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HUMANIORA VOLUME 30 Number 3 October 2018 Page 237–247 The Negotiation of Political Identity and Rise of Social Citizenship: A Study of the Former Female Combatants in Aceh Since the Helsinki Peace Accord Arifah Rahmawati; Dewi H Susilastuti; Mohtar Mas’oed; Muhadjir Darwin Universitas Gadjah Mada, Indonesia Coresponding Author: [email protected] ABSTRACT An identity negotiation process, initiated after the peace agreement was reached, is currently underway in Aceh. This can be seen, for example, in the activities of the women joined in the Inong Balee troop, the women’s wing of the Free Aceh Movement (Gerakan Aceh Merdeka, GAM) formed in the late 1990s. Their participation as women combatants is inseparable from the strong ethno-nationalistic identity and ethno-political struggle that sought Aceh’s independence. Today, more than twelve years after peace was reached in Aceh, the Acehnese ethno-political identity has experienced a transformation. Although it has not entirely disappeared, their activities have been framed as part of Indonesian nationalism. This finding emphasizes that nation is not fixed, but transformable and negotiable. The once ethno-political identity has become a social national identity. This paper attempts to understand how former woman members of GAM through a qualitative narrative. This paper attempts to answer why this has happened and how former combatants have negotiated their identities. Is there still a sense of Acehnese nationalism, as they fought for, and how has this intersected with their Indonesian nationalism since they became ordinary citizens? Keywords: combatants; political identity; Acehnese nationalism; Indonesian nationalism; social citizenship INTRODUCTION Anti-Indonesian sentiments were central to the its own government, flag, and armed forces (Tentara propaganda efforts of Gerakan Aceh Merdeka (FreeNasional Aceh or the Aceh National Armed Forces). Aceh Movement, GAM), a group established by Hasan Although not all Acehnese agreed with GAM’s Tiro by decree on December 4, 1976 (Hamzah 2014). claim, this situation still meant that Acehnese ethno- Intended to promote justice and improve welfare in nationalism clashed with Indonesian nationalism. Aceh, this movement rapidly gained the support of GAM, born from ethnic sentiments, found fertile soil Acehnese youths disappointed in the Indonesian in Aceh, as decades of State neglect and injustices had government and its perceived tyranny and injustice. promoted anti-Indonesian sentiments (Wiratmadinata The massive economic gap between the people of and Putra 2016). As a result, many Acehnese did not Aceh and Indonesians outside Aceh, particularly on consider themselves part of Indonesia, holding that the Java, was only one reason cited by GAM in its fight country had failed to provide a ‘comfortable home’ for for Aceh’s independence from the Unitary Republic the Acehnese people; as such, the Acehnese created of Indonesia. GAM claimed to be an autonomous their own home through primordial bonds (Latif authority, function as its own state, complete with 2004)—even though Aceh had been an integral doi.org/10.22146/jh.v30i3.32653 jurnal.ugm.ac.id/jurnal-humaniora Humaniora, Vol. 30, Number 3 October 2018 part of the Indonesian struggle for independence minds” of the people of Aceh and reintegrate them and contributed significant material resources to the into Indonesia have required not only physical nascent Indonesian republic. welfare, but also the development of a plural system The ethno-nationalistic struggle in Aceh for nationalism and citizenship that covers both (1976–2005) involved not only men, but also women. Indonesian citizenship and Acehnese nationalism. At the end of 1990, the military wing of GAM created Post-modern conceptualizations of citizenship a women’s unit known as the Inong Balee Troops recognize ‘differential’ (Rizman 2001) or ‘social (Pasukan Inong Balee, PIB), Askariyah/Askarimah, or citizenship’, which views nationalism as ‘sharing a Tjoet Njak Dien Troops (Hamzah 2014: 545). Women, feeling of belonging’—a shared identity—as well as girls, and widows, some 2,000 to 2,500 in number, a ‘sense of belonging’ within a group or community. joined PIB and fought in the forests and the mountains. This paper uses a qualitative narrative approach, For several months, they received military training drawing on the experiences of five women who had and ideological reinforcement as they sought to gain been combatants with GAM. All of the informants are Aceh’s independence. They courageously, without former PIB members who, together with other GAM any fear, became involved as combatants. They members, received military training and ideological collected intelligence and secured GAM’s logistics. indoctrination. The qualitative narrative approach has Their participation as combatants was driven by their been deliberately selected for its ability to understand desire to gain independence and sovereignty, as they lives within their social context (Elliot 2005). Through saw Indonesia as cruel, unjust, and not respecting the this approach, “a person can understand themselves dignity of the Acehnese people. as living through time, a human subject with a past, After more than 29 years of conflict, in August present, and future, made whole by the coherence of 2005 the Indonesian government and GAM ultimately the narrative plot with a beginning, middle, and end” reached a peace agreement in Helsinki and ended the (Ibid p. 125). conflict. Aceh was again reintegrated into the Unitary A short description of the informants, identified State of Indonesia and gained Special Autonomy. with pseudonyms, follows: Today, Aceh—particularly its capital Banda Aceh— 1. Solechah (age 43), born in Bireun and living only has a few traces of the conflict and the tsunami. in Bireun/Banda Aceh. She recently completed Physically, it is little different than other parts of her duties as assistant to the deputy governor’s Indonesia, where development and construction are wife (serving from 2012 to 2017) in Banda underway. It is interesting to examine the Acehnese Aceh. In Bireun, she operates an herbal clinic national identity, which was once strong enough to with her husband. In 2009, she attempted to provoke armed conflict against Indonesia. Is such run for legislature, failed; she is still active an identity still to be found, and has it transformed? in the Aceh Party (Partai Aceh, PA) and head This paper attempts to answer this question through of the Inong Balee Committee for Bireun. an investigation of the women who had previously Solechah joined PIB at age 14 (in 1990) fought alongside men in GAM. Here, the term women furtively. Although her parents supported the combatants covers “all those who are found to be DI/TII (Darul Islam/Islamic Armed Forces members of an armed force or group, whether they of Indonesia) movement, they were opposed were involved in active combat or in support roles— to her joining GAM and considered her too such as cooks, porters, messengers, administrators, young; also, few women had joined by that sex slaves and ‘war wives” (UNDDR 2006). point. After a year as a guerilla, she married Discussion of Acehnese political identity and a GAM leader, with whom she fled Aceh for nationalism is highly relevant, particularly since peace Malaysia several months later and had four was reached. Congruent with post-peace development children. After her first husband’s death in an processes, as well reconstruction after the earthquake attack by Indonesian security forces in 2004, and tsunami, there has been an accumulation of she has remarried capital by governments, private sector enterprises, 2. Zulaikha (36), born and raised in Bireun, and is foreigners, and members of society. The accumulation now an honorary staff member of the Shariah of capital has been vulnerable to competition and Office and the Agency for Protecting Peace imbalances similar to those underlying the previous in Aceh (Badan Penguatan Perdamaian Aceh, ethno-nationalistic. Efforts to win the “hearts and BP2A). Furthermore, she is also active in the 238 Arifah Rahmawati, et al. - The Negotiation of Political Identity and Rise of Social Citizenship rice fields and orchards, raises cattle with her security forces. As a result, her brother— mother, and serves as deputy secretary for the despite not being in GAM—was tortured PA in Bireun. In 2012 she ran for legislature by the Indonesian security forces, while her with the party, but was not elected. She child was repeatedly moved between family also serves as treasurer for the Inong Balee members’ homes to avoid capture. Association of Bireun. She formally joined 5. Aisyah (37), of Aceh Besar, is an honorary PIB in 1998, at age 17. However, she began staff member of the Aceh-level BP2A. Every providing assistance to GAM since her third morning, before leaving for work, she helps year of elementary school, delivering food her mother prepare nasi lemak (a type of rice and cigarettes to their camps in the forests. dish) to sell near their home. She became a Her family had dedicatedly supported Aceh PIB member at age 17, after graduating from Merdeka, GAM’s predecessor. Her mother vocational school. She was motivated to join supported GAM in logistic issues, while one GAM because her home was frequently used by of her uncles was the supreme commander local GAM leaders for meetings. Her brother of GAM and killed in 2004. When GAM left was one of the founders of the local GAM unit, the mountains and forests, her parents’ home and Aisyah was intrigued by the courage and frequently became the site of leadership machismo of her brother and his comrades, meetings. Zulaikha was a mualim and trained who travelled while bearing arms and wearing both male and female fighters. camouflage. After she finished her vocational 3. Yunidar (37), living in North Aceh, and studies, her brother offered her to study at a presently active in trade as well as the BP2A ‘university in the forest’ (i.e. join GAM); she for North Aceh.

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