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PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS in POLAND 25Th October 2015
PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN POLAND 25th October 2015 European Elections monitor The conservative opposition running favourite in the upcoming parliamentary elections in Poland Corinne Deloy Abstract: Just a few months after the unexpected victory of Andrzej Duda in the presidential election on 10th and 24th May last the Poles are returning to ballot on 25th October next to renew the two chambers of their parliament. All of the polls forecast victory by the main opposition party Law Analysis and Justice (PiS) in a country that is still divided between the industrial west which leans rather more to the Civic Platform (PO), a liberal party in office for the last eight years, and the east, which is more rural and closer to the conservative forces embodied by PiS Justice. The most recent poll by CBOS and published on 2014 of former Prime Minister Donald Tusk (PO) as 25th September and published by CBOS credits the the President of the European Council. However the PiS with 34% of the vote and Civic Platform with country is at a crossroads and in a month’s time will 30%. The Kukiz’15 group created by the candidate make a vital choice between two opposite paths, in the last presidential election, Pawel Kukiz, is due personified for the first time in the country’s history to come third with 9%; of the vote. The United by two women. Left (ZL) is due to win 5% of the vote – i.e. below the 8% voting threshold vital for a coalition to be THE OUTGOING GOVERNMENT IN DIFFI- represented in parliament – likewise the People’s CULTY Party (PSL). -
Working Papers No
UNIVERSITY OF WARSAW FACULTY OF ECONOMIC SCIENCES Working Papers No. 7/2021 (355) PERSUASIVE MESSAGES WILL NOT RAISE COVID-19 VACCINE ACCEPTANCE. EVIDENCE FROM A NATION-WIDE ONLINE EXPERIMENT RAMAN KACHURKA MICHAŁ W. KRAWCZYK JOANNA RACHUBIK Warsaw 2021 WORKING PAPERS 7/2021 (355) Persuasive messages will not raise COVID-19 vaccine acceptance. Evidence from a nation-wide online experiment Raman Kachurka, Michał W. Krawczyk, Joanna Rachubik University of Warsaw, Faculty of Economic Sciences Corresponding authors: [email protected], [email protected], [email protected] Abstract: Although mass vaccination is the best way out of the pandemic, the share of sceptics is very substantial in most countries. Social campaigns can emphasize the many arguments that potentially raise acceptance for vaccines: e.g., that they have been developed, tested, and recommended by doctors and scientists; that they are safe, effective and in demand. We verified the effectiveness of such messages in an online experiment conducted in February and March 2021 with a sample of almost six thousand adult Poles, which was nationally representative in terms of key demographic variables. We presented responders with different sets of information about vaccination against COVID-19. After reading the information bundle, they indicated whether they would be willing to be vaccinated. We also asked them to justify their answers and indicate who or what might change their opinion. Finally, we elicited a number of individual characteristics and opinions. We found that nearly 45% of the responders were unwilling to be vaccinated and none of the popular messages we used was effective in reducing this hesitancy. -
Andrzej Duda and Rafal Trzaskowski Will Face Each Other in the Second
PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS IN POLAND 12th July 2020 Outgoing President Andrzej Duda European and the Mayor of Warsaw Rafal Elections monitor Trzaskowski will face each other Corinne Deloy during the second round of the Polish presidential election on July 12 Results Outgoing President Andrzej Duda (Law and Justice, PiS) who was running as a freelancer, took third place with came out ahead in the first round of the presidential 13.85% of the votes. He failed to embody an alternative election in Poland on June 28. He won 43.67% of the force capable of dethroning the country's two main vote and Rafal Trzaskowski, Mayor of Warsaw and parties, which have fought a fierce battle in every former Minister of Administration and Digital Affairs election for the past fifteen years. Krzysztof Bosak (2013-2014), candidate of the Civic Platform (PO) led (National Movement, RN) won 6.75% of the votes. The by Grzegorz Schetyna, who obtained 30.34% of the other seven candidates each received less than 3%. votes. The two men will face on July 12 for a second round of voting. More than six in ten Poles voted (62.90%), 13.64 points more than in the first round of the previous presidential Szymon Holownia, a journalist and presenter of the election on May 10 2015. television programme Poland has incredible talent Results of the first round of the presidential election on June 28 2020 in Poland Turn out: 62.90% Number of votes won % of votes won Candidates (first round) (first round) Andrzej Duda (Law and justice, PiS) 8 412 188 43.67 Rafal Trzaskowski (Civic Platform, -
In the Shadow of Plagues:2020 Presidential Elections in Poland
DOI : 10.14746/pp.2021.26.2.3 Piotr SULA University of Wrocław ORCID ID: 0000-0001-5377-5684 Małgorzata MADEJ University of Wrocław ORCID ID: 0000-0002-5274-8614 Kamil BŁASZCZYŃSKI University of Wrocław ORCID ID: 0000-0003-4896-8371 In the shadow of plagues:2020 presidential elections in Poland Abstract: Presidential elections in Poland have always drawn more voters to the ballot box than par- liamentary ones. Despite the COVID-19 pandemic, the turnout in the 2020 presidential elections was the second-highest since 1989. The glib answer might be that voters were simply availing themselves of the opportunity to leave the house, however briefly, since COVID-19 measures had largely confined people to their homes for most of the year. More likely, albeit paradoxically, heightened voter interest was triggered by political autocratisation, the other plague that Poles have been struggling with, in this case since 2015. The election was won by the incumbent, Andrzej Duda, whose advantage was credited to his appeal among less-educated and older people living in rural areas. In the end, the governing Law and Justice (PiS) party, which had backed Duda’s campaign, managed to avoid cohabitation-related inconvenience for the second time. Key words: Presidential elections, voting behaviour, autocratisation, pandemic, Poland Introduction residential elections in semi-presidential systems seem to be as important as par- Pliamentary ones. This claim is grounded on the observations that all political par- ties invest their effort and resources to win these elections and that citizens tend to vote for a candidate for head of state more often than for prospective deputies. -
REPUBLIC of POLAND PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION 28 June and 12 July 2020
Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights REPUBLIC OF POLAND PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION 28 June and 12 July 2020 ODIHR Special Election Assessment Mission Final Report Warsaw 23 September 2020 TABLE OF CONTENTS I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ........................................................................................................... 1 II. INTRODUCTION AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ................................................................ 3 III. POLITICAL BACKGROUND ..................................................................................................... 4 IV. ELECTORAL SYSTEM AND LEGAL FRAMEWORK .......................................................... 5 V. ELECTION ADMINISTRATION ............................................................................................... 7 VI. VOTER REGISTRATION ........................................................................................................... 9 VII. CANDIDATE REGISTRATION ............................................................................................... 11 VIII. CAMPAIGN ENVIRONMENT ................................................................................................. 12 IX. CAMPAIGN FINANCE .............................................................................................................. 15 X. MEDIA .......................................................................................................................................... 18 A. MEDIA LANDSCAPE ............................................................................................................. -
Rzeczpospolita Polska
Biuro Instytucji Demokratycznych i Praw Człowieka (ODIHR) RZECZPOSPOLITA POLSKA WYBORY PREZYDENCKIE 28 czerwca i 12 lipca 2020 r. Misja specjalna obserwacji wyborów ODIHR Sprawozdanie końcowe Warszawa 23 września 2020 r. SPIS TREŚCI I. STRESZCZENIE ................................................................................................................... 1 II. WSTĘP I PODZIĘKOWANIA ............................................................................................ 4 III. TŁO POLITYCZNE .............................................................................................................. 4 IV. SYSTEM WYBORCZY I RAMY PRAWNE ..................................................................... 5 V. ADMINISTRACJA WYBORCZA ....................................................................................... 7 VI. REJESTRACJA WYBORCÓW .......................................................................................... 9 VII. REJESTRACJA KANDYDATÓW .................................................................................... 12 VIII. OTOCZENIE KAMPANII ................................................................................................. 13 IX. FINANSOWANIE KAMPANII ......................................................................................... 16 X. MEDIA .................................................................................................................................. 19 A. ŚRODOWISKO MEDIALNE ............................................................................................. -
The International Embrace of Parler by Right-Wing and Populist Parties
The International Embrace of Parler by Right-Wing and Populist Parties John Chrobak IERES Occasional Papers, no. 10, January 2021 “Transnational History of the Far Right” Series The International Embrace of Parler by Right-Wing and Populist Parties John Chrobak IERES Occasional Papers, no. 10, January 2021 “Transnational History of the Far Right” Series Photo Cover: by John Chrobak created with mapchart.net licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0 ©IERES2021 Transnational History of the Far Right A Collective Research Project led by Marlene Laruelle At a time when global political dynamics seem to be moving in favor of illiberal regimes around the world, this research project seeks to fill in some of the blank pages in the contemporary history of the far right, with a particular focus on the transnational dimensions of far-right movements in the broader Europe/Eurasia region. www.historyofthefarright.org/ John Chrobak is a Program Coordinator at the Institute for European, Russian and Eurasian Studies (IERES) at the George Washington University. He has an MA in International Affairs from GW’s Elliott School of International Affairs with a specialization in U.S. Foreign Policy and Eurasian Politics. His work has focused particularly on regional politics and security in Eurasia as well as the use of social media to manipulate and spread information for political influence. He has previously worked at the Center for European Policy Analysis (CEPA) and at the Atlantic Council's Digital Forensics Research Lab (DFRLab). Note: Parler’s role as a hub for far-right and conspiratorial networks has most recently come to light due to the platform’s role in enabling these groups to radicalize individuals and organize for action. -
Investigating Russia's Role and the Kremlin's Interference in the 2019
Investigating Russia’s role and the Kremlin’s interference in the 2019 EP elections Authors Patrik Szicherle Adam Lelonek, Ph.D. Grigorij Mesežnikov Jonas Syrovatka Nikos Štěpánek Budapest May, 2019 TABLE OF CONTENTS TABLE OF CONTENTS Foreword 3 Executive summary 3 Policy recommendations on countering the threat and strategic communications 4 Countering disinformation through policies 4 Strategic communications 6 Methodology 7 Introduction 7 What does Russia stand to gain? 8 What factors are helping disinformation to spread? 9 The official Kremlin-backed narratives in the West 11 The encirclement of Russia 12 Euroscepticism 13 Other important pro-Russian narratives 14 Narratives in Hungarian media 15 Euroscepticism in the spotlight: traditional values vs Soros’s multiculturalism 15 Ukraine in the focus 17 The media of perceived national interest and pro-Kremlin portals 18 Slovakia 19 The presidential election and its implications 19 In support of Eurosceptic forces 20 Czech Republic 22 Strong and peaceful Russia, aggressive US 22 EU: a topic of secondary importance 23 Poland 24 Internal political disputes on the EU help information aggressors 24 The West is an aggressor, while Russia is simply defending itself 25 Anti-Semitism used against American and European elites 26 Conclusions 27 Appendix 30 List of local portals under examination 30 References 33 Notes 41 2 Foreword FOREWORD We are thankful for Friedrich Naumann Foundation for its support for the project. We would like to thank our partners, Jonas Syrovatka (CZ), Nikos Štěpánek (CZ), Grigorij Mesežnikov (SK) and Adam Lelonek (PL) for their immense contribution to this paper. We are also grateful to the participants of our workshop on Russian influence in Europe for contributing to this paper with their insightful comments. -
Divided by the Rainbow: Culture War and Diffusion of Paleoconservative Values in Contemporary Poland
religions Article Divided by the Rainbow: Culture War and Diffusion of Paleoconservative Values in Contemporary Poland Ryszard Bobrowicz 1,* and Mattias Nowak 2 1 Centre for Theology and Religious Studies, Lund University, 221 00 Lund, Sweden 2 European Studies, Lund University, 221 00 Lund, Sweden; [email protected] * Correspondence: [email protected] Abstract: Over the last decade, representations of the rainbow were repeatedly disputed in Poland, revealing the country’s ongoing socio-political changes and its drift away from the generally liberal and secular values of the European mainstream. These cases show a political growth and an increas- ing social diffusion of Polish ‘national paleoconservatism.’ The aim of this article is to (1) discuss the intellectual roots of this distinct form of conservatism built upon the confrontational notions of national identity, patriotism, and Catholicism; (2) propose a novel concept in the studies of Polish politics (‘national paleoconservatism’); and (3) present the social diffusion of such conservatism based on conflicts over representations of the rainbow. By combining the historical and intellectual background with the contemporary case studies, the authors aim to facilitate a deeper understanding of the vitality of national conservative ideas among internationally unknown conservative intel- lectuals, who participate in a discursive ‘culture war’ against their liberal, progressive and secular opponents in present-day Poland. The ideological conflicts revolve around the meaning of Polish national identity, the essential character of the country’s culture, and the position of Poland within Citation: Bobrowicz, Ryszard, and the framework of European integration. Mattias Nowak. 2021. Divided by the Rainbow: Culture War and Diffusion Keywords: Poland; culture war; rainbow; LGBTQ+; conservatism; paleoconservatism; Law and of Paleoconservative Values in Justice; Roman Catholicism; public sphere Contemporary Poland. -
DGAP Commentary No. 17, May 2020
German Council on Foreign Relations No. 17 May 2020 COMMENTARY How Poland’s Postponed Election is Boosting Opposition Hopes What was supposed to be a simple called into question and triggered Po- reelection campaign for President land’s most serious crisis of democra- Andrzej Duda could be a political cy since it joined the EU, 16 years ago. turning point for Poland. Contrary to expectations that authoritative lead- The debacle of the postponed election ers would use the pandemic to con- highlighted cracks in the foundations Adam Traczyk Junior Fellow, Robert Bosch solidate power, it exposed the ruling of the governing “United Right” coali- Center for Central and Eastern party’s vulnerability. The outcome of tion, which is built around the national Europe, Russia, and Central Asia the new elections, which are expected conservative Law and Justice (Prawo i to take place in late June or early Sprawiedliwość, PiS) party. In contrast July 2020, is now uncertain. Europe to Hungary, where Viktor Orban’s party should pay attention, because a new Fidesz holds a constitutional majority president could help reconfigure do- in parliament, the ruling alliance in Po- mestic politics and restore Poland’s land is not monolithic. It is rather a position as a more constructive EU conglomerate of different groupings partner. held together by PiS’ leader Jarosław Milan Nič Kaczyński. Simply put, the ruling alli- Head, Robert Bosch Center for In early May, just weeks after it entered ance is more fragile than it may seem Central and Eastern Europe, Russia, and Central Asia a state of lockdown, Poland decided from the outside. -
Dominik Szczepański1 Proposals for Constitutional Changes in the Presidential Election Campaign in Poland in 2020
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego -----ISSN 2082-1212----- DOI 10.15804/ppk.2020.06.15 -----No. 6 (58)/2020----- Dominik Szczepański1 Proposals for Constitutional Changes in the Presidential Election Campaign in Poland in 2020 Keywords: constitutional change, election campaign, presidential election 2020, Poland Słowa kluczowe: zmiana konstytucji, kampania wyborcza, wybory prezydenckie 2020, Polska Abstract The article discusses the proposals for changing the constitution, which were officially presented during the presidential election campaign in Poland in 2020. The article con- sists of two main parts. The first part focuses on the presented proposals of laws con- cerning the regulation in question, while the second focuses on the postulates result- ing from the activity of candidates running for the office of President in Poland in 2020. Streszczenie Propozycje zmian konstytucyjnych w kampanii prezydenckiej w Polsce w 2020 roku W artykule omówiono propozycje dotyczące zmiany konstytucji, które zostały oficjal- nie przedstawione w trakcie prezydenckiej kampanii wyborczej w Polsce w 2020 r. Ar- tykuł składa się z dwóch zasadniczych części. W pierwszej z nich uwagę skoncentrowa- no na przedstawionych propozycjach ustaw dotyczących omawianej regulacji, natomiast 1 ORCID ID: 0000-0001-9026-1447, PhD, Department of Political and Media Systems, Institute of Political Science, College of Social Sciences, University of Rzeszow. E-mail: szc- [email protected]. 192 PRZEGLĄD PRAWA KONSTYTUCYJNEGO 2020/6 w drugiej skupiono się na postulatach będących wytworem aktywności kandydatów ubie- gających się o urząd prezydenta w Polsce w 2020 r. * I. Introduction The proposals to amend the Basic Law are already a permanent element of con- temporary political discourse. It results from different visions of socio-polit- ical circles and political formations denying the existing political reality and making a more or less radical attempt to adjust the provisions of the Consti- tution of the Republic of Poland to the shape and desired images of the po- litical system2. -
Far-Right Extremism in Europe 2021
STATE OF HATE FAR-RIGHT EXTREMISM IN EUROPE 2021 Editors: Joe Mulhall and Safya Khan-Ruf STATE OF HATE FAR-RIGHT EXTREMISM IN EUROPE 2021 HOPE not hate Charitable Trust PO Box 61383, London, N19 9ER Telephone 020 7952 1184 Email: [email protected] http://charity.hopenothate.org.uk Registered office: Suite 1, 3rd Floor, 11-12 St. James’s Square, London SW1Y 4LB FAR-RIGHT EXTREMISM IN EUROPE A Collaborative Report by: HOPE NOT HATE CHARITABLE TRUST Established in 1992, HOPE not hate Charitable Trust uses research, education and public engagement to challenge mistrust and racism, and helps to build communities that are inclusive, celebrate shared identities and are resilient to hate. The charity monitors far-right extremism and produces in-depth analysis of the threat of the politics of hate in the UK and abroad. We also specialise in related policy work, which draws on our research and our extensive data mapping, community engagement and training as well as a national Education Unit. AMADEU ANTONIO STIFTUNG The Amadeu Antonio Foundation is one of Germany’s foremost independent non- governmental organizations working to strengthen democratic civic society and eliminate neo-Nazism, right-wing extremism, anti-Semitism, racism and other forms of bigotry and hate in Germany. Since its founding in 1998, the Foundation has funded more than 1.400 projects and campaigns in pursuit of this goal. It brings direct support to victims of hate-based violence, and promotes alternative youth cultures and community networks to weaken the social structures that intolerance and racism need to survive. Furthermore the Foundation engages with hate and other forms of group-focused enmity online while promoting the development of a democratic digital civil society.