value lies in physical dominance, public life. In recent years, several to-be Prime sexual prowess, and financial control - perpetuate Ministers highlighted their commitment to gen- many of society’s injustices. Our #AskHerMore der equality, winning large portions of the female campaign calls out sexist reporting for focusing vote in view of the general elections: Zapatero in on what and who women are wearing, and sug- 2004 in Spain; Hollande in 2012 in France and gests ways to re-focus the reporting on women’s Trudeau in 2015 in Canada. In the United States, achievements. #AskHerMore has a broad range of EMILY’s List, a political action committee that stakeholders who have actually helped transform aims to help elect pro-choice Democratic female the media’s sexist reporting, including media out- candidates to run for office, disseminates tele- lets and influencers.”98 vision ads specifically addressing women voters and asking for their support to elect women in Another success story is the HeForShe campaign office. In Cambodia, the Sam Rainsy Party (SRP) launched by the United Nations to engage men

18 | Background and Research Paper on Women’s Political Networks The Women in Public Service Project

offs than their male counterparts. One legislator “Our culture’s limiting gender stereotypes interviewed for this study reported: “It is difficult perpetuate many of society’s injustices.” to balance politics and family. I separated from my husband because I was forced to chose either Jennifer Siebel Newsom, Writer, Director, and being a politician or housewife.”100 Producer, Miss Representation Even once elected in office, women continue pay- ing a “family penalty,”as they spend substantially and boys in ending gender inequality is a great more time caring for their families than their male example of such efforts at the global level. Es- colleagues.101 A Rwandan female parliamentarian poused by high-level politicians, including the explained: “He [her husband] wants everything to United States President Barack Obama, politi- be ready by the time he wakes up, he should find cal party activists, lawmakers, as well as media all lined-up for him, warm water in the bath- outlets, universities, financial service companies room, breakfast ready on the table, clothes ironed, and well-recognized film actors, the campaign has shoes polished, socks on top of shoes, plus you to quickly gained media attention and contributed be ready by the time he is done if you have to go to starting conversations regarding gender roles with him somewhere or use the same car.”102 and expectations all over the world. As a result of this situation, female politicians often shy away from leadership positions in Domestic Responsibilities and Family parliamentary committees or government, hin- Penalty: Women’s Networks as Support and dering their chances of advancement and possi- Practice Changers bly re-election. As Anne-Marie Slaughter put it talking about her experience as the first female Politics is often experienced as an all-consuming Director of Policy Planning for the U.S. State activity by the men and women who engage in it. Department: “Having it all it all was not possible Even before entering office, a candidate (or aspi- in many types of jobs, including high government rant) needs to travel extensively and take part in office—at least not for very long.”103 activism and networking events, often carried out at night and on the weekends, as stepping stones Women’s networks can be extremely important of the political career. In most countries, women in advocating for changes in cultural expectations carry a disproportionate share of domestic work around family and domestic responsibilities and and find it extremely difficult to find the time to in supporting women in their quest to balance invest in anything other than their families and political ambitions and family. Civil society jobs, particularly if they have small children. organizations like Vital Voices Global Partnership offer trainings where women leaders share best As a result, women tend to become politicians lat- practices on work-life balance, learn to better pri- er in life than men (once their children are grown oritize, delegate and be more efficient in the use up and require less attention); they are more often of their time. Almost more importantly, they pro- single (including divorced or separated), have on vide participants with role models: women who average fewer children than both their male col- have gone through the same challenges and found leagues and the overall female population.99 These ways to overcome them or learned to accept some statistics point to the fact that, as in other pres- trade-offs. tigious and male-dominated professions, women find it extremely hard to balance career and family Women’s wings in political parties play a critical and the ones who enter the political career do role in ensuring that the practices of the party are so at a higher personal cost, facing higher trade- gender-sensitive and take into consideration men

Background and Research Paper on Women’s Political Networks | 19 Women’s Political Networks: Defining Leadership, Breaking Barriers, and Fostering Change

and women’s needs to balance political activism murder at worst. Women lawmakers sometimes and family responsibilities. Allowing party mem- report feeling intimidated by the “gentlemen’s bers to bring their children to congresses and club” atmosphere and the sexist language which meetings and providing child care (or financial pervade many legislatures.105 support to sustain childcare costs) are important Modern technology, including emails, blogs and first steps. The annual political meetings orga- social media platforms have provided new chan- nized by former Italian Prime Minister Matteo nels for misogyny and gender-based violence, Renzi in Florence are open to (and attended by) with 95 percent of all aggressive behavior, abusive men and women bringing small children. language and denigrating images in online spac- Women’s parliamentary bodies are uniquely es aimed at women.106 In 2011, Laura Boldrini, positioned to mainstream gender into political Speaker of Italy’s lower house, divulged multiple institutions and practices, making sure that it is emails she has received threatening rape, torture possible for female legislators to balance domestic and murder. She was not alone: for women in and public responsibilities. Women’s caucuses politics, threats, online harassment and graphic have successfully worked to make legislatures sexual taunts are often common occurrences.107 more family-friendly working environments by In some cases, online threats lead to physical vio- limiting sitting hours (Denmark, Sweden, South lence and even murder. In 2016, Jo Cox, a female Africa and Spain), having the parliamentary member of parliament in the United Kingdom, calendar match the school calendar (South Africa was killed by a male far-right activist. Ms. Cox and Switzerland), providing child care (Australia) had been victim of repeated online harassment and establishing lactation rooms or proxy votes 104 and threats. In recent years, female candidates for new mothers (Peru). Given that changes have been targeted by violence during the party in parliamentary protocols and practices have nomination stage and the electoral campaign in financial implications and often need to be voted Kenya, Afghanistan and many other countries. upon, the ability of women lawmakers to involve Sometimes, women are singled out for harassment their male colleagues in advocating for such when “populist strongmen turn to patriarchal nar- changes is of fundamental importance and can be rative of putatively traditional social values—for a first step towards a society-wide discussion with example, as both Russian President Vladimir Pu- respect to gender equality, parenting and domestic tin and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan responsibilities. have done in recent years.”108 These attacks, starting at the political aspirant stage and often continuing (or worsening) as women are in office, increase the perception of politics as an inherently “dirty,” corrupt, cynical and violent field, where characteristics such as Gender-Based Violence in Politics: Women’s empathy and honesty, predominantly attributed to women, do not have a place.109 Women who Networks as Advocates and Women’s Rights decide to enter this field often do so at their own Defenders personal risk and are blamed if they become vic- Gender-based violence is a vicious barrier for tims of attacks, scaring away new generations of women who defy traditional roles and engage female political aspirants. in the political arena, as they become objects of In recent years, women’s civil society networks insults and cat-calling at best, death threats and have been particularly active in denouncing

20 | Background and Research Paper on Women’s Political Networks The Women in Public Service Project

gender-based violence in politics and advocating harassment and violence in politics. The law was for legislative tools to prevent and punish it. They the result of twelve years of advocacy by the Steer- have served as shields and human rights defenders ing Committee for the Political Rights of Women, for female political activist, organizing advoca- led by Association of Women Mayors and Coun- cy and media campaigns to protect them from cilwomen (ACOBOL), working together with abuse. Women’s civil society organizations have women civil society organizations, government, also promoted the use of new technologies in international cooperation, as well as experts and this respect, through online spaces like GenderIT activists from all backgrounds and origins, includ- and Take Back The Tech!, where activists connect ing from both urban and rural areas. According globally, share information, best practices and to Maria Eugenia Valverde, Gender Expert and launch awareness campaigns. They have increas- Director of ACOBOL from 2002 to 2012, this ingly trained female political aspirants on how to coordinated work was extremely important: “On protect themselves from online harassment and the one hand, we succeeded in having greater gender-based violence. Finally, women’s organiza- outreach and visibility as a very wide set of actors tions and networks have successfully applied text was advocating with us. On the other hand, as the messaging technology and mapping tools to doc- women in the network shared information, our ument and respond to violence and harassment.110 collective understanding of the various forms of In Kenya, Mali, Egypt, Syria, Senegal and Sierra political violence against women increased and so Leone, these tools have been incorporated into did our ability to propose a comprehensive law to efforts to monitor gender-based violence around fight it. In this process, women from very differ- elections. ent backgrounds built a common language to share and disseminate information on the various Perpetrators of gender-based violence are often forms of violence, learned to understand one within political parties and women in party wings have a critical role in uncovering and denouncing them. “Women from very different backgrounds learned In 2015, the Tanzania Women to understand one another and find a common Cross-Party Platform, supported by denominator in the battle for gender equality” the National Democratic Institute, Maria Eugenia Valverde, Gender Expert and former conducted a systematic observation Director, Association of Women Mayors and of gender-based violence before the Councilwomen (ACOBOL) elections, reporting numerous inci- dents of “sextortion,” where female political aspi- another and find a common denominator in the rants or candidates were demanded sexual favors battle for gender equality.”112 by male party leaders.111 Thanks to this reporting, Tanzania’s Independent Ethics Secretariat issued In 2013, Mexico adopted amendments to its elec- stricter disciplinary measures to be taken against toral law and its law on violence against women any official found to abuse his or her power. to include cases of violence against women in politics and in the electoral process. In Afghan- In many countries, women who are in legisla- istan, women’s civil society groups, the Afghan tures and government, locally or nationally, often Independent Election Commission and several side by side with civil society organizations and international actors successfully lobbied the Min- women political activists across parties, have istry of Interior to obtain body guards for female successfully advocated for laws protecting female parliamentary candidates, increasing their ability politicians from violence. In 2012, Bolivia passed to campaign in safety.113 a ground-breaking law to combat gender-based

Background and Research Paper on Women’s Political Networks | 21 Women’s Political Networks: Defining Leadership, Breaking Barriers, and Fostering Change

Substituting the Old Boys’ Club: Women’s in it, incredibly enriching. As the WPSP alumna Networks as Resources for Networking, Hanane Ennadir116 put it: “WPSP has created a Mentoring and Coaching platform where women from different culture but active for the same gender equality cause can ex- As newcomers to the political life, women lack change information and ideas. Automatically, this access to traditionally male-dominated networks impacts our vision and our ability to get things linked to political parties, such as trade unions, done once we’re back at work”. business and other associations where the knowl- edge sharing, mentoring and coaching activities Through women’s political party wings, female necessary to launch, sustain and grow a political political activists mentor one another, share career take place. For this reason, women’s net- knowledge and build a common front to increase works represent valuable alternative channels their voice and leadership. In the United King- where women at all stages of the political career dom, the women’s organizations of the Conser- to connect with one another, advocate on specific vative and Labour Parties provide mentorship, policy issues and share information and strategies. training and networking opportunities to female According to Caroline Hubbard, Senior Advisor, activists who want to become members of parlia- Gender, Women and Democracy at the National ment. Women’s political party wings in Croatia, Democratic Institute (NDI): “Women’s networks Indonesia and Morocco, among others, organize trainings for women political activists to support are important for women to have access to power 117 groups they normally do not have access to.”114 them in ascending to party leadership positions. In Australia, the Labor Party’s women’s annual Women’s civil society networks connect wom- conference provides women with the opportunity to discuss policy, lobby on specific “Women’s networks are important for women issues and network with one another. to have access to power groups they normally In El Salvador, the Farabundo Martí do not have access to.” National Liberation Front party or- Caroline Hubbard, Senior Advisor for Gender, ganizes annual conferences bringing Women and Democracy, National Democratic together women leaders, stakeholders Institute (NDI) and members of the party’s senior leadership to formulate gender equal- en across society and sometimes, countries and ity strategies and policies. TheWomen Can Do regions to strategize around common struggles It (WCDI) program, organized by the Women’s and advocacy efforts, sometimes propelled by Wing of the Norwegian Labour Party, trained and international women’s conferences, where they provided over 20,638 women from more than 25 find a new sense of urgency for their local work.115 countries with a platform to learn, strategize and Women’s civil society networks are also strong build alliances.118 The Tha’era network of women, propellers of training, mentoring and networking set up in 2013 by the women’s organizations of opportunities. Based in the United States, the social democratic parties in Egypt, Lebanon, Mo- National Democratic Institute, the Internation- rocco and Tunisia, has built the capacity of over al Republican Institute, the Women in Public 150 women political activist to become trainers Service Project (WPSP) and the International for female political activists at the grassroots level. Foundation for Electoral Systems support wom- en at all stages of political recruitment through Parliamentary women’s bodies help women trainings, technical assistance and mentorship legislators share information and strategic advice, programs. The experience provided by being part as well as refine and implement their individual of such networks is, for the women who take part and common agenda. In several countries, in-

22 | Background and Research Paper on Women’s Political Networks The Women in Public Service Project

cluding Laos, Burundi, Morocco and Ethiopia, have several gender-equality bills passed.122 In the national women’s parliamentary bodies train Peru, the women’s parliamentary caucus engaged their newly elected members on the rules and women from grassroots civil society networks and procedures in place, helping them be effective succeeded in getting the issues that were of main legislators. The Rwanda Women Parliamentary concern to them (like gender-based violence) Forum (RWPF) trains both its male and female translated into policy reforms. According to Anna members in gender-related policies, gender Burke, former member of the Australian Labor mainstreaming and gender-responsive budgeting. Party and Speaker of the House of Representa- The Ugandan Women’s Parliamentary Association tives, national networks where women political raises awareness on gender equality legislation aspirants and women in office meet are crucial: and promotes activities to support and develop “Someone who has never run for office cannot women’s leadership.119 In El Salvador, the Associa- give you the lived experience of what it is like to tion of Salvadorian Women Parliamentarians and try to enter parliament, the many obstacles and Ex-Parliamentarians supports female politicians challenges.”123 in reaching senior leadership positions. The In- ter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) The Inter-Parlia- Lack of Financial Resources: Women’s mentary Union (IPU) is the world organization of parliaments, it has a membership of 170 Mem- Networks as Assets to Sustain Political ber Parliaments. Since 1985, at the initiative of Campaign Costs women parliamentarians from different countries, On average, women have less financial resources it has established a forum of women parliamen- than men do, as a result of unequal gender divi- tarians to enhance solidarity among women and sions of labor, patriarchal laws on inheritance and advance the gender equality agenda. According to land ownership, domestic responsibilities, cultural Zeina Hilal, IPU Program Officer for the Gender practices and much more. Women have also less Partnership Program: “The women see the forum access to business networks and rich individuals as a space to share best practices, report on de- that sometimes financially support the electoral velopments in their respective countries. A place campaigns of male candidates. For this reason, where they can share their challenges not only in systems where aspirants need large amounts of 120 the forum’s meetings but also in the corridors.” money to become candidates tend to disadvan- An even greater value is generated by networks tage female candidates; conversely, limitations on that include women from civil society organiza- campaign spending and on the amount of indi- tions, political parties and legislatures. Together, vidual donations tend to have a positive effect on they multiply knowledge and skills and ensure women’s representation. With more limited assets that the concerns of women at the grassroots level to begin with, fewer financial sponsors and, often, are taken into account and translated into policies less support from the party’s senior leadership at the national level. In Uganda, women’s civil so- (often all-male), women find sustaining the costs ciety organizations have successfully of a political campaign extremely hard. Financial partnered with the women’s caucuses by building their members’ capacity “Someone who has never run for office to write and present bills.121 In Uru- cannot give you the lived experience of what guay, the Bancada Femenina worked it is like to try to enter parliament.” hand in hand with civil society Anna Burke, former member of the Australian Labor organizations in defining the policy Party and Speaker of the House of Representatives items to prioritize and was able to

Background and Research Paper on Women’s Political Networks | 23 Women’s Political Networks: Defining Leadership, Breaking Barriers, and Fostering Change

risk-aversion also plays a role: women are in fact Women’s parliamentary bodies, most often in syn- generally less willing to put their financial resourc- ergy with female party and civil society activists, es into a personal objective perceived as risky (the have succeeded in changing some of the norms political career) and more likely to invest them in that make campaign financing unsustainable for their families. Ironically, the very same traits that women and encourage political parties to include are highly desirable in public office, such as con- more women in electoral lists. Several countries, cern for balanced budgets and selflessness, make where public funding is a major driver of political many women less likely to run for office. campaigns, have adopted policies in this respect. Women’s civil society organizations and net- In Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bolivia, works are very important sources of monetary Colombia, Georgia, Niger and Haiti, among and in-kind support for female candidates, who others, political parties receive additional fund- sometimes rely on their members to volunteer ing for women candidates. In France, Ethiopia, time and sometimes financial resources in their Burkina Faso and Ireland, parties which do not 124 meet the gender quotas see their public funding campaigns. In the case of Maria Ysabel Cedano, 126 long-time feminist and member of the Socialist reduced or forfeited. In Mexico, the electoral Party in Peru, women from the Peruvian wom- code demands that two percent of the public en’s movement were the largest donors in her funding of political parties be used specifically 2016 electoral campaign.125 Women’s civil society for building women’s capacity as candidates and networks can also connect female candidates with politicians. In the 2001 elections in East Timor, business networks and other sources of funding. additional television advertising time was given to The Nigerian Women’s Trust Fund supports fe- women candidates and parties that placed women male political aspirants and candidates irrespective in “winnable” positions on their candidate lists. In of political affiliation, providing them with the Brazil, a 2009 reform provided 10 per cent addi- tional media time to political parties, to be used financial resources and trainings. In Kazakhstan, 127 the Association of Businesswomen runs a political by female candidates. leadership school for businesswomen, encourag- ing them to consider starting a political career. I V. Women’s Political Networks: Women political party activists can advocate Suggestions for Further for changes in the party’s campaign financing rules in favor of female representation, as well as Investigation organize campaign financing activities specifically The experiences and best practices so far de- for women. In the United States, EMILY’s List scribed highlight how different women’s political supports pro-choice Democratic women candi- networks support women’s decision to run for dates by raising contributions, organizing cam- national office, influence their success in being paigns and mobilizing Democratic women voters. elected and increase their ability to push forward A similar initiative has also been developed by the a gender-equality agenda once in office. Several pro-life Susan B. Anthony List to support female important questions remain however unanswered candidates on the other side of the ideological regarding the link between women’s substantive spectrum. The Women’s Campaign Fund provides representation and the role of women’s networks women from both political parties with the finan- globally. cial resources necessary to run for office. Other countries have started similar initiatives or opened While the Inter-Parliamentary Union and the local EMILY’s List chapters, including Australia Quota project provide important tools to track and the UK. women’s descriptive representation in national

24 | Background and Research Paper on Women’s Political Networks The Women in Public Service Project

legislatures, very little is being done to track wom- legislative work? Did these networks influence in en’s substantive representation globally. In most any way their leadership approach? Did any other countries in the world, there is no systematic network they joined after entering parliament (for analysis on the legislative record of women in na- example, women’s parliamentary bodies)? Surveys tional legislatures: the types of bills they propose, of female parliamentarians globally could provide their rate of success or their longevity in office. some interesting responses to these questions and Also, while several models have been proposed shed some light on the impact of women’s politi- to analyze the reasons behind advances in gender cal networks. 128 equality in some countries, they have not been Responses to these questions are important in systematically applied to explain variances across order to design political empowerment programs time and regions. and structures that truly improve women’s politi- In particular, an area that demands much greater cal representation. investigation is the role various types of women’s According to Kristin Haffert, Founder and Princi- networks have played in supporting women’s pal of Haffert Group, co-founder of Project Mine descriptive and substantive representation global- the Gap Women’s Global Leadership & Gender ly. Are women lawmakers who started their career Equality Expert: “If we’re going to move more through women’s networks in civil society or po- litical parties more effective in their legislative work than the ones who “We need a sustainable model to institutionalize started it through other channels? academies/centers for women that are cultivated Do they propose more bills than the with committed partners in-country.” latters? Do they succeed in getting Kristin Haffert, Founder and Principal, Haffert them passed and are the bills they Group and Co-Founder, Project Mine the Gap propose more gender-sensitive than the ones presented by other female legislators? Are they more or less successful at women into elected positions around the world, being re-elected than female lawmakers who have we need a sustainable model to institutionalize not been supported by women’s networks? Are academies/centers for women that long outlive these indicators the same or different for women donor programs and are cultivated with commit- lawmakers who were not part of a woman’s net- ted partners in-country. These centers would not works before entering parliament but joined, once only provide training on critical leadership skills elected, a women’s parliamentary or congressional and navigating political processes, but they would body? How are their chances to achieve senior establish a network of mentors and peers that political roles in parties or government? women in different stages of the political career In addition to these questions, which have a can leverage throughout their life in politics. Over mostly objective dimension (longevity in office, time, this could become a locus of support to en- number and, to some extent, quality of bills courage new women to run and create a stronger proposed or passed can be measured), there are pipeline of talents.”129 additional ones, equally interesting, which look According to Jessica N. Grounds, founder of Sol- at the impact of women’s networks from the id Grounds Strategy, co-founder of Project Mine perspective of female legislators who engaged in the Gap and women’s political leadership expert: them. Which role did these networks play in their “There is a great need to increase the dialogue decision to run for office? What tools did they among nonpartisan actors working to increase provide them with, which proved crucial for their women’s political participation in the Unite d

Background and Research Paper on Women’s Political Networks | 25 Women’s Political Networks: Defining Leadership, Breaking Barriers, and Fostering Change

States and internationally. Women in the United Today, women have the right to vote and run for States would benefit from knowing best practices office almost everywhere in the world.131 Still, from women’s networks that have been successful most women find it extremely difficult to consid- in advancing female political representation in er and pursue a political career because of barriers their countries, through legislative change and that are closely related to their gender identity other tools. On the other hand, international and the highest glass ceilings are still not shattered networks would benefit from the lessons learned in many countries and political institutions, in- of the work women’s nongovernmental organi- cluding the United Nations and the United States zations have done in the United States, in order Presidency. Analyzing best practices from women’s to increase the demand of women in office (for political networks globally, this paper highlights example, by generating and disseminating re- the incredible results obtained by women’s po- search on the positive outcomes of having more litical networks, particularly when composed women legislators), as well as expanding the pool by various stakeholders in the legislative process of qualified candidates, for example by boosting (civil society, political parties and legislators) in women’s self-confidence, motivation and skills to supporting women overcome these challenges. In run for office.”130 doing so, the paper uncovers the need for more qualitative and quantitative research on the long- Conclusion term impact of women’s networks on women’s descriptive and substantive represen- “There is a great need to increase the dialogue tation in national legislatures, as well among nonpartisan actors working to increase as in their approach to leadership. women’s participation”

Jessica N. Grounds, Founder, Solid Grounds Strategy and Co-Founder, Project Mine the Gap

26 | Background and Research Paper on Women’s Political Networks The Women in Public Service Project

Endnotes

1. “Women in National Parliaments,” Inter-Parlia- 12. Left-leaning parties have generally more gen- mentary Union, March 1, 2017, http://www.ipu. der-sensitive platforms and include more women org/wmn-e/world.htm. than right wing ones. However, in some regions, like Latin America, right-wing parties have 2. Melanie Hughes and Pamela Paxton, Women, Pol- recently proven to be better than left-wing ones itics, and Power: A Global Perspective (Los Angeles: at engaging and supporting female candidates. Pine Forge, 2016). See Mala Htun and Laurel Weldon, “When 3. “Facts and Figures: Leadership and Political Do Governments Promote Women’s Rights? A Participation,” UN Women, August 2017, http:// Framework for the Comparative Analysis of Sex www.unwomen.org/en/what-we-do/leader- Equality Policy,” Perspectives on Politics 8, no. 1 ship-and-political-participation/facts-and-figures. (2010): 207-216, DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/ S1537592709992787. 4. Sarah F. Anzia and Christopher R. Berry, “The Jackie (and Jill) Robinson Effect: Why Do 13. Mona Lena Krook, “Contesting Gender Quotas: Congresswomen Outperform Congressmen?” Dynamics of Resistance,” Politics, Groups, and American Journal of Political Science 55, no. Identities 4, no. 2 (2016): 268-283, DOI: http:// 3 (2011): 478-493, DOI: 10.1111/j.1540- dx.doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2016.1151797 5907.2011.00512.x 14. Mona Lena Krook and Pippa Norris, “Beyond 5. Jessica C. Gerrity, Jeanette Morehouse Mendez, Quotas: Strategies to Promote Gender Equality in and Tracy Osborn, “Women and Representation: Elected Office,” Political Studies 62, no. 1 (2014): A Different View of the District?”Politics & Gen- 2-20, DOI: 10.1111/1467-9248.12116 der 3, no. 2 (2007): 179-200, DOI: https://doi. 15. Michele L. Swers, The Difference Women Make: org/10.1017/S1743923X07000025 The Policy Impact of Women in Congress (Chicago: 6. David Dollar, Raymond Fisman, and Rober- University of Chicago Press, 2002). ta Gatti, “Are Women Really the ‘Fairer’ Sex? 16. Julie Ballington, Equality in Politics: A Survey of Corruption and Women in Government,” Women and Men in Parliaments (Geneva: In- Journal of Economic Behavior and Organization ter-Parliamentary Union, 2008). 46, no. 4 (2001): 423-429, DOI: http://dx.doi. org/10.1016/S0167-2681(01)00169-X 17. Karen Celis, Sarah Childs, Johanna Kantola, and Mona Lena Krook, “Constituting Women’s In- 7. “Women and Leadership: Public Says Wom- terests through Representative Claims,” Politics & en are Equally Qualified, but Barriers Persist,” Gender 10, no. 2 (2014): 149-174, DOI: https:// Pew Research Center, January 14, 2015, http:// doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X14000026 www.pewsocialtrends.org/2015/01/14/wom- en-and-leadership/. 18. Stanley Wasserman and Katherine Faust, Social Network Analysis (Cambridge: Cambridge Uni- 8. Joni Lovenduski (ed), State Feminism and Political versity Press, 1994). Representation (Cambridge: Cambridge Universi- ty Press, 2005). 19. Anne Maria Holli, “Feminist Triangles: A Conceptual Analysis,” Representation 44, 9. Marika Morris, Women’s Leadership Matters: The no. 2 (2008): 169-185, DOI: http://dx.doi. impact of Women’s Leadership in the Canadian org/10.1080/00344890802080407 Federal Public Service, (Ottawa: Centre for Wom- en in Politics and Public Leadership, Carleton 20. Sarah Childs and Mona Lena Krook, “Analyz- University, 2016). ing Women’s Substantive Representation: From Critical Mass to Critical Actors,” Government 10. Lindy Wafula, personal interview, October 2016. and Opposition 44, no. 2 (2009): 125-145, DOI: 11. “Quota Database,” Quota Project, http://www. 10.1111/j.1477-7053.2009.01279.x quotaproject.org/.

Background and Research Paper on Women’s Political Networks | 27 Women’s Political Networks: Defining Leadership, Breaking Barriers, and Fostering Change

21. Joyce Banda, personal interview, October 2016. 31. Nelida Archenti and Niki Johnson, “Engendering the Legislative Agenda With and Without the 22. Joana Barsh, Susie Cranston, and Geoffrey Lewis, Quota: A Comparative Study of Argentina and How Remarkable Women Lead: The Breakthrough Uruguay,” Sociologia, Problemas e Prácticas no. 52 Model for Work and Life (New York: Crown Press, (2006): 133-153. 2009). 32. Margarita Percovich, personal interview, October 23. Melanne Verveer and Kim K. Azzarelli, Fast 2016. Forward: How Women Can Achieve Power and Purpose, (New York: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt 33. Alessia Mosca, personal interview, September Publishing Company, 2015). 2016. 24. Melanne Verveer, personal interview, November 34. See: Thomas Spielhofer, Tom Benton, and Sandie 2016. Schagen, “A Study of the Effects of School Size and Single‐sex Education in English Schools,” 25. Kah Walla, personal interview September 2016. Research Papers in Education 19, no. 2 (2004): 26. In some cases, like the National Federation of 133-159, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0267152 Democratic Women and the National Federation 0410001695407; and Alice Sullivan, Heather of Republican Women the United States, they Joshi and Diana Leonard, “Single- sex school- are financially and organizationally independent ing and academic attainment at school and from the political parties, but promote the par- through the lifecourse,” American Educational ties’ vision, objectives and policies. While wom- Research Journal 47, no. 1 (2010): 6-36, DOI: en’s wings are mostly national networks, some are 10.3102/0002831209350106. regional or international, like the Women Section 35. Jaegeum Lim and Jonathan Meer, “The Impact of of the Party of European Socialists (PES), bring- Teacher-Student Gender Matches: Random As- ing together women from the Socialist, Social signment Evidence from South Korea,” (working Democratic and Labour Parties of the European paper, National Institute of Economic Research, Union and the Socialist International Women. 2015). 27. Rumbidzai Kandawasvika-Nhundu, Political 36. Alison Booth and Patrick Nolen, “Choosing to Parties in Africa through a Gender Lens (Stock- Compete: How Different Are Girls and Boys?” holm: International Institute for Democracy and Journal of Economic Behavior & Organization Electoral Assistance, 2013). 81, no. 2 (2012): 542-555, DOI: http://dx.doi. 28. Julie Ballington et. al, Empowering Women for org/10.1016/j.jebo.2011.07.018 Stronger Political Parties: A Good Practices Guide 37. Iris Bohnet, What Works: Gender Equality by to Promote Women’s Political Participation (Unit- Design (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, ed Nations Development Programme and the 2016). National Democratic Institute, 2011). 38. Ed Okeefe, “Wellesley Women for Hillary,” ABC 29. Organization for Security and Co-Operation in News (blog), December 17, 2007, http://blogs. Europe, Office for Democratic Institutions and abcnews.com/politicalradar/2007/11/welles- Human Rights, A Comparative Study of Struc- ley-women.html. tures for Women MPs in the OSCE Region (OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human 39. Jessica Huber, personal interview, September Rights (ODIHR), 2013). 2016. 30. Karen Beckwith and Kimberly Cowell-Mey- 40. Federiga Bindi, personal interview, September ers, “Sheer Numbers: Critical Representation 2016. Thresholds and Women’s Political Represen- tation,” Perspectives on Politics 5, no. 3 (2007): 41. Herminia Ibarra, “How to Revive a Tired Net- 553-565, DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/ work,” Harvard Business Review, February 3, S153759270707154X 2015, https://hbr.org/2015/02/how-to-revive-a- tired-network.

28 | Background and Research Paper on Women’s Political Networks The Women in Public Service Project

42. Niki Johnson and Cecilia Josefsson, “A New Way and the Meanings of Women in Governance in of Doing Politics? Cross-Party Women’s Caucus- Post-Genocide Rwanda,” African Affairs107, es as Critical Actors in Uganda and Uruguay,” no. 428 (2008): 361-386, DOI: https://doi. Parliamentary Affairs 69, no. 4 (2016): 845-859, org/10.1093/afraf/adn024. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsw011 50. Jennifer Disney, “Incomplete Revolutions: 43. Sonia Palmieri, “Embracing Feminism: The Case Gendered Participation in Productive and of Finland,” LinkedIn Pulse (blog), July 29, 2016, Reproductive Labor in Mozambique and https://www.linkedin.com/pulse/embracing-femi- Nicaragua,” Socialism and Democracy 18, nism-case-finland-sonia-palmieri. no.1 (2004): 7-42, DOI: http://dx.doi. org/10.1080/08854300408428380. 44. The notions of feminism and women’s movement vary across national and cultural boundaries 51. Mary Balikungeri, personal interview, October and need to be interpreted in the context of 2016. the culture in which they develop. Historically, feminist movements, in their various shapes and 52. Valeria Fedeli, personal interview, June 2016. forms, have been instrumental in advocating 53. Anita Perez Ferguson, personal interview, August for women’s rights. In some countries, however, 2016. the term feminism is associated with ideological radicalism and approached critically by many 54. Sonja Lokar, personal interview, August 2016. women, including women in politics. For this reason and in order to be as inclusive as possible 55. The National Democratic Institute,Women, in the descriptions of a very diverse spectrum of Technology and Democracy Survey (National Dem- experiences and ideologies, this paper will refer ocratic Institute for International Affairs (NDI), to women’s (instead of feminist) movements and 2008. civil society organizations, unless otherwise specif- 56. The International Knowledge Network of Wom- ically identified. en in Politics (iKNOW Politics) is an online 45. Kent Portney, Richard C. Eichenberg, and Rich- workspace designed to serve the needs of anyone ard G. Niemi, “Gender Differences in Political interested in learning more the science and best and Civic Engagement Amoung Young People” practices to advance women in politics. The old- (APSA 2009 Toronto Meeting Paper, 2009). est online network of this kind, iKNOW Politics also includes fora for e-discussions on specific 46. Khadija Idrissi Janati, personal interview, Octo- topics related to women and politics and a global ber 2016. network of experts. 47. Mounira M. Charrad and Amina Zarrugh, 57. Sonja Lokar, personal interview, August 2016. “Equal or Complementary? Women in the New Tunisian Constitution after the Arab Spring,” The 58. The only exception is the Vatican State, where Journal of North African Studies 19, no. 2 (2014): only men detain the right to active and passive 230-243, DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629 suffrage. 387.2013.857276. 59. A third category of barriers sometimes referred to 48. Karen Beckwith, “Mapping Strategic Engage- are institutional barriers, referring to the political ments: Women’s Movements and the State,” system and focusing on the electoral and cam- International Feminist Journal of Politics 9, paign financing laws and regulations as drivers no. 3 (2007): 312-338, DOI: https://doi. in explaining women’s under-representation in org/10.1080/14616740701438218 political systems (See Pippa Norris, “The Impact of Electoral Reform on Women’s Representation,” 49. Elizabeth Pearson, Demonstrating Legislative Lead- Acta Politica 41 (2006): 197-213). This paper ership: The Introduction of Rwanda’s Gender-Based touches upon the “institutional barriers” only in Violence Bill, ed. Elizabeth Powley (Initiative the analysis of campaign financing. It does not for Inclusive Security, Hunt Alternatives Fund, enter into the debate around electoral systems 2008); and Jennie E. Burnet, “Gender Balance (proportional versus majoritarian), as it aims at

Background and Research Paper on Women’s Political Networks | 29 Women’s Political Networks: Defining Leadership, Breaking Barriers, and Fostering Change

analyzing first and foremost the barriers that are 10.1177/1065912914525861; and Victoria reported by women activists and women elected L. Brescoll, “Who Takes the Floor and Why: in national legislatures as “universal”, applying to Gender, Power, and Volubility in Organizations,” all political, social, legal and religious contexts. Administrative Science Quarterly 56, no. 4 (2011): 622-641. 60. Mona Lena Krook, “Female Quotas in Parlia- ment: Do They Make a Difference?”International 71. Lyn Kathlene, Susan E. Clarke, and Barbara Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, A. Fox, “Ways Women Politicians are Making a ed. James Wright, 2nd ed. (Philadelphia: Elsevi- Difference,”Gender and Policymaking 2001, ed. er, 2015): DOI: 10.1016/B978-0-08-097086- Debra L. Dodson (Rutgers: Eagleton Institute of 8.64064-3. Politics, 1991): 31. 61. Pippa Norris and Ronald Inglehart, “Cultural 72. Sarah A. Fulton, Cherie D. Maestas, L. Sandy Obstacles to Equal Representation,” Journal of Maisel, and Walter J. Stone, “The Sense of a Democracy 12, no. 3 (2001): 126-140. Woman: Gender, Ambition, and the Decision to Run for Congress,” Political Research Quarterly 62. Ballington, Equality in Politics 59, no. 2 (2006): 235-248. 63. Valerie Dowling, personal interview, September 73. Sheryl Sandberg and Nell Scovell, Lean In: Wom- 2016. en, Work, and the Will to Lead (New York: Knopf, 64. Jennifer L. Lawless and Richard L. Fox, Girls 2013). Just Wanna Not Run: The Gender Gap in Young 74. Iris Bohnet, What Works: Gender Equality by Americans’ Political Ambition (Washington, DC: Design (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, Women & Politics Institute, 2013). 2016). 65. Ibid. 75. Frances Rosenbluth, Joshua Kalla and Dawn 66. Christina Wolbrecht, and David E. Campbell, Teele, The Female Political Career(Women in “Leading by Example: Female Members of Parlia- Parliaments Global Forum, 2015). ment as Political Role Models,” American Journal 76. Susannah Wellford, personal interview, October of Political Science 51, no. 4 (2007): 921-939, 2016. DOI: 10.1111/j.1540-5907.2007.00289.x. 77. Kah Walla, personal interview, September 2016. 67. Katty Kay and Claire Shipman, The Confidence Code: The Science and Art of Self-assurance-- 78. Teina Mackenzie, personal interview, October What Women Should Know (New York: Harper 2016. Business, 2014). 79. The Power Handbook is available at: http://www. 68. Uri Gneezy, Muriel Niederle, and Aldo Rustichi- socialdemokraterna.se/Webben-for-alla/S-kvin- ni, “Performance in Competitive Environments: nor/S-kvinnor/In-English1/The-Power-Hand- Gender Differences,” The Quarterly Journal of book1/ Economics 118, no. 3 (2003): 1049-1074, DOI: https://doi.org/10.1162/00335530360698496. 80. Joni Lovenduski, “Feminizing Politics,” Women: A Cultural Review 13, no. 2 (2002): 207-220, DOI: 69. Caroline Cox, “Why Women Don’t Win,” http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09574040210149004. Harvard Political Review, April 12, 2011, http:// harvardpolitics.com/covers/women-in-the-world/ 81. Ballington et. al, Empowering Women for Stronger why-women-dont-win/ Political Parties 70. See: Hanna Baek, Marc Debus, and Jochen 82. Gabriela Jakovleva, personal interview, September Mueller, “Who Takes the Parliamentary 2016. Floor? The Role of Gender in Speech-Mak- 83. Hughes and Paxton, Women, Politics, and Power. ing in the Swedish Riksdag,” Political Science Quarterly 67, no. 3 (2014): 405-418, DOI: 84. “Gender Equality Universally Embraced, but

30 | Background and Research Paper on Women’s Political Networks The Women in Public Service Project

Inequalities Acknowledged,” Pew Research Gender 12, no. 2 (2016): 223-253, DOI: https:// Center, July 1, 2010, http://www.pewglobal. doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X16000106 org/2010/07/01/gender-equality/ 96. Ballington et. al, Empowering Women for Stronger 85. Sarah Macharia, Who Makes the News? Global Political Parties Media Monitoring Project 2015 (London; Toron- to: World Association for Christian Communica- 97. Sonia Palmieri, Gender-Sensitive Parliaments: A tion, 2015) Global Review of Good Practices (Geneva: In- ter-Parliamentary Union, 2011) 86. Beatriz Llanos, Unseeing Eyes: Media Coverage and Gender in Latin American Elections (International 98. Jennifer Siebel Newsom, personal interview, Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance December 2016. (IDEA) and UN Women, 2011). 99. Rosenbluth et. al, The Female Political Career 87. Elizabeth Goodyear-Grant, Gendered News: 100. Female legislator, personal interview, September Media Coverage and Electoral Politics in Canada 2016. (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2014). 101. Ballington, Equality in Politics 88. Norris and Inglehart, “Cultural Obstacles to Equal Representation” 102. Justine Uvuza, “Hidden Inequalities: Rwandan Female Politicans’ Experiences of Balancing Fam- 89. Suzanne Williams, Women Can Do It! A Capac- ily and Political Responsibilities” (dissertation, ity-Building and Awareness-Raising Project for University of Newcastle upon Tyne, 2014) Women: External Evaluation Report (Norwegian People’s Aid, 2013). 103. Anne-Marie Slaughter, “Why Women Still Can’t Have it All,” The Atlantic,2012, https://www. 90. Lori Beaman, et al., “Powerful Women: Does theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2012/07/why- Exposure Reduce Bias?” Quarterly Journal of women-still-cant-have-it-all/309020/ Economics 124, no. 4 (2009): 1497-1540, DOI: https://doi.org/10.1162/qjec.2009.124.4.1497 104. Palmieri, Gender-Sensitive Parliaments 91. Gwen K. Young, “Why We Need More Women 105. Palmieri, Gender-Sensitive Parliaments Leaders,” CNN.com, July 31, 2016, http://www. 106. United Nations, General Assembly, Background cnn.com/2016/07/29/opinions/women-ris- st ing-benefits-society-young/. Documentation for 61 Session of the General Assembly, Item 60(a) on Advancement of Women: 92. Hughes and Paxton, Women, Politics, and Power. Secretary-General’s Study on Violence against Wom- en, A/61/122/Add. 1 (2006). 93. OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights, Handbook on Promoting Women’s 107. iKNOW Politics, Consolidated Response on Pre- Participation in Political Parties (Organization vention and Mitigation of Electoral and Political for Security and Co-Operation in Europe Office Violence Targeted at Women (iKNOW Politics, for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights, 2015). 2014). 108. Thomas Carothers, “Democracy Support Strat- 94. Susan Markham, Women as Agents of Change: egies: Leading with Women’s Political Empow- Having Voice in Society and Influencing Policy erment,” Carnegie Endowment for International (Washington: The World Bank, 2013). Peace, September 14, 2017, http://carnegieen- dowment.org/2016/09/14/democracy-sup- 95. See: Danny Hayes and Jennifer L. Lawless, Wom- port-strategies-leading-with-women-s-politi- en on the Run: Gender, Media, and Political Cam- cal-empowerment-pub-64534 paigns in a Polarized Era (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2016); Maarja Luhiste and Susan 109. Nadezhda Shvedova, “Obstacles to Women’s Par- Banducci, “Invisible Women? Comparing Can- ticipation in Parliament,” Women in Parliament: didates’ News Coverage in Europe,” Politics & Beyond Numbers, ed. Azza Karam (International

Background and Research Paper on Women’s Political Networks | 31 Women’s Political Networks: Defining Leadership, Breaking Barriers, and Fostering Change

Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, 123. Anna Burke, personal interview, October 2016. 2002): 63-84. 124. Marcela Tovar, Women Candidates and Campaign 110. Gabrielle Bardall, “Gender-Specific Election Vio- Finance (New York: Women’s Environment and lence: The Role of Information and Communica- Development Organization, 2007). tion Technologies,” Stability: International Journal of Security & Development (2013). 125. Maria Ysabel Cedano, personal interview, Octo- ber 2016. 111. Caroline Hubbard and Claire DeSoi, “Votes Without Violence: Monitoring Media,” Votes 126. Lolita Cigane and Magnus Ohman, “Political Without Violence: A Citizen Observer’s Guide to Finance and Gender Equality” (white paper, Addressing Violence Against Women in Elections International Foundation for Electoral Systems, (Washington: National Democratic Institute, August 2014). 2016). 127. Julie Ballington, and Muriel Kahane, “Women in 112. Maria Eugenia Valverde, personal interview, Politics: Financing for Gender Equality,” Fund- November 2016. ing of Political Parties and Election Campaigns: A Handbook for Political Finance, ed. Elin Falguera, 113. iKNOW Politics, Consolidated Response on Pre- Samuel Jones, and Magnus Ohman (Stockholm: vention and Mitigation International IDEA, 2014). 114. Caroline Hubbard, personal interview, July 2016. 128. See: Htun and Weldon, “When Do Governments Promote Women’s Rights?”; Celis et al, “Consti- 115. Mona L. Krook, “Promoting gender-balanced tuting Women’s Interests through Representative decision-making: the role of international fora Claims”; Beckwith and Cowell-Meyers, “Sheer and transnational networks,” Crossing Borders: Numbers”; Archenti and Johnson, “Engendering Re-Mapping Women’s Movements at the Turn of the the Legislative Agenda” 21st Century, ed. Roemer Christensen, Beatrice Halsaa, and Aino Saarinen (Odense: University 129. Kristin Haffert, personal interview, August 2016. Press of Southern Denmark, 2004). 130. Jessica Grounds, personal interview, November 116. Ms. Ennadir, Division Head Of Social Engi- 2016. neering in the Moroccan Ministry Of Solidarity Of Women, Family And Social Development, 131. See endnote no. 58. Personal interview, September 2016. 117. Ballington et. al, Empowering Women for Stronger Political Parties 118. Williams, Women Can Do It! 119. Inter-Parliamentary Union, Guidelines for Wom- en’s Caucuses (Geneva: Inter-Parliamentary Union, 2013). 120. Zeina Hilal, personal interview, July 2016. 121. Johnson and Josefsson, “A New Way of Doing Politics?” 122. Niki Johnson, “La Bancada Femenina en Uru- guay: un ‘Actor Crítico’ para la Representación Sustantiva de las Mujeres en el Parlamento,” América Latina Hoy 66 (2014): 145-165, DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.14201/alh201466145165.

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