NOT CLASSIFIED Ms. Buratti Francesca CHINA BLUF
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Joint Submission of the Chinese Community Council of Australia Inc
Chinese community council Multicultural communities National Sikh council of National Chinese Australian of Australia council of NSW Australia leadership group Community Joint submission to Senate FADT page: 1 Joint Submission of the Chinese Community Council of Australia Inc. Multicultural Communities Council of NSW Inc. National Chinese Australian Leadership Group & National Sikh Council of Australia Inc. On Customs Amendment (Banning Goods Produced by Uyghur Forced Labour) Bill 2020 Committee Secretary Senate Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade Legislation Committee PO Box 6100 Parliament House Canberra ACT 2600 Email: fadt.sen@aph,gov.au Date of Submission 28 Jan 2021 (Submission due 5 Feb 2021) The Submission 1. Our response in consultation with or Chinese , Sikh Australian communities. and the general multicultural communities. In our internal consultation with our Chinese and Multicultural colleagues, we frequently encountered these questions. We are in no position to answer these questions properly and instead we propose to share this information with the Senate committee in good faith. The questions below were frequently asked of us: 1.1 Why the interest in Xinjiang of all the other places in China? 1.2 Is the very focus on Xinjiang is already a leading question? 1.3 Is there indeed forced labour in Xinjiang? 1.4 How could one write a fair submission if there is no real access to information on a sensitive subject in China? 1.5 One would assume that for a fair report, one would have to ask the Chinese government for information. In which case, how would one be sure that the information given is genuine? Or can we refer to the Global Times as a source of information? 1.6 The other information that can be gleaned from available sources have too much political agenda and how would one determines its authenticity? 1.7 Do you not think that the task given to you is full of traps? 2. -
Political Virus’
12 | Monday, July 26, 2021 HONG KONG EDITION | CHINA DAILY WORLD FM rails against COVID-19 ‘political virus’ US blaming others for failures harms means for the purpose of so-called ing the international fight against mission conducted earlier this year the WHO to express their opposi- origin-tracing, and keeps hyping the the pandemic, but has continued to concluded that transmission of the tion to politicizing efforts to find the research efforts, state councilor says “lab leak” theory, he said. use the platform to spread the politi- virus to humans through an inter- origins of the virus. Washington’s purpose is very cal virus, Wang said. mediate animal was the likely cause He reiterated that in terms of such By CAO DESHENG Wang made the remarks at a joint clear, Wang said: it wants to blame He reaffirmed that China cannot and that a laboratory leak was work countries should seek to work [email protected] news conference with Finland’s For- others for its inability to curb COV- accept the WHO’s plan for a second “extremely unlikely” to have been with one another instead of discred- eign Minister Pekka Haavisto in ID-19 while realizing its political phase of a study into the origin of the cause. iting others, and that there should State Councilor and Foreign Min- Chengdu on Sunday. purpose of smearing and suppress- the virus, saying such a plan has be truth instead of lies and respect ister Wang Yi has stressed the need The United States has, from the ing other countries. -
LAYERED HOMELAND MISSILE DEFENSE a Strategy for Defending the United States
LAYERED HOMELAND MISSILE DEFENSE A Strategy for Defending the United States “Our fundamental responsibility is to protect the American people, the homeland, and the American way of life... A layered missile defense system will defend our homeland against missile attacks. ~ National Security Strategy, 2017 DEFENDING THE HOMELAND Defending the U.S. homeland is DoD’s number one objective. Rogue states seek to threaten the U.S. homeland with long-range ballistic missiles to coerce us, restrict our freedom of action, and undermine our resolve to defend allies and partners. A secure U.S. homeland allows us to defend our security interests, commit to the defense of others, resist coercion, and negotiate from a position of strength. THREATS TO THE HOMELAND Rogue state adversaries like North Korea and Iran seek dangerous capabilities, including long-range ballistic missiles that can threaten the U.S. homeland, support regional aggression, and deter potential U.S. responses. North Korea, despite repeated diplomatic engagements, is developing and testing nuclear-capable intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs) that could reach the U.S. homeland. Iran has demonstrated a space-launch capability that could lead to the development of an ICBM. These threats are likely to advance in capability and capacity by mid-decade and beyond, which is why President Trump stated, “We are committed to establishing a missile defense program that can shield every city in the United States. And we will never negotiate away our right to do this.” U.S. MISSILE DEFENSE POLICY U.S. missile defense policy recognizes the reality and enduring nature of these threats – plus the need to hedge against the uncertain nature of future threats. -
The Rise and Fall of the Wolf Warriors
THE RISE AND FALL OF THE WOLF WARRIORS Yun Jiang N 2020, the usually polite and us ‘chequebook diplomacy’ (aid Iconservative diplomats from the and investment to gain diplomatic People’s Republic of China (PRC) recognition vis-à-vis Taiwan) and attracted attention around the world ‘panda diplomacy’ (sending pandas to for breaking form. ‘Wolf warrior build goodwill). diplomacy’ is a term used to describe Wolf Warrior 战狼 was a popular the newly assertive and combative Chinese film released in 2015. It was style of Chinese diplomats, in action followed by a sequel, Wolf Warrior 2, as well as rhetoric. It is not the only which became the highest-grossing diplomacy-related term that China film in Chinese box office history. They became famous for this year; there were both aggressively nationalistic was also ‘mask diplomacy’ (the films, comparable with Hollywood’s shipment of medical goods to build Rambo, portraying the Chinese hero goodwill) and ‘hostage diplomacy’ as someone who saves his compatriots (the detention of foreign citizens in and others from international China to gain leverage over another ‘bad guys’, including American country). Previous years brought mercenaries. The tagline of both films 34 powerful counter-attack only when 35 being attacked’ is more like Kung Fu Panda, while wolf warrior diplomacy is more of a ‘US trait’.1 However it is characterised, the way Chinese diplomats operate reflects the attitude to diplomacy and foreign affairs of the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). The discretionary The Rise and Fall of the Wolf Warriors The Rise and Fall of the Wolf Yun Jiang power of even the top foreign policy bureaucrats and diplomats is relatively CRISIS limited in the Chinese system. -
When Does Online Public Diplomacy Succeed? Evidence from China's 'Wolf Warrior' Diplomats
When Does Online Public Diplomacy Succeed? Evidence from China’s ‘Wolf Warrior’ Diplomats Daniel C. Mattingly* and James Sundquist† July 29, 2021 Word Count: 3,994 Abstract Diplomats worldwide have adopted digital technologies as tools of public diplomacy. How does online public diplomacy shape global public opinion? In this letter, we theorize that positive public diplomacy that emphasizes aid and friendship works, even in the context of escalating real-world conflict. However, we argue that negative messages from diplomats that criticize ri- vals can backfire. We conduct an experiment, to our knowledge the first of its kind, that randomly exposes Indian citizens to real Twitter messages from Chinese diplomats just before and after a deadly border confrontation. We find that positive messages emphasizing aid and friendship improve perceptions of China, but that negative “Wolf Warrior” messages backfire, particularly after conflict escalation. We conclude that public diplomacy that touts aid can be a useful but limited tool for a rising power like China. *Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Yale University. †Ph.D. Candidate, Department of Political Science, Yale University. 1 Introduction In international relations, public opinion matters. Popular support can pressure demo- cratic governments — and even some autocrats (Weeks, 2012) — to agree to join military alliances (Goldsmith and Horiuchi, 2012), to open their markets (Milner and Tingley, 2011), to host military bases (Cooley, 2012), and to deescalate conflict (Kertzer, Brutger and Quek, 2019). On the other hand, hostile foreign opinion can lead to balancing, trade friction, and conflict spirals. In an attempt to shape global public opinion, governments around the world invest sig- nificant sums in public diplomacy. -
Introduction
Introduction The Georgia Historical Society is excited to offer “And That’s the Way It Is: Television and the Cold War” inquiry kit. This inquiry-based resource includes activities designed to meet the Georgia Standards of Excellence for fifth grade U.S. history. Based on the Inquiry Design Model from C3 Teachers, this resource explores primary sources and utilizes relevant strategies to investigate the Cold War era of the late 20th Century in Georgia and the United States by focusing on the rise of mass media and its relationship to the Cold War including events such as the Vietnam War, the Space Race, and the Civil Rights Movement. The contents of the Inquiry Kit are a series of inquiry-based strategies and activities designed to help teachers guide students to explore a curated set of primary sources. The inquiry format is based on the Inquiry Design Model (IDM) from the C3 Framework for the Social Studies. The inquiry element emphasized in the C3 Framework is centered on asking a compelling question. Compelling questions are meant to address issues found across the social studies disciplines. They engage students by evoking their interests and highlighting the content with which students might have little experience. For example, the compelling question in the “And That’s the Way It Is: Television and the Cold War” inquiry kit “How was the Cold War shaped by television?” The compelling question is open-ended and is meant to engage students in critical thinking and creativity. It challenges students to examine the focus-of-study, the Cold War, through a multi-disciplinary lens. -
2019 International Religious Freedom Report
CHINA (INCLUDES TIBET, XINJIANG, HONG KONG, AND MACAU) 2019 INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM REPORT Executive Summary Reports on Hong Kong, Macau, Tibet, and Xinjiang are appended at the end of this report. The constitution, which cites the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party and the guidance of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought, states that citizens have freedom of religious belief but limits protections for religious practice to “normal religious activities” and does not define “normal.” Despite Chairman Xi Jinping’s decree that all members of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) must be “unyielding Marxist atheists,” the government continued to exercise control over religion and restrict the activities and personal freedom of religious adherents that it perceived as threatening state or CCP interests, according to religious groups, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and international media reports. The government recognizes five official religions – Buddhism, Taoism, Islam, Protestantism, and Catholicism. Only religious groups belonging to the five state- sanctioned “patriotic religious associations” representing these religions are permitted to register with the government and officially permitted to hold worship services. There continued to be reports of deaths in custody and that the government tortured, physically abused, arrested, detained, sentenced to prison, subjected to forced indoctrination in CCP ideology, or harassed adherents of both registered and unregistered religious groups for activities related to their religious beliefs and practices. There were several reports of individuals committing suicide in detention, or, according to sources, as a result of being threatened and surveilled. In December Pastor Wang Yi was tried in secret and sentenced to nine years in prison by a court in Chengdu, Sichuan Province, in connection to his peaceful advocacy for religious freedom. -
Outer Space in Russia's Security Strategy
Outer Space in Russia’s Security Strategy Nicole J. Jackson Simons Papers in Security and Development No. 64/2018 | August 2018 Simons Papers in Security and Development No. 64/2018 2 The Simons Papers in Security and Development are edited and published at the School for International Studies, Simon Fraser University. The papers serve to disseminate research work in progress by the School’s faculty and associated and visiting scholars. Our aim is to encourage the exchange of ideas and academic debate. Inclusion of a paper in the series should not limit subsequent publication in any other venue. All papers can be downloaded free of charge from our website, www.sfu.ca/internationalstudies. The series is supported by the Simons Foundation. Series editor: Jeffrey T. Checkel Managing editor: Martha Snodgrass Jackson, Nicole J., Outer Space in Russia’s Security Strategy, Simons Papers in Security and Development, No. 64/2018, School for International Studies, Simon Fraser University, Vancouver, August 2018. ISSN 1922-5725 Copyright remains with the author. Reproduction for other purposes than personal research, whether in hard copy or electronically, requires the consent of the author(s). If cited or quoted, reference should be made to the full name of the author(s), the title, the working paper number and year, and the publisher. Copyright for this issue: Nicole J. Jackson, nicole_jackson(at)sfu.ca. School for International Studies Simon Fraser University Suite 7200 - 515 West Hastings Street Vancouver, BC Canada V6B 5K3 Outer Space in Russia’s Security Strategy 3 Outer Space in Russia’s Security Strategy Simons Papers in Security and Development No. -
Navy Aegis Ballistic Missile Defense (BMD) Program: Background and Issues for Congress
Navy Aegis Ballistic Missile Defense (BMD) Program: Background and Issues for Congress Updated September 30, 2021 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov RL33745 SUMMARY RL33745 Navy Aegis Ballistic Missile Defense (BMD) September 30, 2021 Program: Background and Issues for Congress Ronald O'Rourke The Aegis ballistic missile defense (BMD) program, which is carried out by the Missile Defense Specialist in Naval Affairs Agency (MDA) and the Navy, gives Navy Aegis cruisers and destroyers a capability for conducting BMD operations. BMD-capable Aegis ships operate in European waters to defend Europe from potential ballistic missile attacks from countries such as Iran, and in in the Western Pacific and the Persian Gulf to provide regional defense against potential ballistic missile attacks from countries such as North Korea and Iran. MDA’s FY2022 budget submission states that “by the end of FY 2022 there will be 48 total BMDS [BMD system] capable ships requiring maintenance support.” The Aegis BMD program is funded mostly through MDA’s budget. The Navy’s budget provides additional funding for BMD-related efforts. MDA’s proposed FY2021 budget requested a total of $1,647.9 million (i.e., about $1.6 billion) in procurement and research and development funding for Aegis BMD efforts, including funding for two Aegis Ashore sites in Poland and Romania. MDA’s budget also includes operations and maintenance (O&M) and military construction (MilCon) funding for the Aegis BMD program. Issues for Congress regarding the Aegis BMD program include the following: whether to approve, reject, or modify MDA’s annual procurement and research and development funding requests for the program; the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the execution of Aegis BMD program efforts; what role, if any, the Aegis BMD program should play in defending the U.S. -
China's BRI Diplomacy: What It Means to India and India's Rise
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Panda, Jagannath P. Working Paper China's BRI diplomacy: What it means to India and India's rise Ordnungspolitische Diskurse, No. 2021-12 Provided in Cooperation with: OrdnungsPolitisches Portal (OPO) Suggested Citation: Panda, Jagannath P. (2021) : China's BRI diplomacy: What it means to India and India's rise, Ordnungspolitische Diskurse, No. 2021-12, OrdnungsPolitisches Portal (OPO), Erfurt This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/235511 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu Jagannath Panda China’s BRI Diplomacy: What It Means to India and India’s Rise Diskurs 2021 - 12 China’s BRI Diplomacy: What It Means to India and India’s Rise Jagannath Panda Abstract Despite the political differences, China and India are in an interdependent trade relationship. -
Economy and Diplomacy: China's Two Challenges in the Post-COVID-19
Éditoriaux de l’Ifri Lettre du Centre Asie 82 19 May 2020 Economy and Diplomacy: China’s Two Challenges in the Post-COVID-19 World Will China Rise Stronger from the Pandemic? Marc Julienne is Research Fellow, Head Marc JULIENNE of China Research at Ifri’s Center for Asian Studies A flow of media reports and op-eds have recently flourished, forecasting the decline of the West and the triumph of China on the world stage amid the The opinions expressed in COVID-19 pandemic. Some have declared the dawn of a “post-Western this text are the responsibility of the world”. China has been promoting its narrative of its own absolute success, author alone. while blaming the West for the poor management of the crisis. The US administration is fighting back against Beijing, with no restraint on ISBN : 979-10-373-0177-2 disinformation, motivated in large part by domestic electoral politics. © Tous droits réservés, Amid this battle of narratives, a cool-headed reflection on the aftermath of Paris, Ifri, 2020. the crisis is a challenge. To this aim, it is important to distinguish between two dimensions of the COVID-19 crisis. First is the management of the How to quote this health crisis itself; how to contain the virus, so to speak. On this dimension, document : China took impressive and efficient measures, notwithstanding the delayed Marc Julienne, « Economy and response and the political tightening of the population, civil servants as Diplomacy: China’s well as scientists. Two Challenges in the Post-COVID-19 Second is the way states are dealing with the side effects of the crisis – World », Lettre du Centre Asie, n° 82, economic, social, political – which in most cases are much worse than the Ifri, 19 May 2020. -
Space Weapons Earth Wars
CHILDREN AND FAMILIES The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit institution that EDUCATION AND THE ARTS helps improve policy and decisionmaking through ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT research and analysis. HEALTH AND HEALTH CARE This electronic document was made available from INFRASTRUCTURE AND www.rand.org as a public service of the RAND TRANSPORTATION Corporation. INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS LAW AND BUSINESS NATIONAL SECURITY Skip all front matter: Jump to Page 16 POPULATION AND AGING PUBLIC SAFETY SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY Support RAND Purchase this document TERRORISM AND HOMELAND SECURITY Browse Reports & Bookstore Make a charitable contribution For More Information Visit RAND at www.rand.org Explore RAND Project AIR FORCE View document details Limited Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law as indicated in a notice appearing later in this work. This electronic representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for non-commercial use only. Unauthorized posting of RAND electronic documents to a non-RAND website is prohibited. RAND electronic documents are protected under copyright law. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please see RAND Permissions. The monograph/report was a product of the RAND Corporation from 1993 to 2003. RAND monograph/reports presented major research findings that addressed the challenges facing the public and private sectors. They included executive summaries, technical documentation, and synthesis pieces. SpaceSpace WeaponsWeapons EarthEarth WarsWars Bob Preston | Dana J. Johnson | Sean J.A. Edwards Michael Miller | Calvin Shipbaugh Project AIR FORCE R Prepared for the United States Air Force Approved for public release; distribution unlimited The research reported here was sponsored by the United States Air Force under Contract F49642-01-C-0003.