Ode Mixing and Style Repertoire in Sufi Folk Literature of Urdu and Punjabi

Home , Abd Allah Siraj, Ahmad Sirhindi, Akbariyya, Akhtar Raza Khan, Alians, Ali Hujwiri

S ;ODE MIXING AND STYLE REPERTOIRE IN SUFI FOLK LITERATURE OF URDU AND PUNJABI

°THESIS '

SUBMITTED FOR THE AWARD-OF THE DEGREE OF

IN ._ _ _ - ._ . COMPARATIVE STUDY OF INDIAN LANGUAGES & CULTURE

- BY RABIA NASIR

UNDER THE SUPERVISION OF PROF. A.R. FATIHI

CENTRE FOR COMPARATIVE STUDY OF INDIAN LANGUAGES & CULTURE ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY ALIGARH-202002 (INDIA) 2013 'wccsILc CENTRE FOR COMPARATIVE STUDY OF INDIAN LANGUAGES & CULTU

Dated ......

Cerfif i caste

This is to certify that the thesis entitled "Code !Mi ing and Style

pertoire in Sufi To( , Literature of 4Jrdu and tPunja6i" being submitted by 9rfs. cR¢6ia Nash' for the award of the (Degree of (Doctor of (Philosophy in Comparative Studies of Indian Languages aZ Culture. Entire research work has been carried out under my guidance and supervision and

is original

'This thesis embodies the work of the candidate herself and to my knowledge, it contains her own of gina(workanct no part of this thesis was earlier submitted for the award of any degree to any other institute or university. It rs further added that she has completed the course workand has published a research paper in International journal of Advancement in ovf. A.VFatihi '4search eZ Technology ("o( 2, Issue 1, (Director January 2013) IJOJ4R`7 ISS_"V 2278-7763. She Centre for Comparative Study of has also made a pre-submission presentation. Indian Languages and Culture A%11V, math. (Supervisor) DI RECTO Centre for Comparative Sh. r ' of Indian Languages & Cc- B-2, Zakaut ah Roy — AMU. Aligarh-2'Pf' ; Acknowledgements

All the praises and thanks are to Allah (The Only God and Lord of all). without whose blessings this work could not have been accomplished.

I am bereft of words with which to thank my supervisor Prof. A.R.Fatihi for his guidance and faith in me the completion of this long journey. His vision and overall planning has been fundamental in bringing the thesis to fruition.

My special thanks are to ntv friends Mr. Arsheed Ahmad Malik, Mrs. Manta Dinesh, Mrs. Durdana Khanam, Mr. ,t'lehraj-ud-Din Sheikh, Ms. Samana Asghar, M'r. Zukir Husain and Air. Ejaz Malik .for help and support.

My sincere thanks to my office staff, Mr. ,1M1ohd. Shahid, Mr. Salmon Khrn-sheed, Mr. Ajarm Ahrnad, & Saira Begun, for their constant help and support during the entire work.

My sincere thanks are also to Mr. A.K. Goel and Mr. \'ajeebul Hasan Khan incharge Seminar Libran• of Department of Linguistics.

No words can appropriately reflect the guidance and sacrifice of my parents all through my academic career in general, and of this study in particular. The have a/ways been the mainstay of my constant inspiration of motivation and outright sources of strength. My mother 's emotional support and mV father 's infusionision of confidence made me to accomplish this work. Words fail to express my love for them and their patience through my academic endeavours. Their deep prayers. emotional and physical support have always been my guiding lights. If 1 have achieved anything in my career, I owe it to them total/v.

However. I must take fill responsibility for errors, inconsistencies, omissions and misrepresentations in this thesis.

Rabin Nasir CODE MIXING AND STYLE REPERTOIRE IN SUFI FOLK LITERATURE OF URDU AND PUNJABI

ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS

SUBMITTED FOR THE AWARD OF THE DEGREE OF

JL a I I s nl

IN COMPARATIVE STUDY OF INDIAN LANGUAGES & CULTURE

BY RABIA NASIR

UNDER THE SUPERVISION OF PROF. A.R. FATIHI

CENTRE FOR COMPARATIVE STUDY OF INDIAN LANGUAGES & CULTURE ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY ALIGARH-202002 (INDIA) 2013 X15

ABSTRACT

TOPIC: CODE MIXING AND STYLE REPERTOIRE IN SUFI FOLK LITERATURE OF URDU AND PUNJABI

No serious examination of the civilizations that flourished in the courts of the Islamic rulers is possible without an understanding of Sufi currents that played a vital even decisive role in shaping the cultural output of the great Islamic empires:- For any civilization to blossom there has to be a certain intellectual. and cultural space that is relatively free from dogma and hidebound traditta#g.'Su€sm thug emerged as a protestant and liberalizing current, that• eventivally became the primary vehicle for intellectual advance and the dissemination of culture in societies governed by Islamic sovereigns. Sufi folk literature was essential in easing the transition from the earlier Hindu, and Buddhist, societies that had existed prior to the victory of the Islamic conquerors. Sufism provided a way to reconcile some of the religious doctrines of these earlier cultural and/ or religious systems. Sufi scholars went to great lengths in establishing a sense of continuity and evolution amongst the various revealed Some of the earliest of the Sufi scholars were women such as Rabia (9`h C) and Nuri (10`h C) who both emphasized worldly renunciation and suggested that spiritual salvation lay in discovering the `God' within.

As Sufi folk literature and practice evolved, there was much that Indians would later find oddly reminiscent of what had been emphasized not only by some authors of the Upanishads, or practitioners of Buddhism, but also by Indian folk and devotional saints. Mughal prince Dara Shukoh in his "Confluence of the Two Seas" made special note of this. In fact,

1 many aspects of Sufi belief systems and practice had their parallels in Indian philosophical literature, but often, amongst the more conforming streams of Sufi discourse, these had to be circumscribed within the boundaries of what Islam could politically tolerate. Even though most Sufis (Like many Hindu Vedantics) considered formal religion a shell, they didn't reject formal religion allowing that for the average practitioner, day-to-day rituals and traditional religious practices could play a useful role. Most were not outright rebels, but adapted to the pressures of mainstream religion. Nevertheless, Sufis were much less likely to approve of rigid and literalist interpretations of the Quran. "Words cannot be used in referring to religious truth, except as analogy". This sentiment of Hakim Sanai as expressed in his 'The Walled Garden of Truth' echoed what is most immediately evident in the Kena and Chandogya Upanishads.

In this post industrial revolution era, (which has created some entirely new paradigms) where an understanding of modem social, economic and political organizations and processes becomes virtually essential to understanding the human condition, aspects of Sufi thought are not entirely irrelevant. Apart from providing psychological succor, the contemplative and reflective insights on human nature, the nuggets of truth one finds in the best of Sufi literature, these transcend limitations of time and place. They can illuminate and appeal even today.

In view of the above this research study is about the conventions associated with language use in Sufi folk Literature and how these practices end up affecting the forms of the languages themselves. Before addressing the impact of these conventions on the languages the dissertation will discuss the conventions themselves, how the languages are appropriate to different contexts within the larger Sufi social

2 organization. The focus of the work is how Sufis experience language in those contexts as they move through their everyday lives. These experiences shape their languages. Like other aspects of social life, speech and conversation have their own rich and intricate history. But even in fairly recent scholarship, they remain subjects which have gone largely unexplored, mostly due to the limitations in sources which face all researchers and grow ever more intractable as one travels further back in time.

This research work takes a fresh look at these problems by examining Sufi folk literature in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. It reconstructs patterns of speech and manners, and links them with different sets of ideals and social norms that prevailed throughout urban society in the early medieval India of particular interest are habits of mahfil-a-sama, which have left residual traces even in written sources. They demonstrate how townspeople treated words virtually as deeds, regarding them with a degree of literalism which may not have been present in other cultures.

The proposed research topic combines both literary and ethnographic sources in order to build a picture of the textual contents and treatment of text in the present day Chishti Sama . Combining the methods of textual research and fieldwork is utilized already in discussing the themes. of Persian, Urdu and Punjabi poetry.

Chapter One: Introduction

3 the theoretical framework on grammaticalization which is the field of research in historical linguistics, in the wider study of language change, which focuses on a particular process of lexical and grammatical change. The present research study examines purposes of code switching and how CS is used as a communicative strategy between Persian-Urdu and Panjabi bilinguals. It also discusses the Metaphorical code- switching refers to the tendency in a bilingual or multilingual community to switch codes code switching Second section carries Literature Review on Code Switching; third section defines Code Switching in Sufi Literature of South Asia. The fourth section carries the discussion on how Sufis uses code switching as a communicative strategy. Next section dealt with communicative strategy as lowering language barriers. Last section of the chapter carries the conclusion.

Chapter Two: Languages of South Asia

The first section of the chapter talks about South Asia which is known as the home of several hundred languages and which comprises of the sub- Himalayan countries and, for some authorities, also includes the adjoining countries to the west and the east. Second section defines languages in India which are said to be scheduled and non-scheduled languages according to the 2001 census; third section gives a detailed study of language families which are present in India.

Chapter Three: Sufism in South Asia

The third chapter starts with the background information about Sufism, this chapter divided into seven sections. The first section traces the origin of Sufisn and its historical development, second describes the Sufi Formalization of Doctrines. The 10th and 11s' centuries were witness to Sufi Writings, which are usually described as `the Sufi manuals.' They

0 explained the practices of the Sufis and offered advice for those aspiring to the Sufi path. Usually, manuals started with an attempt at defining the terms Sufi and tasawwuf, then moving on to the Sufi understanding of the Islamic tenets. They also dealt with Sufi practices (fana, baqa, dhikr & muraqaba) and stages. It also discusses the four main Sufi orders and also highlights some other orders whose followers are less in ratio; follow the next section gives a detailed study of Sufi Tradition in South India, and North India.

Chapter Four: Religious Discourse: Code Mixing in Sufi Discourse & Mahfil-e-Sama kwak = chapter divides into six brief sections where section one describes the term religious discourse, second section dealt with language of Sufism in South Asia. The third section throws the light on code mixing in Mahfil-e-Sams in South Asian languages and includes brief account about Sama in India; Code mixing gave birth when authors of different forms of literature realize that it will be a beautiful charm to our writings if we use words of other languages. Fifth sections describe the history of qawwali which discusses the poetry of Persian and Urdu. Sixth section discuss of code mixing with Hindi/ Punjabi.

Chapter Five: Summary and Conclusion

This is the final chapter of the thesis and presents, in brief, the summary and conclusion drawn from the study. This chapter presents the chapter wise summary, besides giving the conclusion.

5 research and fieldwork is utilized already in discussing the themes of Persian, Urdu and Punjabi poetry_ Sufi poetry, which is a great part of Sufism, played a vital role in preaching Islam throughout the world. When the Sufi poetry included the remembrance of Allah and spiritual thoughts of Islamic doctrines, it was most attractive to people and the spectators of Islam and Sufism. The discussion on Persian and Urdu poetry will be followed by an analysis of the Punjabi poetry. This tradition is based on the indigenous Indian forms and meters and it utilises conspicuously Indian imageries.

6 CONTENTS

Titles Page No.

Acknowledgements i.

List of Abbreviations & Symbols

Map 47

Table 48

CHAPTER- 1 INTRODUCTION 1-44

1.1 Introduction 1 1.2 "Theoretical Frame Work 3 i) Grammaticalization and Code Switching

ii) Code Switching as Communicative Strategy

iii) Metaphorical Code Switching in Sufi Discourse 1.3 Literature Review on Code Switchimi 10

1.4 Code Switching In Sufi Literature of South Asia 13

1.5 Discussion 42

1.6 A Communicative Strategy As Lowering Language Barriers 43

1.7 Conclusion 44

CHAPTER- 2 LANGUAGES OF SOUTH ASIA 45-82

2.1 Introduction 45

2.2 Languages in India 46

2.3 Language Families 49 CHAPTER- 3 SUFISM IN SOUTH ASIA 83-136

3.1 Introduction 83

3.2 Origin of Sufism 89

3.3 Suti Doctrines 96

3.4 Sufi Practices 99

3.5 Stages of Sufism 101

3.6 Sufi Orders 103

3.7 Sufism Tradition in South India 121

3.8 Sufism Tradition in North India 127

CHAPTER -4 RELIGIOUS DISCOURSE: CODE MIXING IN SUFI DISCOURSE & MAHFIL-E-SAMA 137-255 4.1 Introduction 137

4.2 I.anguage of Sufism in South Asia 141

4.3 Code Mixing In Mahfil-E-Sama 170

4.4 Sama in India 174

4.5 l Iistory of Qaw wvali 179

4.6 Code Mixing With I Iindi/ Punjabi 221

CHAPTER -5 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION 256-259

BIBLIOGRAPHY 260-281

APPENDIX 1 282-284

APPENDIX I1 285-298 A66reviations aniSym6o(

ABBg )177 oNS

CS Code Switching

Skt Sanskrit

Gk Greek

Pkt Prakrit

IA Indo Aryan

ST Sino Tibetan

TB Tibeto Burman

PTB Proto Tiheto Burman

PLB Proto Lolo Burmese

1-Izt 1-Iazratt

iv ST9YBOLS

= indicates 'corresponds to'

> indicates 'developed to become'

< indicates `developed from'

* indicates a non-attested, usually a reconstructed form, placed after a torn it Indicates that the form is non attested.

/ / enclose material in phonemic transcription

enclose glosses

/ ' / primary stress

/ "/ secondary stress

/ / tertiary stress

/ "I weak stress

extra high pitch

high pitch

- mid pitch

• low pitch

extra low pitch

V ?(ey TO Traru teration

/a/ L /sh/

/a/. /a:/ u /h/ csa /71

Ip/ b !t/

It! Iz/

i _a it

/c/ %cl/

lh/ s -k/

/kb! "s

!d/ J /1/

/D/ t /m/

i /r/ i /n/

fR/ 9 v,u,o,au

/i s /v/

/S/ L al. e/

vi Introduction

CHAPTER - I

INTRODUCTION

Code-mixing refers to the mixing of two or more languages or language varieties in speech. Some scholars use the terms "code-mixing" and "code- switching" interchangeably, especially in studies of syntax, morphology, and other formal aspects of language. Others assume more specific definitions of code- mixing, but these specific definitions may be different in different subtields of linguistics and communications etc.

Code-mixing is similar to the use or creation of pidgins; but while a pidgin is created across groups that do not share a common language, code-mixing may occur within a multilingual setting where speakers share more than one language. Some linguists use the terms code-mixing and code-switching more or less interchamacably. Especially in formal studies of' syntax. morphology. etc.. both terms are used to refer to utterances that draw from elements of two or more `rammatical systems. These studies are often interested in the alignment of elements from distinct systems, or on constraints that limit switching. While many linguists have worked to describe the difference between code-switching and borrowing of words or phrases. the term code-mixing may be used to encompass both types of language behavior.

While the term code-switching emphasizes a multilingual speaker's movement from one grammatical system to another, the term code-mixing suggests a hybrid form, drawing from distinct grammars. In other words, code-mixing emphasizes the formal aspects of' language structures or linguistic competence, while code- switching emphasizes linguistic performance. While linguists who are primarily interested in the structure or form of code-mixing may have relatively little interest Introduction to separate code-mixing from code-switc~iing, some sociolinguists have gone to great lengths to differentiate the two phenomena. For these scholars, code- switching is associated with particular pragmatic effects, discourse functions, or associations with group identity. In this tradition, the terms code-mixing or language alternation are used to describe more stable situations in which multiple languages are used without such pragmatic effects. See also Code-mixing as fused lect. below. In psychology and in psycholinguistics the label code-mixing is used in theories that draw on studies of language alternation or code-switching to describe the cognitive structures underlying bilingualism. During the 1950s and

1960s. psychologists and linguists treated bilingual speakers as. in Grosjean's term. "two monolinivals in one person." This "fractional view" supposed that a bilingual speaker carried two separate mental grammars that were more or less identical to the mental grammars of monolinguals and that were ideally kept separate and used separately. Studies since the 1970s. however, have shown that bilinguals regularly combine elements from "separate" languages. These findings

have led to studies of code-mixing in psychology and psycholinguistics.

Sridhar and Sridhar define code-mixing as "the transition from using linguistic units (words. phrases. clauses, etc.) of one language to using those of another within a single sentence." They note that this is distinct from code-switching in

that it occurs in a single sentence (sometimes known as intrasentential switching) and in that it does not fulfill the pragmatic or discourse-oriented functions

described by sociolinguists. The practice of code-mixi'~g. which draws from competence in two languages at the same time, suggests that these competences

are not stored or processed separately. Code-mixing among bilinguals is therefore studied in order to explore the mental structures underlying language abilities.

A mixed language or a fused lect is a relatively stable mixture of two or more languages. What some linguists have described as "codes-witching as unmarked choice'* or "frequent code-switching" has more recently been described as Introduction

•°language mixing", or in the case of the most strictly grammaticalized forms as "fused lects".

In areas where code-switching among two or more languages is very common, it may become normal for words from both languages to be used together in everyday speech. Unlike code-switching, where a switch tends to occur at semantically or socio-linguistically meaningful junctures, this code-mixing has no specific meaning in the local context. A fused lect is identical to a mixed language in terms of semantics and pragmatics, but fused lects allow less variation since they are fully grammaticalized. In other words, there are grammatical structures of the fused lect that determine which source-language elements may occur.

A mixed language is different from a creole language. Creoles are thought to develop from pidgins as they become nativized Mixed languages develop from situations of code-switching. (See the distinction between code-mixing and pidgin above.)

SECTION-!

THEORETICAL FRAME WORK

(I) Grammaticalization and Code Switching

In linguistics, grammaticalization (also known as gramma(ization, grammaticization) is a process by which words representing objects and actions (i.e. nouns and verbs) transform through sound change and language migration to become grammatical objects (affixes and prepositions, etc.). Grammaticalization is a powerful aspect of language, as it creates new function words within language, by separating functions from their original inflectional and bound constructions (i.e. from content words). It is a field of research in historical linguistics, in the

3 Introduction wider study of language change, which focuses on a particular process of lexical and grammatical change.

For an understanding of this process, a distinction needs to be made between lexical items, or content words, which carry specific lexical meaning, and grammatical items, or function words. with little or no lexical meaning which serve to express grammatical relationships between the different words within an utterance. Specifically, "the change whereby lexical terms and constructions come in certain linguistic contexts to serve grammatical functions, and, once granmtaticalized. continue to develop new grammatical functions". Simply said, grammaticalization is the process in which a lexical word or a word cluster loses some or all of its lexical meaning and starts to fulfill a more grammatical function. It means that nouns and verbs which carry certain lexical meaning develop over time into grammatical items such as auxiliaries, case markers, inflections and sentence connectives.

A well-known example of gramtnaticalization is that of the process in which the

lexical cluster let us. for example in the sentence "let us go', is reduced to a single word let's as in the sentence '9et`s you and me fight". The phrase has lost its lexical meaning of "allow us" and has changed into an auxiliary, while the pronoun 'us' reduced first to a suffix and then to an unanalyzed phoneme_ Before the term `'grammaticalization" was first coined, the concept had already been developed in the works of Bopp (1816), Schlegel (1818), }lumboldt (1825) and Gabelentz (1891). Humboldt, for instance, came up with the idea of evolutionary language. He suggested that in all languages grammatical structures evolved out of a language stage in which there were only words for concrete objects and ideas. In order to successfully communicate these ideas, grammatical structures slowly came into existence. Grammar slowly developed through four different stages, each in which the grammatical structure would be more developed. Though neo-grammarians like Brugmann rejected the separation of n Introduction

language into distinct "stages" in favour of uniformitarian assumptions, they were

positively inclined towards some of these earlier linguists hypotheses.

The actual term "grammaticalization" was first coined by the French linguist Antoine Meillet in his work L'cvolution des Formes Grammaticales (1912) who first used it in the context in which it is still used today. Meillet's well known definition of grammaticalization was "the attribution of grammatical character to

an erstwhile autonomous word''. In this work Meillet showed that what was at

issue was not the origins of grammatical forms but their transformations. He was thus able to present a notion of the creation of grammatical forms as a legitimate

study for linguistics. Later studies in the field have further developed and altered Meillet's ideas and have introduced many other examples of grammaticalization.

During the second half of the twentieth century. grammaticalization became somewhat unfashionable, in contrast to structuralist ideas of language change in which grammaticalization did not play a role. The field of linguistics at the time

was strongly concerned with synchronic studies of language change, which marginalized historical approaches such as grammaticalization. It did however. mostly in Indo-European studies, remain an instrument for explaining language

change. l It was not until the 1970s. with the growth of interest in discourse analysis and linguistic universals that the interest for grammaticalization in linguistic

studies be-an to grow again. A greatly influential work in the domain

was Christian Lehmann's Thoughts on Grammuticali_ation (1982). This was the first work to emphasize the continuity of research from the earliest period to the present. and it provided a survey of the major work in the field. 1-Ie also invented a set of 'parameters'. a method along which grammaticality could be measured both synchronically and diachronically. Introduction

Another important work was Heine and Reh's Grammaficalization and Reanalysis

in African Languages (1984). This work focussed on African languages synchronically from the point of view of grammaticalization. They saw grammaticalization as an important tool for describing the workings of languages and their universal aspects and it provided an exhaustive list of the pathways of grammaticalization.

The great number of studies on grammaticalization in the last decade show grammaticalization remains a popular item and is regarded as an important field within linguistic studies in general. Among recent publications there is a wide range of descriptive studies trying to come up with umbrella definitions and exhaustive lists, while others tend to focus more on its nature and significance, questioning the opportunities and boundaries of grammaticalization. An important and popular topic which is still debated is the question of unidirectionality.

(11) Code Switching As Communicative Strategy

The present research study examines purposes of code switching (CS) and how CS is used as a communicative strategy between Persian- Urdu and Panjabi bilinguals. Data were collected through scanning SUFI conversations between a first- generation Panjabi-URDU-Persian bilingual adult and two Urdu-Panjabi-Persian bilingual children. Qualitative data analysis indicated that CS could he brought about and shaped by the dynamics of the relationship of the speaker addressee and by cultural features embedded in the Urdu language. The analysis also posited that CS functions as a communicative strategy for facilitating SUFI communication by lowering language barriers as well as by consolidating cultural identity. Results raise further awareness that CS is a versatile strategy to meet the complex communicative demands between or within generations of an immigrant family. With linguistic contact as a growing trend in the medieval and modern world, most of the world's speech communities are multilingual, which makes

0 Introduction contact between languages an important force in the everyday lives of most people. In Sridhar's (1996) list of factors that lead to societal rnultilingualism, the most significant factor is "migration". As people move from one country or region to another, there is contact with various speech communities in a naturai setting, which brings about multilingualism. Hence, even as individuals maintain their home languages, an area where several languages are spoken becomes, over time,

likc\vise a place of moltilingualism. When viewed as a phenomenon per se, muhilingualism raises issues such as how one acquires two or more languages, how the languages are cross-accessed for communication in multilingual communities, and how the use of two-plus languages embodies and shapes one's cultural identity. In a multilingual society. each language uniquely Fulfills certain roles and represents distinct identities. and all of then complement one another to serve "the complex communicative demands of a pluralistic society" (Sridhar, 1996). For example. in the United States. English functions as the medium of education, administration, legal system. the nation's press and media outlets. and communication among different language users, whereas minority languages

essentially serve to establish and reinforce the ethnic identities of their speakers and their communities. Moreover, in order to meet "the complex communicative demands." speakers who live in a community and household where two or more languages coexist frequently switch from one language to another, either between or within utterances. This phenomenon. known as code switching (CS). has

recently attracted a great deal of' research attention. With the recognition of the importance of CS in the study of language contact, the studies on CS have

generally been analyzed in terms of(a) the linguistic constraints that determine the form taken by CS (Romaine. 1995: Sanchez. 1983) and CS's structural patterns (Muysken. 2000), and (h) the sociolinguistic functions, which determine when. with whom, and why CS takes place (Adendorff, 1996: Grosjean, 1982; Myers-

Scotton. 1995: Tay, 1989).

7 Introdnetion

These studies address not only grammaticality of sentences but also their usage, or acceptability, with reference to the functions of language; thus, the contexts in which either language is employed provide explanations of CS. While previous studies have looked at the structure of sentences and social meanings of CS, which identify how CS serves a variety of functions in diverse communities, relatively little is known about the function of CS in the Urdu-Panjabi-Persian bilingual community. Choi's (1991) and Lee's (1997) studies focus on linguistic constraints when CS between English and Urdu occurs, and Shin's (2002) study tests a framework for CS from borrowing between English and Urdu. In his general characterization of CS. Crystal (1987) presents a number of possible reasons for switching from one language to another. One reason presented by Crystal for the switching behavior is the notion that when speakers may not be able to express themselves in one language, they switch to the other to compensate for the

deficiency. Adendorffs (1966) view is contrary to the notion that CS is a compensation for a linguistic deficit in bilingual speakers; he sees CS as "functionally motivated" behavior. If CS is functionally motivated, a study that investigates the function of CS occurring with Urdu-Panjabi-Persian bilinguals will be meaningful. Language behaviors are influenced by cultural aspects; thus, the function of code choices and CS varies in different cultures or language communities, and by different social situations.

Therefore, while reviewing characteristics ingrained in the Urdu language and culture, this study aims to examine the communicative intents of switchers and what is gained by communicating with CS, through a Urdu-Panjabi-Persian bilingual SUFI conversation.

(111) Metaphorical Code Switching In Sufi Discourse

The term Metaphorical code-switching refers to the tendency in a bilingual or multilingual community to switch codes (language or language variety) in

8 Introduction conversation in order to discuss a topic that would normally fall into another conversational domain. "An important distinction is made from situational switching. where alternation between varieties redefines a situation. being a change in governing norms, and metaphorical switching. %%,here alternation enriches a situation, allowing for allusion to more than one social relationship within the situation."

Jan-Potter Blom and John J. Gumperz coined the linguistic term 'metaphorical code-switching' in the late sixties and early seventies. They wanted to "clarify the social and linguistic factors involved in the communication process by showing that speaker's selection among semantically. grammatically. and phonologically permissible alternates occurring in conversation sequences recorded in natural groups is both patterned and predictable on the basis of certain features of the local social system." They wanted to explain why, in a community where all the members of' a community have access to two codes, a speaker will sometimes prefer one over another. They therefore did a study in I lemnesberget. a diglossic community in Norway. to test their hypothesis that switching was topic related and predictable.

Domain specificity refers to the pattern in bilingual or multilingual speech communities in which speakers use one language or code in formal settings and conversations (high variety) and another for informal ones (low variety). The general social situations and behavioral co-occurrences in which speakers prefer one code over another are termed domains. Domain specificity has been expanded to include the idea of metaphorical code-switching.

Charles A. Ferguson's 1959 work on diglossia served as a foundation for Joshua Fishman's later work on domain specificity. According to Ferguson, diglossia describes a situation where two or more distinct (related or unrelated) languages

N Introduction are spoken in a single speech community. and where the languages "are used side by side within a community each with a clearly defined role.

Following Ferguson's work on Diglossia. Fishman developed his theory of domain specificity. Diyulossia refers to the expected use of language on a broad social level (or macro-level) and domain specificity refers to the use of language in a face-to-face conversation (micro-level).

Fishman stated that domains were "defined, regardless of their number, in terms of institutional contexts and their congruent behavioural co-occurrences." He said '"proper' usage dictates that only one of the theoretically co-available languages or varieties will he chosen by particular classes of interlocutors on particular kinds of occasions to discuss particular topics."

Though they did not define specific universal domains. Fishman and Greenfield observed five in a study that the published in 1970 on Puerto Rican communities in New York. They observed the community then specified apparent domains. The domains included: family. friendship, work, religion and education. They subsequently asked the community to report on their language use in these domains. The results largely lit with the patterns they expected to find where members of the community largely preferred Spanish with friends and family and English at work and in school.

SECTION -11

LITERATURE REVIEW ON CODE SWITICIIING

Sociolinguistic analysis of language choice in the interactional contexts rests upon Fishman's notion of "who uses what language with whom and for what purposes" (as cited in Sridhar, 1996). Fishman provides a framework with which to analyze the linguistic choices available to multilingual speakers and their reasons for choosing one code from among the several that are available to them. Myers- it Introduction

Scotton (1 995) extends the framework with a study of what bilingual speakers gain by conducting a conversation in two languages. that is, through CS. Her examination focuses on CS as a type of skilled performance with communicative intent and not a compensating strategy used by deficient bilinguals. While providing a general theoretical treatment of the socio-psychological motivations for CS in urban Africa settings, largely dealing with CS between Swahili and English in Nairobi. Kenya. Myers-Scotton explains CS in terms of her

"markedness" model of language choice. According to her, members of a multilingual speech community are aware of' the range of codes that would be appropriate for a particular type of' conventionalized exchange. and they assign meanin`s to choices based on such expectations. Thus, while the unmarked choice in any context is the normatively expected one, speakers who make marked (i.e

unexpected or unusual) choices in specific contexts are responsible for the implications triggered by these choices. Any deviation from the neutral or

unmarked choice conveys symbolic social messages entailing the speaker's

marked communicative intention. For example. as Grosjean (1 982) notes_ choosing a particular language or opting to mix languages in a particular social context can signal group solidarity, or ethnic identity markers. Making marked or unexpected choices implicitly conveys the speaker's social identity or dynamics of

interaction during conversation. Meets-Scotton's and Grosjean's interpretations of

code choices indicate that choosing one variety over another has relevance to the intentional nature to a message. Code choices are not just choices of' content. but

are "discourse strategies" (Myers-Scotton). by which the speaker becomes a creative actor. Linguistic code choices are used for -accomplishing" the speaker's communicative intention more than for simply conveying referential meaning.

Tay (1989). Myers-Scotton (1995). and Adendorff (1996) examined the various strategies used by switchers and how the impact of speech is increased by the switching behavior. CS is viewed as a linguistic advantage of communicating Introduction solidarity or affiliation with a particular social group. According to Tay, despite differences in the formal characteristics of the languages involved in CS, common communicative strategies have evolved in multilingual communities, an example of which is a dynamic, multilingual country, Singapore. Tay indicates the "unconscious" nature of CS behavior, which means that typical code switchers are usually not aware of why they switch codes at certain points in discourse. Furthermore, she suggests that rather than try todelineate linguistic forms of CS, the researchers should study communicative aspects of CS further. Hence, she approaches CS in terms of a communicative device and lists some categories for describing the total communicative effect created by CS. Tay's study demonstrates that CS as a communicative strategy establishes "group identity and solidarity" and 'rapport" in multilingual discourse.

Adendorff (1996) describes the spontaneous or subconscious nature of CS by giving examples of interaction occurring spontaneously between guests in a TV studio and additional examples of CS behavior between people in a marketplace setting. where interaction takes place spontaneously as well. In examining CS between English and Zulu in a classroom setting in South Africa, through interaction between high school teachers and students. he identifies the range of discourse purposes served by switching. In this view. CS is "a communicative resource" (Adendorff, 1996) that enables teachers and students to accomplish a considerable number and wide range of social and educational objectives. Emphasizing that CS is "a form of sociolinguistic contextualizing behavior", Adendorff defines contexmalization cues as it basis from which to infer intended meanings. According to him, contextualization cues as a "meta-message" are marked choices to give additional meaning to what is said and done in a conversation; therefore, choice entails intended meaning. By choosing one code of phonetic, lexical, syntactic, or a formulaic expression, speakers depart from what they would conventionally do in these same circumstances. All marked choices

12 Introduction

have an important discourse function in addition to their referential function. His data demonstrate that switching into Zulu from English in the classroom setting functions as encouragement building solidarity between teachers and students and establishing authority and fulfills both academic and social objectives. A.dendorff concludes that because "anguages are carriers of social. (i.e symbolic) meaning and express the identity value systems of their user", an understanding of social meaning is important to interpret behavior of language choice.

Tay (1989). Myers-Scotton (1995). and Adendorff (1996) have reported that C'S serves a variety of functions in diverse domains. CS is used as a communicative strategy between speakers. according to the switcher's communicative intents. The nature of CS is spontaneous and subconscious: thus. while a study of CS between Urdu-Panjabi-Persian bilinguals cannot uncover the purposes for switchers' choices. research into the entailed symbolic social messages and cultural value systems of its users will provide further understanding of the dynamics of language contact and soclo-expressive functions across a specific bicultural context.

SECTION-111

CODE SWTICHING IN SUFI LITERATURE OF SOUTH ASIA

The story of South Asian relations with Iran goes back to hoary past and covers many important aspects of life-political, literary, cultural and religious. The spirit of Persian renaissance turned Iranian traditions into a vibrant force and shaped the sociopolitical ideals of the sultans, the literary and artistic paradigms of scholars. the moral code and spiritual goals of the Sufis, the melodies of the musicians and the parameters of the medical science. The artists, the painters, the architects, the calligraphists of Iran all came to be admired and imitated. The aesthetic and artistic genius of Iran inspired for centuries the literary and spiritual activities of the people in South Asia and its intellectual and emotional life revolved around the

13 Introduction patterns set by Iranian traditions. I Iardly any other cultural tradition has had such far-reaching and abiding impact on the lives of the people. Naturally therefore when one thinks of Iranian impact on South Asia, a world of historic visions and memories glows into consciousness.

Two preliminary observations may be made to put the present discussion in its proper conceptual framework. First. many of' the important scholars of Islamic sciences \\ho influenced Muslim mind in South Asia belonged to Iranian lands, though they wrote in Arabic. When their works came to he translated into Persian, the area of their influence widened. Of the six distinguished compilers of the hadith collections (sihah sitta) five were Iranians. Zamakhshar". the author of kashshat the classical work on exegesis. and Seboyah. the celebrated Arabic grammarian, belonged to Zamakhshar and Shiraz in Iran. The Arabs themselves. remarks Ami^r Khusrau. acknowledged their preeminent academic stature and addressed them as 'Allamah. In tact. Persian became in South Asia the transmission house for Islamic sciences including, tatsir, kalam, fiqh and tasaw-wuf.

Second, if the course of different streams of thot! ht in Iran is closely followed, it would appear that there has been considerable cycling and recycling of ideas between Iran and India. India is the cradle of pantheistic philosophy and the

Upanishads contain the earliest expositions of these ideas. When Islam reached

Khurasan and transoxiana, the religious atmosphere was saturated with Buddhist and Hindu ideas. The temples of Bam~ an. Balkh and Mary were centers of

Buddhist tradition. It was but inevitable that some of their concepts influenced the Iranian mind. The Upanishads proclaim l'attvam assi (Thou art thou), and the idea finds its echo in Bayazid. The Karramiyan cult was a half way house between

Islam and Buddhism. Hujwiri has given an account of twelve schools of' mystic thought which flourished during the eleventh century of the Christian era. An analysis of the thought contents of these garohs, as he calls them, reveals the

14 Introduction impact of Indian ideas. Concepts like f mna. bogd, hulfil, etc. are inexplicable except in the context of Hindu and Buddhist religious traditions. Thus some of the

Iranian mystical ideas that reached India during the medieval period had in fact originated in India and were cycled hack to India under Islamic rubrics. Indian fables (like Panchatantra). lexical and phonological traditions, mathematical theories and astronomical concepts reached Iran and influenced Iranian thought.

If one surveys the historical landscape of India during the medieval period, a number of' Iranian cultural streams in the realm of' polity, social traditions, literature, historiography and mystic thought seem flowing in every direction enriching the soil and contributing to the variegated culture pattern of India. It was generally believed in India during the Sultanate period that kingship was not possible without emulating Persian customs. ceremonies and principles of government. When I ltutmish, the real founder of the Delhi Sultanate, is referred to as Fari' du -'n far. Qubad Nahad, Kavus Namus. Sikandar Daulat. Bahram Shaukat. the whole concept of greatness seems to reel round the Iranian heroes. Both IItutmish and I3alban prided in calling themselves descendants of Afrasiyab.

Barani's Fatawav-i Jah. ndãri illustrates the depth and dimensions of Iranian influence on medieval Indian polity. The sultans of Delhi were Turks by race but Iranian by culture. Their entire administrative set-up-from names and nomenclature of offices to forms and functions of institution was modeled on the Iranian pattern. Barani remarks: it became necessary for the rulers of Islam to follow the policy of the Iranian emperors in order to ensure the greatness of the

True Word and the maintenance of their own authority.-

In the fields of learning and literature. Iranian influence shaped the contour and conspectus of historiography. poetry. tasawwuf (mysticism), insha (epistolary principles) and tihb (medicine). Amir Khusrau has referred to the linguistic homogeneity brought about by the Persian language in a country of' proliferate linguistic traditions. lie remarks:

15 Introduction

The Persian language as spoken in India is the same from Sind to Bengal. This

Persian is our Dari. Indian languages differ from group to group and change (their dialects) after every hundred miles. But Persian is the same over an area of tour thousand farsangs.

History writing among the Muslims was conditioned by two distinct traditions-the

Arab and the Iranian. The Arabs wrote history of an age and handled the historical data year by year: the Iranians. inspired by the traditions of Shah Namah. dealt with dynasties and their assortment of facts concerned mainly the court and the camp. The Iranian historians generally dedicated their works to rulers or the ruling dynasties. In India the Iranian tradition influenced the pattern of history writing.

From Hasan Nisha^pu"ri^. the earliest historian of the Delhi Sultanate (Taj al-

Ma'athir) to Khair al-Din llahabadi. the last historian of the Mughal Empire ('Ibrat Namah). the Iranian pattern determined the collection and presentation of historical data. The whole jargon of official correspondence and epistolography was developed in India on the principles of 'ilm-i dabi^ri^. as described in Chahar Maqãla and as adopted in Dastur al-Alhãb ti 'I lm al-Ilisah by "Abdul I-lamid Muharrir Ghaznavi. The drafting of Fath Namahs (official communiques of victory) was done on the Iranian model. The Fath Namahs of' 'Ala'' al-Di^n

Khalji^ drafted by Kabir al-Din have not survived but Balban's fath NaAmah of Lakhnanti as drafted by Ami^r Khusrau is available in I'jaz-i Khusravi and

Akbar's fath Namah of Chittor is preserved in Namakin's Munsha'at wa Ruga a^t.

"Their form and format are to all intents and purposes Iranian.

With the Sha^h Na^mah. which crystallized the historic memory of Iran. begins the history of literary, cultural and political traditions of Iran. It ushered in the dawn of Persian Renaissance and Firdausi justly claimed: 'Ajam zinda kardam hedin Pa^rsi (I have brought back 'Ajam to life through this Persian.) From the

time of Balban to the days of Akbar and even later the Sha^h Na^mah was read at

the courts of sultans and principles of governance and cultural effervescence were

OR Introduction drawn from it. Its verses were recited even in the khangahs. When Balban presented himself at Pakpattan to seek the blessings of Shaikh Farid Gan]-i Shakar, the saint recited the following verses of Firdausi:

/ ri^c11i^1-i /urrukh Jirislitih nahu^c1

Za 'u"d-o :u 'unbar sirishtih nuhul^d

Zu clad-o cluhish }•cift an nikui^

To dcid-o dahish kiln, fIrishtih to-i

(Fari`'du - n. the blessed, was not an angel: he was not made of agallochum or ambergris. He attained the position of' kingship through his bounty and liberality. Bestow liberally and Fari'`du^n is thee.)

The Shah Namah influenced the politico cultural thinking of the people so deeply that its translations were undertaken in several Indian languages-Urdu. Hindi. Gujarati. etc. ' lsa^mi wrote his Futu^h al-Sala^ti^n as Shah Na^mah-i Hind and said:

Juhcin td ki hugist andur juhcin

Iii .S/1U11)lu^Ilia Bu^(jis( Jlu^l11-1 sliaha"n

(As long as the world lasts. the Sha^h Na^mah will remain and with it the names of the kings it describes.)

Shaikh A^zari versified the conquests of Ahmad Sha^h Bahmani in Bahman Na^mah on the pattern of Sha^h Na^mah. During the time of Aurangzeb. Baha^dur Ali rendered into prose many stories of Sha^h Na^mah and named them Sha^h Na^mah-i Bakhta^war Kha^ni. The glamour of Sha^h Na^mah as a model of sociopolitical activities inspired Hafeez Jallandhari to write Sha^h Na^mah-i Islam in Urdu.

17 introduction

In all the important genres of poetry-ghazal, mathnawi^. dasi^dah-the success of a ' poet in South Asia was measured by the extent of his approximation to the standards set by the Iranian poets. In the words of J^m^ there were three prophets in the sphere of poetry-Firdausi of ahiva't. An\vari of gasi^dah and Sa'adi of ghazal. Each one of them had his literary following in India.

Sa'adi" was the great master of Ghazal. lie was justified in claiming sovereignty over the realm of letters (Sukhan Mulkist Sa'ad^ r^ musallam). In his poetry, which is soaked in cosmic emotion, feelinzs move in tune and time as naturally as the heart beats. Am^r Khusrau and l-lasan both tried to emulate him but did not succeed. However, both of them admitted their indebtedness to Sa'ad^i. Khusrau acknowledged having poured in his cup the wine of Shiraz and Masan claimed to have plucked a flower from the garden of Sa'adt. Shaikh Nas"r al-Dtn Chir''gh. a friend of both Khusrau and I lasan. however, remarked:

Amir Khusrau va Amir Hasan bisiy ar khwastand ki be-tariq-i Khwa{a Sa'adi bi- auyand. muvassar nashud: Khwaja Sa'adi^ a^nchih guft az sirr-i hal guft.

(Amir Khusrau and Amir Hasan much desired to emulate Khwaja Sa'adi^ in their poetry, but did not succeed. Whatever Khwa^ja Sa'adi^ has said is based on cosmic experience).

Unfortunately this sirr-i hal of Sa'adi^ was overshadowed by his eminence as a poet. But in India his pre-eminence as a dedicated Sufi was widely acknowledged and invocatory and incantational significance was attached to his verses. Shaikh Hamid al-Din Nagauri. a distinguished khalifa of Khwaja Mu'in al-Din Chishti of Ajmer, told his audience that during the closing years of his life Shaikh Sa'adi lived in seclusion at the mausoleum of Shaikh "Abdullah Khafifi and spent his time in prayer and meditation. He thus advised those who came to see him:

18 Infreductic::

"Offer f i'. e time pray crs regularly and whatever much or less God has given you share it with the needy and the poor. If you do that then wherever you may be

(placed in life), you can proceed from there on the path to God (and attain gnosis)."

Ile made altruism a corner stone of his mystic discipline. Ile had learnt from his spiritual mentor. Shaikh Shihah al-Din Suhrawardi, that rejection of egotistical arrogance and self-abnegation Was the only way to spiritual enlightenment. Ile

Says:J

;tfurci 1 tr-i ckinci•vi iuurshil, Shihuh

Do under: /armful bar rig-r•i cih

viki in-ki bar khwi.ch klu c/-hin mabash

durien in-ki par •~'havr had-bin mahash

(My wise and blessed spiritual mentor. Shih^b

Gave two pieces of advice to me while sailing on the river

First, do not be ego-centric (and overhearing)

Secondly, do not look down upon and wish ill of others).

Sa'adi's role in focusing on moral and ethical ideas of Islamic mysticism was second to none. Innumerable works of Indian Sufis have quoted his verses as the real \\-a,- to attain gnosis. In fact, in India the mystic spirit was generated and sustained more by Persian verses than mystic classics or ethical treatises.

19 Introduction weakened and that human beings were multiplying while humanity was languishing. The life breath of the poetry of Sa'adi. Rumi and 'Iraqi was their restless concern for humanity. In fact. the process of what Iqbal called adamgari (shaping the man) and which later on became the summum bonum of mystic activity, begins with them. Rumi set out in search of' "Man" crying insanam arizust

(I yearn for a true human bcins`); Sa'ad^ found beasts masquerading in human form 16 and sought protection from vicissitudes and revolution of the time (zinhar az dowr-i giti va ingilab-i ruzigar). They applied all their energy to resurrect the fallen structures of faith and confidence and in directing the soul movement of man. In the poetry of Amir Khusrau one can hear an echo of the spirit generated by these great masters. His mathnawi. Matla' al-Anwar. is soaked in this spirit of the age and reflects his anxiety to salvage humanity from its imminent doom. Surprisingly, the Iranian poets were writing in an age of gloom and depression

\\-hen the Mongols had devastated centers of' Muslim culture and Khusrau wrote when the Khalji Empire had risen with all its grandeur and glory. That under so dissimilar circumstances their concern for humanity should be the same shows their anxiety to salvage higher values in times of' both gloom and glory. Rumi's Mathnawi and Khusrau's Matla' al-Anwar supplied Iqbal with both ideals and emotions and he prayed to God in Armaghan-i I lijñz

Ata kun shirr-i Rumi. suz-i khusrau

(Bestow- on me the tumult of Rumi and the flame of Khusrau).

Ghazals apart. Sa'adi's Gulistan and B3 st, n were read by princes and plebeians alike and were prescribed in the syllabus of medieval Indian madrasahs. The Gulistan became a manual of guidance for the ethical and moral training of young

minds. Not only its verses, but prose sentences also passed into proverbial literature and set the norms of' good behavior. A number of works were written in

imitation of Gulistan-Bahãristan, Kharistan and Parishan-to name a few, but none

20 I ztroduceion could come anywhere near Sa'adi's work. Kharistan was written by Majd al-Din

Khwali at the instance of Akbar, QSsim Kuhi wrote in imitation of Bustin during the same period. But Sa'adi was inimitable.

In the sphere of ghazal. 1-Izfiz (d. 1389) was the other charismatic figure whose influence on the literary traditions of India was deep and tar-reaching. A literary artist, he depicted delicate feelings and ideas like a painter, giving them a life-like touch. Baba Fuahani. Sa'ib. Nazir1. Urti and a large number of' other poets in Iran and India struggled hard to emulate his musical thought but did not succeed. Even the arrogant 'Urti considered him a literary sanctum; (ka'abih sukhan). Urdu poets like Ghalib. Saudi and Momin have borrowed delicate sensitivity of' emotions from 111111.

Ilafiz's literary reputation reached India during his life time. Bengal and Kashmir were in direct contact with him. About the appreciation of his poetry by the people of Kashmir he himself says:

Iii-shi'r-i IIciJi:-i Shiru_ nni-ruq.san l-o n i-nci_and

Sivah-chushmcin-j kusluniri-o Trn•kan-i Samurgcuuli

(The black-eyed Kashmiris and Turks of Samarqand love the verses of Flatiz of

Shiraz and dance in tune.)

His poetry came to represent the quintessence of romantic fervor of Iran. i His verses, chiselled linguistically and charged emotionally, took the contemporary Persian-speaking world by storm. Both men of letters and mystics enjoyed his verses in India. Looked upon as lisan al-ghayb (the tongue of secrets), people turned to his work for auguries and divinations. An old manuscript of Diw n-i Hafiz preserved in Bankipur Library shows that Humayun and Jahangir frequently consulted it for fal (augury). Reacting to this aspect of popular interest in Hafiz's poetry, Iqbal warned them against too much involvement in I lafiz_. lie was

21 Introduction opposed to impressionism but fully realized HMiiz's greatness as a poet and his charismatic influence.

In fact the ghazal tradition in India. both in Persian and Urdu, derived its hue and color from Hafiz. There were people in India who ascribed talismanic effect to his verses. Shah Fazl-i Rahman Ganj MurabBdi, spiritual leader of some of the most distinguished Indian 'ulama of the nineteenth century, wrote Hafz's verses in amulets.

Ilatiz returned India's compliment to persian masters by eulogizing TutiSn-i Hind. Amir Khusrau has very beautifully described in Dibacha Ghutrat al-Kamal the significance of tuti imagery in literature. Haliz's appreciation and esteem of Khusrau's poetry is evident from the fact that he copied out his khamsah in his own hand.

The Khamsah tradition in Persian literature owes its origin to Nizami of Ganja (d.1209), the most resplendent poet of romantic epic. the profundity of his ethical and philosophical thought created a stir in the literary and Sufi circles in India. A large number of Khamsahs were written in Central Asia, Turkey and India in its imitation, but in Browning's words, "They strove to do, agonized to do, but failed in doing." In India Khusrau wrote a replica of his Khamsah. According to Jami, no other poet could write a better rejoinder to Nizami than Khusrau.18 But Nizimi's emotional rigor and grasp or minute detail could not be achieved by Khusrau. Shibli thought that Nizarni wrote with patience and concentration; Khusrau hurriedly and with a distracted mind. The result was obvious. According to Daulat Shah Samarqandi some Central Asian princes held a seminar on the relative merit of the two Khamsahs. They debated and argued in support of their points of view. Ultimately the following verse of Khusrau:

F2 Introduction

£Ja;ri.ri cihi na-khurac!,ncikiyun

0 7i na-kunad rth' .Ctiv-i am an

(No hen takes a drop of' water without lifting its head towards the sky (in gratefulness to God). led to their verdict in favor of' Khusrau. This was rather too much. However, it cannot be denied that Khusrau's use of' bird symbols was superb. Explaining the concept of makan and la-makan he said:

Gar mukein-o Ic -mukótt kh►, cihi ki }'ak jci hinguri

AIurgh rci hilt clar huv6-hum hi-muycim-o hart magdm

Important mystic teachers in India like Shaikh lurid al-Din Ganj-i Shakar and Shaikh Nizam al-Din Awliya' cited verses of Nizami to explain and iliustrate A* different emotional states and mystical concepts. 'Isami said that every word of Nizami was loaded with breathtaking incantational power. Inspired by Nizami's Khusrau-o-Shirin. Jami wrote his Mehr-o-Mah. But Nizami was nonpareil.

The masters of' Persian gasidah-Rudaki. 'Unsuri. Fairukhi. Khagani and others- determined gasidah patterns and motifs in India. Rudaki inspired generation after generation of Indian poets, including Ghalih and Shibli, to compose verses in the same rhyme and meter. Khusrau admits in 'l'uhfat al-Sighar that he struggled hard to emulate Khagani but did not succeed. The Mughal court poets Ghazzali. Meshidi, Faizi, Talib Amuli. Kalim Ilamadani all followed the footsteps of the gasidah writers of Iran. Ghalib wrote a rejoinder to Naziri (d. 1612), the chief lyric poet of the time, but confessed his mistake:

javdh-i Khwaja Na iri nivi.chli-utn (J hchh

Ahuta 11111!lu i-Utl1-O chaslun-1 c furin do rain

In fact. the Iranian milieu, its smiling meadows, murmuring brooks, twittering bulbuls. melting glow of the twilight and moving moon up the sky. was a source

23 Introduction of undying inspiration to the poets of Iran. As the Indian poets did not have first hand and direct experience of the Iranian phenomena of nature. their reti:rcnces to it appear insipid and prosaic. I lowever. the incantation of words in the clasidahs of Indo-Persian poets was superb.

The most prolific period of Persian poetry in India was the age of Akhar (1556- I605). which Professor Hermann Ethe considered to be the "Indian summer of

Persian poetry." Abut Fazl has referred to Gulistan, IIadigah. Mathnawi of RUrnl. Auhadi's Jam-i Jam. Shah Namah. Khamsah-i Nizami. Kulliyati-.lami. Diwan-i Ilafiz as popular studies at the court of' Akbar. These works set the norms of' excellence and the poets of Akhar's court vied with each other in emulating these masters. Akbar's liberal patronage of men of letters attracted to his court :,choiars. philosophers, poets and artists from every part of the Persian speaking world- Meshed. Ispahan. Shiraz. Nishapur, I larat. Marv, Najaf. I-lamadan, Kashan. Ray, Sabzwar and Tabriz. Under him Aura could boast to have within its confine many of those celebrities whom the author of Ma'athir-i Rahimi significantly calls the rnusta'idãn-i Iran. This atmosphere continued in the centuries that li~llowwecl and as late as the nineteenth century Ghalib claimed:

E►nrzi man ,Vi_dmi-o Khciycini-um hi-dahr

Delhi u man hi Gunju-o sherw in burubar ust.

(In the world today I am like Nizami and Khadani. Due to my presence here Delhi is like (ianja and Sherwan.)

The Persian poetic genius found a congenial atmosphere at Akhar's court and its influence spread far and wide. India became a channel for the spread of Persian poetic traditions in other lands. "After Jami," wrote Ghalib, "'Urfi and Faizi were the chief' Persian influences on Turkish poetry." Nefa'i. the greatest Turkish poet of the seventeenth century is specially seen vying with 'Urfi and it is not without

24 Introduc/inn significance that copies of some of the best gasidahs and Diwans of 'Urfi are found in the libraries of Ankara and Istanbul. Urf infused a new spirit in eulogistic literature by his gasidahs and ghazals, which are characterized by high ideals, deep egotistical perspicacity, dynamism and drive. According to Igbal. who drew inspiration from him in evolving his concept of khudi, 'Urfi's imagination built a magnificent palace at the altar of which the wonderland of Bti All Sind and Farzbi could be sacrified, Even Ghalib was beholden to thin.

The emotional vigor and linguistic finesse with which Persian language, literature and traditions spread in India may be gauged from their effect on the various vernacular languages of India. Dr. Maulwi Abdul I laq has traced the impact of Persian language on the Marathi language. Many Persian tales and terms form part of Bengali literature. layananda writes in his Chaitanya Mangal: "A Brahmin will grow a beard and read Persian. He will put on socks and with a stick in one hand will take a how in the other. The holy Brahmin will recite the mathnaw^." Similarly in the Punjab many themes and stories of Iran were assimilated in the Punjah literature.

When Akbar got Sanskrit works translated into Persian, the frontiers of Persian language were further widened and Persian became the language of all Indian religions. Mahabharat Ramayan, Atharban. Haribas, etc. were rendered into Persian by the scholars of Akbar's court. It was through D^r^ Shukoh's Persian translation that the philosophy of Upanishads was introduced to Europe.

"Sufism," remarks Shaikh Ali Hujwiri, "is too exalted to have any genus from which it might he derived." Notwithstanding the fact that mysticism has no genealogy and that the mystical attitude was developed in all regions, languages and religions of the world, the Sufi ideology and institutions in Islam were nurtured in Iran. South Asia imbibed these metaphysical and ontological concepts from Iran and its mystical thought rotated within the perimeters laid down by the

25 Introduction

Iranian thinkers. Ideology apart. even the organization of khangah life was largely determined by the Sufis of Iran. Shaikh Abu Said Abul Khair. Shaikh Saif al-Din F3akharzi and Shaikh Shihab al-I)in Suhrawardi had taken a momentous decision to transform the mystic discipline, which had hitherto remained confined to individual spiritual salvation, into a movement for mass spiritual culture. Iran provided drift and direction. animation and ardor to this effort. Organization of khangah life, principles of spiritual training and demarcation of areas of spiritual jurisdiction (walayats) were the crucial matters and once their details were worked out, the mystic movement entered a new phase and vast areas became available for the proliferation of Sufi ideology and institutions.

Shaikh Abd al-Qahir Abu Najib Suhrawardi laid down rules regarding pir-murid relationships in his adab al-Muridin. His nephew Shaikh Shihab al-Din Suhrawardi gave in 'Awarit' al-Ma'arif a complete code for the organization of khangahs. Shaikh Farid al-Din Ganj-i Shakar who was anxious to transform mystic disciplines into a mass movement taught Awarif to his senior disciples and prepared its summary. The 'awarif' became widely popular when its Persian translations were made and mystics of all silsilahs turned to it as manual of guidance. At a time when the concept of walayat was being worked out as silsilahs were taking shape. it served a great need of the time. The earliest Persian translation, as could be expected. was made at Multan by Q^situ D"d Khat^b during the time of Shaikh Baba al-Din Zakarriya, a distinguished khalila of Shaikh Shihab al-Din. Qasim Da'ud's aim, as he himself says. was to make it available to a large circle of people so that they could act upon it. Another early translation of 'Awarif was made by Shaikh 'Abdur Rahman b. Ali fuzghush whose fattier was a disciple of Shaikh Shihab al-Din Suhrawardi. Long before 'Izz al-Din Mahmud Kashani (d.1334) prepared a Persian recension of 'Awarif al-Ma'arif under the title Mishah al-Hidaya wa Miftah al-Kifayah. the ideas of Shaikh Shihab al-Din Suhrawardi had become popularly known in the Sufi circles of South Asia and

26 Introduction kh^nq hs were organized on the foundational principles enunciated in 'Aw^rif.

With the effective organization of khangahs, it became possible for the saints of different silsilahs to carry forward their programs of mass spiritual culture.

A number of mystic silsilahs flourished in South Asia during the medieval period. Abul Fazl gives a list of fourteen orders which have worked in India. Some of the important saints of these silsilahs either belonged to Iran or had spent some time in the Suti centers of Iran. Before he entered India. Khwija Mu' in al-Din Chishti, the renowned founder of the Chisht' order in India. had spent considerable time in the company of Sufi saints in Iran. The founder of the Suhrawardi order in India. Shaikh Baha al-Din Zakarriya, was a disciple of Shaikh Shih5b al-Din Suhrawardi and the spiritual guide of 'Iraqi. The founder of the Firdausi order in India. Shaikh

Badr al-Din Samargandi. was a disciple of Shaikh Saif al-Din Biikharzi who was a friend of Maulana Jalal al-I)in Rumi's father. Makhdurn Muhammad Gilani, who popularized the Qadiri order in India. had for years travelled in Iran and Khurasan. Khwaja Bagi Billah . founder of the Nagshbandi order in India. was born in Kabul and had spent considerable time in Mawara al-Nahr (Transoxiana) and Balkh. The Shattari silsilah. which traced its origin to Shaikh BavazId Taitur Bistami and was known in Iran as l'ariga-i ' Ishgiya. came direct from Iran. Its pioneer saint in India was Shah 'Abdullah Shattari who lies buried in Mandu. Shaikh Muhammad

Ghauth. an outstanding Shaikh of the Shattari order, translated Anlrit Kund into Persian under the title of Bahr al-Havat. The way Shaikh Muhammad Ghauth has used Muslim mystic terminology to communicate Hindu mystical concepts is most striking. He was in a \\-a\ a precursor of Dara Shukoh. whose rilajnla' al-Bahrain is an expression of the same attitude which inspired Shaikh Muhammad Ghauth.

The organization of silsilahs in India made the dissemination of Suli ideology easier. Itineracy being a part of the mystic discipline in those days, itinerant Stills from Iran and India carried mystic traditions from one country to another. Delhi, Lahore. Multan and Ajodhan were connected with the mystic centers of Iran and

27 Introduction

Cenral Asia. 'Ir' cl'` of Hamadan joined the circle of Shaikh Baia al-Din

Zakarriya's disciples in Multan and brought to India Ibn 'Arab^'s pantheistic philosophy, which he had learned at the feet of' Shaikh Sadr al-Din Qunavi.

Through Khwi ja Qutb al-Din Ilakhtiyar Kaki who hailed from Aush, a great Hallaji center, pantheistic ideas of Ahmad Jam found currency in the mystic circles of Delhi.

Both mystic thought and experience derive their sustenance from cosmic emotion

(' ishq), which is embedded in the psyche of Iran. It was cosmic emotion that wove the essential features of Sufi soul movement into the texture of Iranian thought.

Since mystic experiences could not be explained in plain language. the Sufi poets adopted the language of symbols for the communication of their ideas. Abu Said

Abul Khair. Sandi, 'Attar and Rumi planted the symbolist tradition in Iran and

Indian Sufis drew inspiration from them. lgbal was so deeply influenced by Rumi that according to Sa'id Naficy he revived the "symbolist traditions with magnificent results." In India the Sufi tradition developed under the symbolist rather than the impressionist trends in Iran.

The poetical works of Shaikh Abu Sa'id Ahul Khair (4.1049). Khwaja 'Abdull^h Ansari (d.1088). San^i'^ (d.1 131), Ahmad Jt'm (d.1 142). Niz^nl^ Gan,jav^

(d.1209). 'Att^r (d. 1229). Shaikh Sail al-Din Bakharzi (d. 1259). Rumi (d.1273),

'Iraqi (d. 1289) Sa'adi (d.1292). Shaikh A~vhad al-Din Kirmai^ (d.1237). I-latiz (d.1389) and Jami (d.1492) supplied a 'arm fund of emotions to Indian Sulis and provided those moral and ethical ideals which became the elan of the Sufi movement in South Asia. The mystic literature produced in India during the last 800 years or so is replete with extracts from the works of these poets. Many of their verses have been accepted as epitomes of ideal behavior and have assumed the significance of proverbs based on unimpeachable human experience.

28 Introduction

Igbal has remarked in his Development of Metaphysics in Persia that the secret of vitality of Sufism is the complete view of human nature upon which it is based. A mystic teacher, therefore, needed nafs-i gir^ (intuitive intelligence) and psychological insight to snake his efforts at moral and spiritual regeneration of man and society really effective. Apart from inculcating love of God, the Sufis strove hard to strengthen the moral fiber of man by drawing him to futuwwat (generosity and manliness). The mystic poetry of Iran consequently became a powerful vehicle for the dissemination of these ideas.

Looked at from this angle, Shaikh Abu Sa'^d Abul Khair was a powerful influence on Indian mind. He captured the imagination of Indian Sulis by his quatrains vibrating with emotions of human love and sympathy. Shaikh Nizfm al- Din Awliya', in particular. derived his mystic ideas and social ethics from him. His faith that real human happiness lies in large-hearted tolerance. compassion and good will towards all human beings was based on the teachings of Shaikh Abu Sa'id. He frequently recited these verses in support of his views:

Har-ki mdrd raja ddrad, rahatash bisiyar bad

Har-ki and rd ydr nabvad, bad '& rá ydr bad

Ha'-Id andar rah-i ma khdri nahad ax dushmuni

liar gull kaz bdgh-i 'umrash bishkufad bi-khdr bad.

(He who nurses ill-will against me may his joys (in life) increase.

He who is not my friend, may God be his friend,

He who puts thorn in my way on account of enmity,

May every flower that blossoms in the garden of his life be without thorns.)

29 Introduction the Indian Sufis derived from Shaikh Abu Sa' id's teachings the following principles of mystic morality:

1. Concern for the welfare of man as the sum mum bonuni of mystic ethics.

2. harmony in social relations as the basis of individual and collective happiness.

3. Ways of dealing with cognition. feeling and volition with a view to reforming human behavior.

4. Treating all living beings-man and animal-with equal affection.

5. Emphasis on cultivation of cosmic emotion in preference to intellectual pursuit.

6. Superiority of moral and ethical life over academic achievement.

7. Determinism and free will-extent and implications.

Inspired by Shaikh Abu Sa' id's teachings. Shaikh Nizam al-Din Awliya advised his followers to reform human responses at the stage of cognition. This was the surest way to bring about change in human character. Further he believed that a man with vast human sympathies alone understood the divine purpose of life. He admired Shaikh Abu Sa' id's benevolent attitude towards all living beings. men and animals. Shaikh Abu Sa' id once saw a man beating his bull and cried out in agony as if he himself was being beaten.

30 1ntroduc:ion

The Shaikh on being asked by the person said: "Bu Ali is a philosopher, a physician and a man of vast learning, but he is devoid of moral qualities

(makarim-i akhlaq nadarad)." On hearing this Bu All Sind wrote to the Shaikh that he had written several books on ethics. "I-low do you say that I do not have moral qualities?" The saint smiled and said:

Man na-gaffe-am ki Bu All makdrint-i akhlaq na-danad; bal gufte-am ki na-ddrad.

(I did not say that B^ Ali does not know ethical qualities: I said that he does not possess them.)

In fact. Shaikh Abu Sad and Kh~vaja 'Abdullah Ansari, popularly known as Pir-i I-lan. supplied elan and motive power to the Muslim mystic activity in India. Pir-i

Hari's risalahs sowed the seeds of later mystical didactic epic poems; his quatrains propagated mystic concepts as ideals of human behavior: his Tahagat al-Sufiya laid the foundation of biographical studies of Sufi saints, while his Munajat provided lire and lcr,,'or to Suti invocation gatherings. In his foreword to Sardar Jogendra Singh's Ln lish translation of Munajat. Gandhiji appreciated him as one of the best minds of all the religions of the world.

Shaikh Abu Said and Pir-i-1lari gave a revolutionary dimension to Sufi

Weltanschauung by defining the purpose of religious devotions in terms of the service of mankind. Countless genuflexions of prayer and endless fasts, they said. could not give divine significance to life. if not accompanied by deep and abiding concern for the welfare of man. They emphasized that life dedicated to social service was of greater value than pious contemplation in seclusion. Shaikh Mu'in al-Din Chishti's definition of devotion (twat) as

Darmandigan rá farad rasidan va hajat-i bi-charigan rava kardan va gurusnigan rá sir gardanidan

31 Introduction

(Providing redress to the destitute. fulfilling the needs of the downtrodden and feeding the poor) and Shaikh Nizam al-Din Awliya's classification of devotion into ta'at-i lazmi and tA'at-muta'addi arc. in fact, echoes of the same spirit. Bihi

Fatimah Sam. a distinguished mystic woman of the thirteenth century. demonstrated the working of these principles in her life and shared her piece of bread with neighbors in straitened circumstances.

An earl- Persian poet whose poetry influenced Indian mystics at the emotional level was Shaikh Ahmad Jam. Shaikh Quth al-Din Bakhtivar Kaki breathed his last listening to his verses.

Sana'i presented mysticism as a philosophy of lit'e. His diwan and Iladigah were popular studies in India. The I ladigah as read both in khancla:hs and the courts of the kings. Shaikh Nasir al-Din Chirauh of Delhi retcrred to Sana'i's life as a model of spiritual excellence. He invited people absorbed in materialistic pursuits to the realm of spirit by reciting the following verse of Sang' is

l v ki Shcnl'Cll s1/G/-1 RUlil-o Chin

Khi:-o bil•u mink-i Sanu'i he-bin

(0' you who have heard of the glories of Rome and China: Rise and behold the realm of Sana'i.)

Shaikh Sail' al-Din )-3akharzi's remark that Sani'i's verses made him a real

Muslim. were often cited in the mystic circles of Delhi. Shaikh Nizam al-Din

Awliva' approvingly quoted the following supplication of shaikh Saif al-Din

E3akharzi:

Ay-kcis/1 murci hue/ eiii/ci harad ki khcik-i santi 'i-si. t ci khcik-i 'ii hip cirad ki man .vurn t'/1 kunam.

(O' that some gale might take me to where Sana'i lies buried, or that it might bring his dust to me to put in my eyes.)

32 Introduction

During the time of' Shah Jahan. 'Abdul Latif 'Abbasi wrote a commentary on

Hadiqah under the Laa' if al-i lada' iq. From the time of Shaikh Nizam al-Din

Awliya' to the days of Dr. Muhammad lghal. Sana'i has been a powerful influence on Indo-Muslim religious thought. lqbal's ShikNva, lblis Ki Majlis-i Shura etc. at once takes ones mind to Sang' is 'Lament of Satan." Unlike many contemporary mystics. Sana'i (lid not think of knowledge as hijab-i akbar (the greater curtain preventing the vision of Reality). lie, however, rejected over-intellectualism and defined the purpose of knowledge (' ilni) clearly and thoughtfully. According to him Sufism was an appeal to a higher source of knowledge.

Khwaja Farid al-Din Attar's Mantiq al-Tayr and Tadhkirat al-Awliya' were avidly read in the Sufi circles of Delhi. The Mantiq al-Tayr provided an interesting excursion in the realm of' the spirit and its symbolic approach inspired others to undertake similar works. Zia Nakhshabi's 'I'uti Namah and Names-i Akhar seem inspired by 'Attar's technique. I Iis Pand Namah was for centuries included in the syllabus of madrassahs and its sentences passed into aphorisms. 'Attar became a symbol of catholicity of thought and liberal tradition. His following verse was inscribed in the temples of' Kashmir and was recited in the khana^hs of' Delhi as a veritable expression of the cosmopolitan spirit:

Kufi• kc /er rd-o din dint-clur rd

7_arre-i'i clurdi di!-i '; Iltcir rci

particular, deeply impressed by a risalah of 'Iraqi. Ghayat al-Imkan Ii Warayat al-

33 Introduction

Makin. which contains striking modern concepts. He interpreted, remarks Igbal,

"his spiritual experience of time and space in an age which had no idea of the theories and concepts of modern mathematics and physics."

With Rumi's Mathnawi the impact of Iranian Sufi traditions on South Asia touched its highest watermark. No mystic writer before or after him has succeeded in portraying soul movement and its subtle, inexpressible experiences with such perception and delicate sensitivity. Rumi believed in the creative urge of the self and visualized a long and unending process of its evolution and growth. He had a philosophy of' life, a vision of moral and spiritual needs of man and society, a fine spiritual sensibility and a powerful imagination that made his delineation of delicate spiritual experiences a magical performance. In fact, he provided a picture gallery of mystic ideas and images. In India he was first quoted by Shaikh Nasir al-I)in ChirSgh, a disciple of Shaikh Nizam al-Din nwliya'. In subsequent years the mystics were so enamored of his Mathnawi that they taught it to their disciples. heard it in their audition parties and expounded mystic ideas to their audience in the light of the anecdotes given in it. It provided a powerful technique to communicate mystic ideas symbolically. Akbar remembered by heart a large number of poems from the Mathnawi and enjoyed reciting them. Significantly, Rumi has selected some stories that are of Indian origin and there are many words in the Mathnawi that are common to Persian and Hindi, as 'Abdul Lath''Ahbasi (d.1648) has pointed out in his glossary of Mathnawi, the I.ata'ifal-I,uohat. I may refer, incidentally, to only two references to India in the Mathnawi. God thus speaks in the Mathnawi:

"In the Hindus the idiom of Hind (India) is praiseworthy, In the Sindians the idiom of Sind is praiseworthy I look not at the tongue and the speech I look at the inward [spirit] and the state of feeling."

34 Introduction

At another phase Rumi says: lie whose adversary is his own shadow is not safe either in India or Khutan."

These verses reveal Rumi's assessment of India. It is interesting to find that in Rumi's mind the Indian animal elephant was a symbol of nostalgic remembrance. At several places in the Mathnawi he says:

Pi1 churl dar khcih hin acl Hind rd

(When the elephant dreams of India).

or,

7,cin-ki pi-am did llinclu.ctci,r hi-klhdh

( Because im elephant dreamed of India

Shams Tabrizi was perhaps the first to present the Indian elephant in that 'way. Ile said:

1)+h timad pit-i ntu rd hd: llindustcin hi-khuh

Purdi-vi shah rni-cluricl 'ci u_ junun to hcinrc%id

(Last night our elephant dreamed of India again

(Tearing madly at the curtain of night till the morn.)

The Indian Sufis drew inspiration from Rumi's moral and ethical ideals and admired his cult of ' Ishq (cosmic emotion). but an integrated approach to his work on which could he based integration of individual personality and regeneration of human society was still far off. It was left to Igbal to turn to Rumi for inspiration and guidance for this purpose. Igbal's philosophy-his concept of khud^. his ideal of human excellence, his spiritual goals-were all determined by R^m^. lghal proudly calls himself a 'disciple of Rumi'. Throughout the centuries, no one in

35 Introduction

India has been so deeply inspired by the Mathnawvi as Igbal was and none has fathomed the depth of Rumi's thought as minutely as Iqbal did. Emotionally speaking. Indian Sufis have always been in the domain of Rumi. A number of commentaries were compiled, particularly noteworthy being those of Muhammad Afzal Allahabadi. Wali Muhammad. Maulana 'Abdul Ali Bahr al-'Ulum, Muhammad RSzi, Mirza Muhammad Nazir Arshi. Maulana Ahmad Husain Kanpuri and Maulana Ashraf Ali Thanvi. The writer of these lines has two very interesting manuscripts of Mathnawi. One is a thematic summary made by Muhammad b. Dost Muhammad. a disciple of' Khww'aja Obeidullah Ahrar and another summary belonging to Shah Waliullah of Delhi with marginal notes by Abu Ra a.

While interest in iMathnaxvi was unabated throughout the centuries, it was Iqbal xvho found in Rumi a real guide in the arduous task of resurrecting the individual and the community. Iqbal saw Rumi in his imaginary excursion to the other world addressing him as zinda rud (living stream). Inspired by Rumi 's symbolic imagery. lghal adopted shahin as his symbol for selfless and persistent effort to achieve the goal and for hitching wagons to the stars. If there is any truth in Arnold's remark that noble and profound application of ideas to life is the most essential part of poetic greatness. Sa'adi and Rumi may undoubtedly be ranked among the great poets of all time.

Not marble nor the gilded monuments.

Of princes shall outlive this powerful rhyme.

Muslim mystics of Iran looked at the Ultimate Reality from different angles-as self-conscious Will, as Beauty, as Light and as Thought. All these trends are reflected in the Indo-Muslim religious thought. The symbols captured the imagination and preserved concepts otherwise abstruse and difficult to comprehend. Shaikh Shihab al-Din Suhrawardi Maqtul's (d.1191) I likmat al-

36 Introduction

Ishraq deeply influenced religio-philosophic thought. Who can say that his Awaz-i Par-i Jibril did not suggest to Igbal the title of his collection of poems Bfi1-i Jibril (Gabriel's Wing). Suhrawardi presented human soul as an element of 'light' (nur) and God as 'light of lights (nur al-anwar) and used color and light as symbols of spiritual development. Seyyed Hossein Nasr's thought provoking study of Eau Ali Sing. Suhrawardi and lbn 'Arabi is most helpful in fathoming the depth and impact of the thought of these three sages. Ishragi ideas reached India through the pupils of Malta Sadra. particularly Mir Bader Damid. Shaikh Mubarak, Mir Fathullah Shia zi. Abul Fazl and Faizi and a few others became ardent advocates of Ishrac;i philosophy. 'Abd al-Nabi Shattari (d. 161 1) wrote a commentary on I likmat al- Ishraq under the rubric Ruh al-Arwah. 'fhe author oI Anwariya was a relation of the author of Tabagat-i Akbari.

The thought of lkhwan al-Sala became a significant factor in the intellectual life of India during the time of Akbar. It was in a way a recycling of the ideas which were articulating through Kalila v a Dimna. Akbar got a Persian version of Ikhwan prepared at his court. Rejection of' denominationalism, faith in evolutionary concepts. astral influences, millenary ideas came From Ikhwan. Some of the concepts of 1khwan were echoed in the A'in-i Akbari.

Though lesser in impact and influence. the Nudtawi movement of' Iran also exercised some influence on religious thought in India. The Nugtawi ideas spread in India through Sharif Amuli, Tashbihi of Ktishan, Wuqu'i of Nishapur. It appears from Tarikh-i ' Alam ara-i ' Abbasi that Akhar had contact with Mir Sy ed Ahmad Kashi.

Semasiological study of mystical terms with their subtle and fluctuating connotations in Iran and India is an interesting field for investigation and analysis. In Akbar's time Shaikh Muhammad Ghauth had made an earnest effort to transfer Hindu mystical concepts into Muslim mystical parlance. Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi

37 Introduction was perhaps unique in fixing sharp. clear and penetrating connotation of mystic terms in the light of Islamic mystical concepts. During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Indian semantics saw subtle clashes arising out of ideological backgrounds of terms flowing from Sanskrit. Arabic and Persian sources. However, some concepts were from the very beginning differently understood in India and Iran. For instance, the following observations by Shaikh

All Hujwiri, the author of Kashf al-Mahjub. about fang (annihilation) and baga (subsistence) are significant:

"Some wrongly imagine that annihilation signifies loss of essence and destruction of personality, and that subsistence indicates the subsistence of God in man; both these notions are absurd. In India I had a dispute on this subject with a man who claimed to be versed in Koranic exegesis and theology. When I examined his pretensions I found that lie knew nothing of annihilation and subsistence, and that he could not distinguish the eternal tram the phenomenal."

Mansur Hallaj is a seminal figure in the history of religious thought. IIis works were mainly in Arabic but lie was horn in Iran and had visited many countries,

including India. It was through Persian works that his ideas reached Indian mystics. He came to be regarded as an embodiment of the principles underlying the pantheistic philosophy. Opinion about him was, however, divided. The earliest Persian work to refer to him is the Kashf al-Mahjub of Shaikh All Hujwiri who firmly held the view that 'it would be an act of dishonesty' to omit his biography in any mystical work. He quotes Shibli. who is reported to have observed: "nl- Hallaj and I are of one belief, but my madness saved me. while his intelligence destroyed him." Ilujwiri refers to his fifty works which he found in Baghdad and

other places. Though he considered him an ecstatic (maghlub andar hal-i khud). he "derived much support from him" and even wrote a book in deference to his views. In one of his books entitled Minhaj. now extinct. I lujwwweri gave a biological

sketch of Hallaj. Though I lujwiri seems deeply impressed by Hallaj and Kashf al-

38 Introduction

Mahjub Nvas a popular study in medieval India, the attitude of Chisht^ and Suhraward^ saints towards llallaj was one of caution. They feared lest his pantheistic utterances led to moral confusion. During the time of Firuz Shah Tughluq all those mystics who were inspired by Hallãji thought-Masud Bak, Ahmad Bihari. Rukn al-Din and others-were charged with heresy and executed. Even as late as seventeenth century the state dealt strictly with Hallaji trends. The execution of Sarmad at the orders of Aurangzeb indicates the same attitude of disagreement with the views of' I lallaj. Professor Louis Massignon once told me that his research suggests that Aush. \\- here Kliwaja Qutb al-Din Bakhtiyar Kaki was born:. was a 1Iallaji center and a focal point for the spread of pantheistic ideas in India. His friend and associate Qazi Ilamid al-Din Nagauri was also keenly interested in the thought of Hallaj. Ills Risala-i ' Ishgiya bears an indelible stamp of I-lallaji thought. As I have shown elsewhere. I lallaj's works were widely read in Chishti mystic circles. Hallaj's execution became a symbol of sacrifice for the sake of freedom of thought and poets found no better expression of communicating the spirit of sacrifice for a cause than the episode of Mansur Hallaj. lgbal found in his thought man-,- elements of permanent value. In Javi:d Namah he presents I lallaj as a dynamic force revealing secrets of khudi. In Zabur-i 'Ajam he depicts }lallaj along with Shankar and seems to suggest that he was inspired by vedantic philosophy. In his Metaphysics of Persia he presents Mansur's slogan '1 am God' as an echo of Indian Vedantist's Aham Brahma Asmi. In his Lectures on the Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam and in Javid Namah he emphasized the originality of his thought and his greatness as a thinker. "In the history of religious experience in Islam. which, according to the Prophet, consists in the 'creation of Divine attributes in Man', this experience has found expression in such phrases as 'I am the creative truth' (FIallaj ), 'I am time' (Muhammad). 'I am the speaking Qur'an' (Ali). 'Glory to me' (I3ayazid)." observes Iqbal.

39 Introduction

\ hile I lallaj's ideological iniluciice remained confined to higher mystic intellects, the impact of Imam Ghazzali was more widespread. His Kimiyg-i Sa'adat became a popular study throughout South Asia. Its passages were read out daily in some mystic centers. Though for all practical purposes it is a Persian recension of Ihya al-'Ulum. the religious circles in India undertook to translate lhya into Persian.

During the time of Iltutmish. Muaiyid Jajarmi translated it into Persian. Unique in the comprehensiveness of' its approach and incomparable in its psycho-ethical analysis of the basic religious situations. the Kimiya became a manual of guidance for the Indo-Muslim society. Ghaizali had himself been a student of Greek philosophy and as lie confesses in his al-Mungidh min al-Zalal was greatly disillusioned by philosophy. He came to believe in the efficacy' of' 'cosmic emotion' which could unravel the mysteries of' nature and give that solace and peace of mind which human soul longed for. His approach appealed to those also who believed in the supremacy of' reason and thus its impact was felt on a wide scale.

The Kashf al-Mahjub consolidates mystic ideas as they had developed in Iran and

Central Asia tip to the eleventh century. The author had personal contact with mare, eminent mystic teachers like I Iasan Khuttali and Abu) Qasim Gurgani. Dara Shukoh considers Kasht' aI-Mahjub as the first book on mysticism written in

Persian. This may or may not be correct, but it is a fact that Kashf al-Mahjub exercised tremendous influence on contemporary and later religious thought, not only in India but in Iran also. Jami quotes from it extensively in his Natahat al- 'Uns. In India Shaikh Nizam al-Din Awliyya' used to say that for one who had no spiritual mentor. Kashf al-Mahjuh was enough to guide.

At the purely intellectual level it was Ibn 'Arabi (d.1240) who dominated the scene. Though his works were in Arabic. it was mainly through Persian channels

that his ideas found currency in India. The key and kernel of Ibn 'Arabi's thought is pantheism. the earliest exposition of which is found in the Upanishads. It was

ME Introduction thus a recycling of' ideas that had originally traveled from India under different rubrics. The pantheistic philosophy provided an ideological bridge between Islam and Ilinduism. Though commentaries on lbn 'Arabi's works were written in India by Syed Ali I-Iamadani of' Kashmir. All Piru Mahaimi of' Gujurat and others, the ideas of lbn 'Arabi fascinated the Indian Sutis when 'Iraqi and Rumi prepared the ground for their reception. Masud Bak's Diwan as well as his Mir'at al-'frith reflect the influence of Ibn 'Arabi. Shah Muhibbullah of Allhabad wrote commentaries on Ibn 'Arabi's works both in Arabic and in Persian. From the sixteenth century onward enormous literature appeared in India on the mystical ideas of Ibn 'Arabi. Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi's criticism of' pantheism gave a temporary set-back to this trend. but when Shah waliullah attempted a reconciliation between the thought of lbn 'Arabi and Sirhindi pantheistic ideas again became a force in the mystic sphere.

In the propagation of' Ibn 'Arab^'s mystical thought Mahmud Shabistari's Gulshan-i Raz also played a very important role.

One of the most distinguished Persian Sufis who was a very enthusiastic advocate of lbn 'Arabi's idea was 'Abdur Rahman Jami (d.1492). I-Iis literary works and his mystical ideas were well known in India during his lifetime. Mahmud Gawan corresponded with him and Jami created in him an interest in Ibn 'Arabi's thought.

The last great mystic itinerant who visited Iran was Maulana Fazlullah, better known as Jamali. His meeting with Mauls na Jami at Harat was a historic event. Due to long and arduous travels. Jamali had no clothes on his body when he entered the majlis of' Maulana Jami. Jami was a bit displeased when he saw a beggar-looking visitor sit near him regardless of the dust and the dirt that had enveloped his body. When Jami came to know about his Indian origin, he asked him if he knew Jamali. Janiali recited the verse

41 Introduction

_Ila rá -a khkik-i kin}'Ut. pircihani-s/ bar tun

cm n ham :n cih-i el'c 'h, sad cheik Id hi-dciman

(I have on my body a garment made of the dust of your lane.

And that too tears have torn into hundreds of pieces.) and as those verses ran on his lips tears trickled down his cheeks and rolled on his body piercing the garment of' dust. Jami stood up excited, embraced him with mixed feelings of surprise, love and embarrassment. This meeting between Jami and Jamãli was in fact a historic meeting between mystic traditions of India and

Iran. Jami had written Natahit al-'Uns to popularize the great mystics of Islam and their teachings, Jamali wrote Sivar al-'Aritin on his return, perhaps inspired by Jami and after him compilation of mystic tadhkirahs gathered momentum in India.

The ethical and moral ideas enunciated by Persian masters like Sa'adi. 'Attar,

Rumi, Sana'i and Iraqi became the inspiring motive of the lives of the Indian saints. Taken as a whole. the Persian Sufi ideas and traditions supplied to Muslim mystical movement in South Asia its motive power. its driving force, its ideals and its goals.

SECTION-IV

DISCUSSION

This studv's results suggest that CS is used for facilitating SUFI communication with each other despite language barriers and cultural differences between generations. In the interactions between family of SUFI members, CS functions as a communicative strategy to clarify or reinforce the speaker's point, overcoming the gap of linguistic competence between the two languages. In relation to this. CS is used to promote each other's comprehension between family of SUFI members who have a different preferred language. Moreover. CS is employed to meet the

42 I,rtroducsion complex communicative purposes, which till a linguistic need for appropriate word or a lack of appropriate expression due to different cultural values. The

purpose of the linguistic choices and the result created by the choice reveal that CS is used as a communicative strategy to achieve particular conversational goals in interactions with other bilingual speakers.

SECTION-V

A COMMUNICATIVE STRATEGY AS LOWERING LANGUAGE BARRIERS

The shifts by the SUFIS show that CS is exercised according to the addressee, that is. the dynamic of the relationship of the speaker addressee to each other and to their particular language proficiency. CS is employed to negotiate the language for the interaction and accommodate each others language competences and preferences. Alongside the addresse's language choice. the father also switches back and forth between the two languages within a sentence. in consideration of

his children's language proficiency. Furthermore. how do switchcrs instantaneously measure listeners' proficiency in both languages outside of' the home domain, where multilingual and multicultural interactions take place?

The effect of repeating the same message by switching code performs the function of reinforcing point in Sufi discourse. In this sense. CS functions as a strategy to promote communication between adressee and the Sufi's. The (unction of code choices and CS varies in different cultures or language communities. Kramsch

(1998) claims that since culture is acquired. socially transmitted. and communicated in large part by language. the language choice must be examined in light of culture and in relation to the specific interactions. The language choices of participants in this study reveal that the factors determining the shifting vary in relation to particular social and cultural values.

43 Introduction

SECTION-VI

CONCLUSION

This study supports the possibilities that CS in SUFI discourse setting provides a resource For assisting communication and boding cultural identity across generations. The analysis helps raise awareness that CS. far from constituting a language or communicative deficit, supplies an additional resource that bilinguals systematically exploit to express a range of social and rhetorical meanings.

Moreover, this study also indicates that since CS is becoming increasingly common in more parts of the world, it is of the utmost importance to understand how CS. as a communicative strategy. functions in various settings. that is. across various linguistic and cultural systems. The limited data in this study point to the need for future research focusing on CS. related to how the communicative demands are achieved by switchers from diverse linguistic and cultural backgrounds in their multilingual and multicultural interactions.

44 Languages of South Asia

CHAPTER-lI

LANGUAGES OF SOUTH ASIA

INTRODUCTION

South Asia, also known as Southern Asia or the Indian Subcontinent. is the southern region of the Asian continent, which comprises the sub-Himalayan countries and, for some authorities, also includes the adjoining countries to the west and the east. Topo

According to the United Nations geographical region classification, Southern Asia comprises the countries of Bangladesh. Bhutan. India. Maldives. Nepal. Pakistan. and Sri Lanka. B other definitions and interpretations. Afghanistan, Burma. Iran, and 'Tibet are also sometimes included in the region of South Asia. South Asia is home to well over one fifth of the world's population. making it both the most populous and most densely populated geographical region in the world. The South

Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) is an economic cooperation organization in the region.

South Asia is home to several hundred languages. Most languages spoken in India

belong either to the Indo-European (74%). the Dravidian (24%), the Austro-

Asiatic (Munda) (1.2%). or the Tibeto-Burman (0.6%) families, with some languages of the Himalayas still unclassified. In South Asia. four language families make their presence felt. Indo-European languages. more specifically languages of the Indo-Aryan branch of Indo-European. dominate in the north:

while the south is the domain of the Dravidian languages (although some Dravidian languages are spoken further north, in particular Brahui. spoken in

45 Languages of South Asia

Pakistan). The northern fringe of the subcontinent is occupied by Sino-Tibetan languages, while the fourth family is Austro-Asiatic (or Munda-Mon-Khmer), whose languages are scattered from central India eastwards into Vietnam. In India itself, from the Austro-Asiatic family, Santali is the most commonly used language. The major languages of this family. Vietnamese and Khmer (Cambodian), are spoken in South-Fast Asia, while the major Sino-Tibetan languages are spoken in East and South-East Asia (e.g. Chinese, Burmese). In addition to these four families, there is one language isolate, Burushaski, spoken in northern Pakistan, while the genetic affiliations of the languages of the Andaman Islands remain unclear.

LANGUAGES IN INDIA

India also known as Bharat is the seventh largest country covering a land area of 32, 87,263 sq.km. It stretches 3,214 km. from North to South between the extreme latitudes and 2,933 km from East to West between the extreme longitudes. On this 2.4 % of earth's surface, lives 16% of world's population. With a population of 1,028,737,436 variations are there at every step of life. India is a land of bewildering diversity.

India is bounded by the Indian Ocean on the south, the Arabian Sea on the west and the Bay of Bengal on the cast. Many outsiders explored India via these routes. The whole of India is divided into twenty eight states and seven union territories. Each state has its own cultural and linguistic peculiarities and diversities. This diversity can be seen in every aspect of Indian life. Whether it is culture, language, script, religion, food, clothing etc. makes ones identity multi-dimensional. One's identity lies in his language, his culture, caste, state, village etc. So one can say India is a multi-centered nation. Indian mulfilinguaIism is unique in itself. It has been rightly said, Each part of India is a kind of replica of the bigger cultural space called India."

46 Languages of South Asia

Multilingualism in India is not considered a barrier but a boon. Languages act as bridges because it enables us to know about others. Indian multilingualism is multi layered and complex. Every single language has many variations, which are based on caste, region, gender, occupation, age etc. Like "Hindi" has as many as forty nine varieties based on region. Indian multilingualism is like a flower pot whose beauty enhances only when it has variety of flowers, flowers of different shades, different size, etc. Indian multilingualism cannot be understood under a single heading of -Language Families". The real essence of Indian multilingualism can best be defined in terms of "variations", i.e. knowing about the language families, tribal languages, races, script, regional languages, dialectical variations, idiolectal variation, registral variation, stylistic variation etc.

El YMo-Aryan Lmota"s

M.M"i Lanquages

• Attstro-Aslalk LmigthVes

KI "'_' ❑ TM4Wo rman Lwiwj.s

47 Languages of South Asia

In multilingual societies of the Indian subcontinent, one notices an inevitable measure of fluidity in the verbal repertoire of many speech groups who command native like control over more than one language. The demands of active bilingualism in a plural society expose an individual to "doing" language activity by accomplishing diverse task through a variety of speech styles, registers, dialects, and even languages.

Table 1.1: Family-Wise Grouping of the 122 Scheduled and Non-Scheduled Languages — (2001 Census).

Language Number of Persons who % to total Families Languages returned the population of India languages as their mother ton ue 1 2 3 4

Indo-Aryan 2 1 790.627,060 76.86

Dravidian 17 214.172.874 20.86

Austro-Asiatic 14 1 1,442,029 1.1 1

Tibeto-Burmese 66 10.30 .026 1.00

Languages of 4 200.573 0.03 foreign origin (English and Arabic)

Total 122 1,026,747,562 * 99.82*

* The balance of 1,762.388 (0.17%) population out of total Indian population 1,028.610.328 comprises of' 1,63 280 speakers of those languages and mother tongues which were not identifiable or returned by less than 10000 speakers at all India level and the population (127.108 persons) of Manipur which was not included in language data since the Census results were cancelled in 3 sub- divisions of Senapati district of Manipur in 2001.

48 Languages of South Asia

LANGUAGE FAMILIES (GENETIC VARIATION):

As stated earlier India is a hone to five major language families of the World: Indo-Aryan. Dravidian. Austro-Asiatic. 'I'ibeto-Burman and Andamanese. Earlier only four language families were identified, but now from new researches the Andamanese has also been included.

INDO ARYAN LANGUAGES

Indo-Aryan languages. the easternmost group within Indo-European. are spoken by approximately five hundred million persons in India, Pakistan. Bangladesh. Nepal and other parts of the I limalayan region. as well as in Sri Lanka. Gypsy (Romany) dialects of the USSR. the Middle East and North America are also of Indo-Aryan origin. Indo-Aryan is most closely related to Iranian, with which it forms the Indo-Iranian subgroup. speakers of which shared linguistic and cultural features, including a name they called themselves (Sanskrit arya-. Avestan airya-). Among the innovations that characterise Indo-Iranian is the merger of Proto-Indo- European , into : Skt. asti 'is'. pati- 'master, husband', ajati 'leads', dadhati 'puts. makes'. dadati 'gives', 'mother': Av. asti, paiti-, azaiti, dadaiti ('puts, makes. gives'), matar-: Gk. esti. posis. agei. tithesi. didosi, (Dor.). Two major phonological features distinguish Indo-Aryan from the rest of Indo-European, including Iranian. One of these is an inherited property: Indo-Aryan retains voiced aspirated stops. as in Sanskrit gharma- 'warmth', dadhati. bharati 'carries'. The other is an innovation: Indo-Aryan languages distinguish dental and retroflex stops. Originally, retroflex. arose through sound changes, as in Sanskrit 'resting place. nest'. 'reward', with. from, (< -izd-. -izdh-). Such developments resulted in contrastive retroflex stops. albeit restricted, and the compass of such consonants was extended through borrowings from Dravidian languages. Most Indo-Aryan languages still have voiced aspirates and retroflex stops, although in certain ones. abutting on non-Indo-Aryan languages. these contrasts have been reduced:

49 Languages of South;]sia

Sinhalese (Sinhala) has no aspirated stops, Kashntiri lacks voiced aspirates and Assamese (Asamiya) has no retroflex stops. Old Indo-Aryan is represented in numerous sources.

Middle Indo-Aryan

Middle Indo-Aryan documents are Asoka's edicts (third century BC), in various dialects. Middle Indo-Aryan languages were also used for other literary, philosophical and religious works. The Buddhist canon and later treatises of Theravada Buddhism are in Pali, the Jaina canon in Ardliamagadhi; Jainas also used Jaina and Sauraseni in works. The literary exemplar of Middle Indo-Aryan.. however, is. and the most advanced stages of Middle Indo-Aryan developments are found in dialects, used as literary vehicles from before the sixth century. All Middle Indo-Aryan varieties can be subsumed under the label Prakrit (Skt.. Pkt. paia- `stemming from the original, natural'), referring to vernaculars in contrast to the polished language called. Traditionally, most Indian commentators and grammarians of Prakrits derive these from Sanskrit, but there are formations in Prakrits found in Vedic sources but not in Classical Sanskrit. Thus, as Classical Sanskrit is not derivable from a single attested Vedic dialect, so the Prakrits cannot be derived from Classical Sanskrit. In the present study we have used Prakrit in a narrow sense, of Middle Indo-Aryan languages other than Asokan dialects, Pali.

There are abundant literary sources for New Indo-Aryan languages from the twelfth century on, some materials from earlier times. Several scripts have been and currently are used for Indo-Aryan languages. In ancient times, two major scripts were used on the subcontinent: written from right to left, was predominantly used in the north-west, Brahmi, written from Tell to right, elsewhere. Most scripts used for [ndo-Aryan languages stem from Brahmi, including Devanagari, widely employed for Sanskrit and now the official script for

50 Languages of South Asia

Hindi, Marathi, Nepali. The Arabic script, with modifications, is used for some Indo-Aryan languages, including Urdu.

Phonological and Grammatical Developments of IA Languages

The section sketches major phonological and grammatical developments that characterise Middle and New Indo-Aryan, using Old Indo-Aryan as a point of reference.

Phonology

In Middle [ndo-Aryan. word-final consonants other than -in, which developed to with shortening of a preceding vowel, were lost: Skt. putrat (abl. sg.) `sod, putras (nom. pl.), putram (ace. sg.): Pali putta. Interior clusters of dissimilar consonants were generally eliminated through assimilation (as in putta) or epenthesis: Ski. sakthi- 'thigh', varga- 'group', agni- 'lire', sukla- `white', pakva- `cooked, ripe', satya- `true', adya today': Pali satthi-, vagga-, with assimilation of the first consonant to the second, aggi-, sukka-, pakka-. with the second consonant assimilated to the first, and sacca-, ajja-, with palatalisation; similarly, Skt. rajna (inst. sg.) `king'. rajnas (gen. sg.): rarnna, ranno in the Girnar version of Asoka's first rock edict, but lajina, lajine, with epenthesis, in the version. Generally, a nasal remains unassimilated before an obstruent: Skt. Pali danta- `tooth'. Metathesis applies in clusters of h with nasals or Y. v: Skt. cihna- 'mark', sahya- to he endured', jihva- `tongue': Pali cinha-, sayha-, jivha-. Clusters of voiceless spirants with obstrucnts develop to obstruent sequences with aspiration: Skt. pascat 'afterwards'. hasta- 'hand': Pali paccha. hattha-. Further, clusters with voiceless spirants and nasals show voice assimilation and metathesis, resulting in nasals followed by h: Skt. 'thirst, longing': Pali.

Initial clusters changed in the same ways, with subsequent simplification: Skt. prathama- `first', tyajati 'abandons', skandha- shoulder'. snati `bathes': Pali ,

51 Languages of South Asia cajati. khandha-, nhayati. In compounds and preverb-verb combinations where the assimilated cluster was intervocalic, it was retained, resulting in alternations such as Pali 'measure': 'without measure. endless' (Skt.). In early Middle Indo-Aryan. word-internal single consonants were retained, as shown in examples cited. Later, as exemplified in , non-labial non-retroflex unaspirated obstruents were generally deleted, and p, b changed to v: loa- 'world, people', naa- 'mountain', paura- .ample', 2aa-'elephant'. 'awning'. savaha- 'oath': Skt. loka-. naga-, pracura-, gaja, vitana-, sapatha-. Presumably, an intermediate step prior to loss involved the voicing of consonants. and some dialects reflect this: for example, in Sauraseni intervocalic denials were voiced (ido 'hence'. tadha 'thus': Skt. Has, tathi). and thuhe 'stupa' (Ski. stupas) occurs in Asokan. ilic loss oi consonants resulted in word-internal sequences of vowels that were not found in Old Indo-Aryan, though such vowels were separated by y. v in some dialects. Intervocalic non-retroflex aspirates generally changed to h, but . were voiced, and developed to whence -I-: Pkt. saha-'branch'. meha- 'cloud', 'actor'. 'cloister' (Skt. kha-, megha ), Skt. 'plays': Pali Pkt. kilai. The spirantal system of Old Indo-Aryan was also generally simplified. On the evidence of A okan documents, dialects of the extreme north- west retained s, as in pa~ucikisa 'medical treatment for cattle', (loc. pl.) 'years'. But elsewhere the sibilants merged to s. and later in the east, as represented by Maoadhi. one has s (e.g. kescsu (loc. pl.) 'hair', sahassa-'thousand': Skt. sahasra. In, -s(s)- developed to -h-. as in taho 'of' that' (Pali tassa, Skt. tasya), and intervocalic nasals lost their occlusion, resulting in nasalisation. as in gau 'village' (Pkt. oamo, Skt. `ramas). passe `through the grace of (Pkt , Skt. prasadena).

The Middle Indo-Aryan vowel system also shows major developments. As shown. word-internal vowel sequences not permitted earlier now occurred. Conversely. overheavy syllables with long vowels followed by consonant clusters permissible in Old Indo-Aryan, were eliminated, through shortening of vowels or reduction of clusters. Moreover, as and were prosodically equivalent, one has either as reflex of

52 Languages of South Asia earlier. For example: Skt. 'lac', dirgha- 'long', svasru- 'mother-in-law', 'mustard seed': Pali lakha-. digha-, sassu-, sasapa-: Pkt. lakkha-. diggha-/digha-, sasu-, sasava-. In addition, vocalic is replaced by various vowels: ai, au. were monophthongised to e, o: -aya-, -avadeveloped to -e-, -o; and short e. o arose through shortening before clusters: Skt. 'bear'. 'scorpion'. 'asks', taila- oil', jayati 'is victorious', 'looks'. aurasa- 'legitimate'. bhavati 'is'. maulya- 'price': Pali accha-, vicchika-, pucchati. tela, jeti. pekkhati. orasa-. hoti. molla-.

Moreover, many of the complex morphophonemic alternations that applied in Old Indo-Aryan across word boundaries were eliminated. Certain phonological developments also characterised major dialect areas. As noted, the extreme north- \ est retained different sibilants. In addition. at Asoka's time the extreme west and east respectively were characterised by having r. consonant assimilation and -o for earlier -as and its variants as opposed to 1. a tendency to epenthesis and -e: ranno versus lajine. Some of the tendencies observed earlier continue in evidence into New Indo-Aryan. Thus, the resolution of to takes place in some areas: Gujarati paku 'ripe'. 'a sweet': Hindi pakka,. Though ai. au are retained well into the modern period and still found, they are also monophthongised. as in Hindi h£ 'is', 'fourth' (spelled hai. cauth~i). Middle Indo-Aryan, develop to flaps (but the etymological spellings are retained) except in initial position and after nasals; e.g., I lindi 'sari' (Pkt.). In the north-west, assimilation affects a sequence of a nasal with an obstruent: Panjabi dand 'tooth' versus I-Iindi. On the other hand, the widespread loss of earlier final vowels results in word-final consonants, although in certain areas the final vowels are retained: e.g. Panjabi dand. Hindi, but Sindhi Dandu. The last has an initial imploded stop, characteristic of Sindhi and some adjacent languages. Dialectal developments have resulted in other phonological features not found in Middle Indo-Aryan. For example, Panjabi developed a tonal system, Kashmiri has developed pharyngealised consonants; in languages of the south-west there are two sets of affricates, as in Marathi c (=ts) c; versus and

53 Languages of South Asia languages of the extreme east have rounded the vowel a, as in Bengali (Bangla), where one also finds limited vowel harmony.

Morphology and Syntax

The grammatical system of Middle Indo-Aryan is characterised by a general reduction of complexities in comparison with Old Indo-Aryan. The dual is eliminated as a category distinct from the plural. The trend to replace variable consonant stems with single stems ending in vowels, already evident in Old Indo- Aryan (e.g. Skt. danta- `tooth', earlier dant-/dat-), continues: Pali gacchanta- 'going' (mase. nom. sg. gacchanto, gen. pl. ) as against Skt. gacchant-Igacchat-.

The loss of final consonants also contributed to the steady elimination of consonant stems, e.g. Pali apa- 'emergency', sappi- 'butter': Skt. apad-, sarpis-. The nominal case system too is reduced. At an early stage. the dative is replaced by the genitive except in expressing a goal or purpose: Pali pi abhayam dammi '1 grant (dammi) them too (pi) security has a genitive construed with dammi, and Jaina namo `homage to those men' has a genitive in construction with name. Formal datives occur in examples like Akkan etaya atthaya 'this has been caused to be written for this purpose (etaya atthaya)'. Pali jhassu apunahhhavanaya 'give up (jhassu) your body so as not to be born again (apunabbhavanaya)'. In addition, nominal and pronominal types are less strictly segregated, as can be seen from etaya, (Skt. etasmai, ) in examples cited.

Although early Middle Indo-Aryan retains middle forms, the contrast between active and medio-passive in the verb system is generally obliterated. Thus, Pali has mannali 'thinks'. jayati 'is born' and passives of the type vuccati ìs said', with etymologically active endings; contrast Skt. manyate, jayate, ucyate. The contrast between two kinds of future formations is absent in Middle Indo-Aryan, which has the type Pali hossati `will be'. Further. the distinction among aorist, imperfect and perfect is obliterated. With few exceptions, the sigmatic norist supplies the 54 .. ,. Laneuaees ofSo,ah Asia productive preterit. Thus, Pali has several preterital formations, but the productive one is sigmatic and based on the present stem, not on the root as in Old Indo- Aryan: ahosi `was (3 sg.), were' (pres. hoti honti), agacchi, (gacchati, gacchanti). In later Middle Indo-Aryan, verbally inflected preterits are generally given up in favour of participial forms, as in Sàuraseni maharao vi aado the king (rnaharao) also (vi) has arrived (aado)', where aado agrees in cast, number and gender with maharao. The participle of a verb that takes a direct object shows object agreement: in Jaina vi 'he too has told everything', (inst. sg.) refers to the agent, and `told' agrees with (nom. sg. nt.) èverything'. If no object is explicitly referred to, the neuter nominative singular of a participle is used; e.g., Jaina paccha 'afterwards, the king (inst. sg. ) thought'.

Alternations of the Type Skt. asti-santi are eliminated in Middle Indo-Aryan. where the predominant present formation involves a single stem: Pali eti 'goes' enti `go', sakkoti-sakkonti (sak 'be able'), chindati-chindanti (chid `cut'). Stems like chinda- reflect a generalisation, based on a reanalysis of third plural forms, of sterns with - a. The elimination of strictly athematic presents with variable steins allowed the use of the second singular imperative -hi in a domain wider than this had in Old Indo-Aryan; e.g., Pali j iva`lti 'live' (Skt. j iva). Similarly, optatives with -e- and -ya- are not sharply segregated; a form like Pali bhaveyya (3 sg.) shows a blend of the two. Middle Indo-Aryan continues to use morphological causatives with -i-/-e- (Pali 3 sg. pres. kareti), but the type in -ape- (Pkt. -ave-) is extended beyond its earlier domain, as in Pali vasapoti 'has... stay'. Nominal forms of the Middle Indo- Aryan verb system are of the same types as in Old Indo-Aryan: present and past participles (see above), gerundives (Pali katabba-'to be done', dassaniga-'worthy of being seen'), gerunds, infinitives, with sonic innovations. For example, Pali nikkhamitva 'after leaving' has -tva- after a compound, and has added to the present stem, not the root. Contrast Skt. praptum.

55 Lange .ges of South Asia

The late Middle Indo-Aryan stage represented in foreshadows New Indo-Aryan in several ways. Forms of the nominal system with -au, -au, -i presage the modern oppositions among masculine, cuter and feminine types such as Gujarati nano, nave, navi 'new', Ilindi naya, nai (in.. t:). The case system of is at a more advanced stage of disintegration than found earlier. For example, instrumental and locative plurals are now formally identical and etymologically instrumental singular forms like are used in locatival function: bharahu thakku 'Bharata is located (thakku) in the southern division'. The paucity of distinct forms is evident in personal pronouns, where, for example. mai, pal (1'`. 2"`~ person sg.) have functions equivalent to older accusative, instrumental and locative forms. Although has some presents like hoi 'is'. stems in —a of the type kara- 'do. make' (3 sg. karai) predominate. The causative type karava- (karavai) is comparable to New Indo-Aryan formations (e.g. Gujarati karays clot; 'has... do'). Moreover, has causative formations found in modern languages but not attested earlier in Middle Indo-Aran: e.g. 'cause to turn' (Gujarati).

The gender system of earlier Indo-Aryan is retained in some modern languages, but is reduced in others (e.g. l-iindi, with masculine and feminine only): some languages (e.g. Bengali) have eliminated systematic gender distinctions. Various inflectional forms are retained (e.g. Gujarati agentive 'I'). but the prevalent modern nominal system involves stems and postpositions or, much less commonly. prepositions. Over a large area of New Indo-Aryan. one finds variable nominals with direct and oblique forms: the former used independently, the latter with postpositions and other clitic elements. For example. Gujarati has singular direct forms in -o (m.). -u (nt.). -i (f.), oblique forms in -a (m.-nt.), -1. Some languages (e.g Hindi) distinguish direct and oblique in the plural, others (e.g Gujarati) do not. There are also nominals without these variations. Combinations of stems and postpositions serve the functions of inflected forms in earlier Indo- Aryan. Different languages have different postpositions for the same functions: e.g

56 Languages of South Asia

Hindi -ko. Gujarati -ne mark definite direct objects, regularly animate, and indirect objects. Adjectives in general are formally like nouns, which they regularly precede in attributive constructions, and, with few exceptions, postpositions follow such phrases, not individual components_ e.g Gujarati tamara dikrane joyo `1 saw your son.' Second person pronouns in New Indo-Aryan are differentiated essentially according to distinctions of deference, distance and familiarity, not according to number; e.g Ilindi äp has plural agreement but can refer to one person. Languages of the south-west also distinguish between first person inclusive and exclusive forms: e.g Gujarati ame (exclusive). In demonstrative and relative pronouns, languages differ with regard to gender distinctions made; e.g Marathi relative singular jo (in.), je (nt.). ji (f.), Gujarati je for all genders. They also differ in the deictic distinctions made. The tendency to incorporate nominal forms in the verb system, evident in earlier times, continues into New Indo-Aryan. For example, Hindi has a contrast comparable to that of Bengali korchi 'am doing', kori 'do', both verbally inflected, but instead uses nominally inflected forms: kar raha/rahi hir `am doing', karts/ karti hu do'. Gujarati lacks the contrast, but has verbally inflected presents (karu chit 'do, am doing') and nominally inflected preterits (karto hato, kartT hati). Temporal auxiliaries like Hindi hit, Gujarati chit show verbal inflection, as do imperatives and sonic other forms. Person-number distinctions accord with the use of pronouns, but some languages (e.g. Bengali) have given up number distinctions in the verb. Future formations also show a real difference. Some languages have futures with -s- or -h- (e.g Gujarati karis `I will do'). but -b- is characteristic of the east (e.g Bengali jabe `will go') and there are future formations that include gender distinctions, as in Hindi jaega 'he will go', jacgi `she will go'. The perfective of many New Indo- Aryan languages is semi-ergative, reflecting earlier participial constructions. For example, Gujarati gher gayo/gal 'he/she event home' has masculine gayo, feminine gall, depending on whether the agent is a man or a woman, but in tam rä dTkra-ne joyo '1 saw your son' agreement (m. sg. joyo) is determined by the object (dikra-

57 Languages of South Asia

ne `son'). Some languages (e.g Hindi) suspend agreement if an object nominal rll takes a postposition, so that the construction is no longer strictly passive. A formal passive such as nahi bulaya jaega (msg.) 'will not he invited' in an example like Hindi bacco-ko nahi bulaya jaega `children will not be invited' is also construed with a noun phrase containing an object marker (bacco-ko), so that this construction too is different from the passive of earlier lndo-Aryan. Moreover, formal passives normally are used in sentences without agent expressions except under particular semantic conditions; e.g Gujarati marathi nahi jaway `I (agentive mars-thi) won't be able to go'. with the passive jaw-a-y (; cg. pres.). As shown, formal passives are also not restricted to transitive verbs, and in some languages they are formed with a suffix, in others they are periphrastic formations. Examples cited illustrate the usual unmarked word order of most New Indo-Aryan languages: subject (including agentive forms), object (with attributive adjectives, including number words, before this and preceded by possessives), and verb (with auxiliaries). Adverbials can precede sentences or the verb. Relative clauses generally precede correlative clauses. A notable exception to the above, at least in its superficial order, is Kashmiri, where the verb occurs in second position.

It suggests that Indo Aruan is the largest language family both in geographical spread and numerical strength. It has a total of 790,627.060 speakers constituting A 76.86% of the total Indian population. It consists of 2] languages.

They are:

I. Assamese 12. Lahnda 2. Bengali 13. Maithili 3. BhiliJBhilodi 14. Marathi 4. Bishnupuriya 15. Nepali 5. Dogri 16.Oriya 6. Gujarati 17. Punjabi

58 Languages of South Asia

7. Ilalabi 18. Sanskrit S. Hindi 19. Shina 9. Kashmiri 20. Sindhi 10. Khandeshi 21. Urdu 11. Konkani

Out of 21 Indo Aryan Languages 15 have been recognized by the Constitution as Scheduled languages. They are Assamcse, Bengali. Dogri. Gujarati. Hindi, Kashmiri. Konkani. Maithili. Marathi. Nepali. Oriya. Punjabi. Sanskrit. Sindhi. and Urdu. The Indo-Aryan languages basically cover the northern and the central rcL!ion of' lndia.

DRAVADIAN LANGUAGES

[he Dravidian language family, the world's fourth largest. consists of twenty-five languages spread over the South Asian subcontinent. It has four branches:

1. South Dravidian with Tamil. Kota. 'l'oda. Badaoa. and 'lulu;

2. South-Central Dravidian with Telugu, Savara. Penoo. Kui and Kuvi:

3. Central Dravidian with Kolami. Naiki, Parji, 011ari and Gadaba; and

4. North Dravidian with. Malto and Brahui.

Over the past fifteen years reports of other languages have appeared, but without adequate grammars we cannot determine whether these are new, independent languages or simply dialects of ones already known. Indu and Awe have been reported in South-Central Dravidian. Kuruba, Yerava, Yerukula, Korava. Koraga, Bellari and Burgundi in South Dravidian.

Certain dialects of and may prove under closer inspection to be independent languages. The Dravidian languages are spoken by approximately 175.000,000

59 of South Aria people. Though concentrated in South India, the Dravidian languages are also found in Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh. Orissa, West Bengal and Bihar; and, outside India, in Sri Lanka, Pakistan, Nepal and the Maldives. The Dravidian languages share the South Asian subcontinent with three other language families: the Indo-Aryan branch of Indo-European, the Munda branch of Austro-Asiatic and Sino-Tibetan. Commerce and colonisation have carried some Dravidian languages, particularly Tamil. beyond South Asia to Burma. Indonesia, Malaysia, Fiji, Madagascar, Mauritius, Guyana, Martinique and Trinidad.

The Eighth Schedule of the Indian Constitution (1951) mandates the creation of states along linguistic lines, and accords official status to four Dravidian languages: Tamil in Tamil Nadu, in Kerala, in Karnataka and Telugu in Andhra Pradesh. These four have long histories, recorded in epigraphy and native literatures: Tamil dates from the second century BC; from the fourth century AD; Telugu from the seventh century AD; and from the tenth century AD. Starting with Caldwell's (1875) Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian Languages, linguists have reconstructed a fragment of Proto-Dravidian. This fragment incorporates those features the Dravidian languages have in common and may be said to typify what is `Dravidian in a language. Proto-Dravidian has ten vowels, five short and five long: a, A, i. y u, u, e, e, o, 8. It has sixteen consonants, including an unusual system of stops contrasting in six points of articulation: labial, dental, alveolar, retroflex, palatal and velar, viz. p, t. R, c, k. Four nasals, m, n. ii; four resonants, 1, r, ; and two glides, v. y, complete the inventory of consonants. Alveolars, retroflexcs and resonants do not occur word-initially. Caldwell's Law describes the allophony of stops: they are voiceless when they occur initially or geminated, but voiced when they occur intervocalically or after nasals. Several metrical rules govern the composition of syllables, e.g. alternates with as in the two stems of the verb 'see', * vs. *. Though bisyllabic roots are occasionally indicated, reconstructed lexical roots are by and large monosyllabic.

Languages of South Asia

While any of the five vowel qualities may appear in a root, only a, i, u, may appear in a derivative suffix.

Dravidian morphology is transparent, agglutinating and exclusively suffixal. The order of elements in a word is: lexical root, derivational suffix, inflectional suffix. Proto-Dravidian has two parts of speech: noun and verb, both of which appear in simple and compound forms. Nouns inflect for case, person, number and gender. Proto-Dravidian has eight cases: nominative, accusative, sociative, dative, genitive, instrumental, locative and ablative. These eight are supplemented by postpositions. derived from independent nouns or non-finite verbs. Predicate nominals can be inflected to agree with their subjects, e.g in Ancient Tamil —oin marks the first person plural in nam 'wel (are) countrymen'. Proto-Dravidian has

4 two numbers: singular and plural. Preto-Dravidian gender distinguishes animate and inanimate nouns on the basis of the natural gender of the referent, not `grammatical' or conventional gender. Animate nouns may further be classified as honorific, masculine or feminine. A nouns animacy helps determine other of its grammatical features: animates take the locative case marker inanimates *-it; most animates have the plural marker *-ir>, inanimates * the accusative case marker *- ay is obligatory for animates, but optional for inanimates. The very extensive system of compound nouns can be illustrated by the set of dcictic pronouns, which contrast in four degrees: *ivan `this man'. *uvan `that man nearby'. *avian 'that man yonder', *evan 'which, any man'. These are compound nouns, e.g *avian `that man yonder' consists of the nouns *a- 'that (one) yonder' and *-(v)an `man'. Complex compound nouns are often translated into English as a sequence of numeral, adjective and noun; but the internal structure of these Dravidian expressions is that of a compound noun.

Proto-Dravidian verbs are those forms that inflect for verbal categories such as tense and mood. There are two tenses, past and non-past, and two moods, modal and indicative From a formal viewpoint verbs are finite or non-finite. Finite verbs

61 Languages of South Asia inflect for tense and subject-verb agreement. These inflections are overt, or, in the imperative and optative, covert. Proto-Dravidian has a constraint that limits the number of finite verbs in a sentence to a maximum of one: that lone verb stands at the extreme end of the sentence and commands all other verbs within. In effect, it brings the sentence to a close. All remaining verbs in the sentence must be non- finite. The first major set of non-finite verbs is defined as those which combine with a following verb, with or without other grammatical material coming between the two. In this set we find the infinitive, conjunctive participle and conditional. The second major set comprises all those non-finite verbs that combine with a following noun to form relative clauses and similar structures. Dravidian languages rely on a rich system of compound verbs to extend the somewhat limited set of simple verb forms. Lexical compound verbs supplement the lexicon by providing a complex morphosyntactic vehicle for combinations of lexical meanings which are not encoded in any single lexeme of the language. For example, the Tamil lexical compound vara 'bring' consists of the conjunctive participle of `hold' and an inflected form of vara 'come'. Auxiliary compound verbs, on the other hand. provide morphosyntactic vehicles for those verbal categories which are not encoded in any simple verb form of the language, e.g. perfect tense, benefaclivc voice. In this colloquial example the auxiliary verb iru `be' conveys the perfect tense: nan hand (u) iddTni 'II have3 comet'.

The basic word order in the Proto-Dravidian sentence is subject-object-verb (SOV). In Dravidian, as in other rigid SOV languages, genitives precede the nouns they modify, main verbs precede auxiliaries and complements precede their matrix clauses. Though explicit nominal morphology allows some freedom of variation in word order, verbs stay at the end of their clauses. Simple sentences consist of a subject and predicate. The subject is a noun phrase inflected for the nominative or, in certain predictable cases, the dative case; the predicate may be a verb or

62 Languages of South Asia

predicate nominal. Dravidian permits alveolars, retroflexes and resonants to appear initially, e.g.

Telugu l~- 'young (one)' from * 'id'.

The influx of Indo-Aryan loan words has introduced both initial voiced stops and the distinction between aspirated and non-aspirated stops in some languages. e.g.

the contrast between the dative and accusative cases has been neutralised in Pengo

animate nouns in favour of what historically was the dative. When the joints of auxiliary compound verbs fuse, new conjugations arise. e.g. the Medieval Tamil

present tense, the Kui objective conjugation, the Pengo present perfect tense. The syntactic influence of neighbouring Indo-Aryan languages has reversed the order

of complement and matrix in North Dravidian. Thus. Malto a loker tan laboh ote 'those l people2 sawti 3 that4 (it) was6 heavy5' contrasts with the common Dravidian order in Tamil kaNamaka irukkiRatu eNRu 'they4 saws that3 (it) is2

heavy1'. Despite a certain measure of change in phonology and lexicon, Proto-

Dravidian morphology and syntax has persisted remarkably well in South. South- Central and Central Dravidian.

It shows that Dravidian is the second largest language family. It has a total of

214,17 2.874 speakers constituting 20.82% of the Indian population. It consists of a 17 languages.

They are:

1. Coorgi/Kodagu. 10. Kui

2. Gondi 11. KurukhOraon

3. Jatapu 12. Malayalam

4. Kannada 13. Malto

5. Khond/Kondh 14. Parji

63 Languages of South Asia

6. Kisan 15. I'amil

7. Kolami 16. Telugu

8. Konda 17.'lulu.

9. Kova

Out of all these 4 Dravadian Languages are Scheduled languages. They are Kannada. Malayalam. Tamil. and "l'eluau. These languages are mainly spoken in the Southern part of India. with an exception of Kurukh which is spoken in the Gumla District of Jharkhand.

AUSTRO ASIATIC (MUNDA)

The Munda language family is one of the oldest language groups of the Indian sub continent. The wide variety of Munda languages are primarily spoken by the tribal communities of India. The languages of the Munda family represent the rich traditions of India that has percolated to the modern era. An important way of expressing one's inner most feelings and ideas. the Munda languages enables the indigenous and primitive tribes of the country to converse with one another with much ease and comfort. The Munda languages of India arc spoken with different accents and pronunciations. One of the prominent languages tinder the group of the Munda languages is the Santali language that is spoken by a huge population of India. Primarily the chief language of the Santhal tribe of India. the language has been adopted by many other tribal groups. The Santali language boasts to be the only language that has a script and can be expressed in writing. The Munda languages are believed to share similarities with the Mon-Khmer languages that are widely prevalent in the South eastern Asia. The Mon-Khmer languages come under the group of the Austro-Asiatic language family. Munda' is a group of languages belonging to the Austroasiatic language tamely spoken in eastern and central India. primarily in the states of Orissa. Jharkand. Bihar. and Madhya Pradesh and in adjacent areas of West Bengal. Maharashtra. and Andhra Pradesh.

64 Languages of South Asia

Some Munda speakers are found in expatriate or diaspora communities throughout India. Nepal. and western Bangladesh as well. In earlier literature, Munda is often referred to as Kol or Kolarian. The Munda language family recognizes a major split between a North Munda and a South Munda subgroup. Within the North Munda subgroup. there is a binary opposition between Korku and a large group of Kherwarian languages, which is perhaps more properly described as a dialect continuum. Kherwarian includes both the largest of the Munda languages, Santali, with nearly 7 million speakers. as well as some of the smallest, such as l3irhor, with under 1000. Other noteworthy North Munda languages include Mundari and IIo. each with approximately 1 million speakers. and smaller languages such as Agariya. Asuri. Bhumij (Mundari). Karmali Santali.Koraku. Korwa. Mahali. and Turi. Publications languages (Mundari. IIo. Santali). including a range of Santali publications in a native orthography (the 01' Ceniet script). The newly founded "trihal' state of Jharkhand has a Munda-speaking majority and is lobbying to have some form of Kherwarian declared another state language of India.

The South Munda subgroup is older and more internally diversified than North Munda. At least the following languages belonging to this subgroup:

Sora (Savara). Jurav, Gorum (Parengi, Parenga), Gutob (Gadaba, Bodo). Remo (Bonda. Rondo), Gta (Gata. Didev). Kharia. and Juang. In terms of further subgrouping, it is clear that Sora and Gorunl form a branch of their own, as do the closely related Gutob and Remo. Gta , which is properly speaking two separate languages: the poorly known Hill Geta and Plains Riverside Geta . has been traditionally linked at a slightly higher taxonomic level with Gutob-Remo (so- called Gutob-Remo-Gta ), and Kharia and Juang have been linked together in a branch as well. These latter two classifications are tenuous and remain to be adequately demonstrated (Anderson. 2001). South Munda languages range I.total number of speakers from 300,000 or more Sora speakers to between 150,000 and 200,000 Kharia speakers to Gutob with approximately 30,000-50,000 total

M Languages of South Asia speakers and Juang with around l x,000 speakers. The remaining South Munda languages have around 2000-4000 speakers each. Typologically speaking, all

Munda languages are moderately to extensively agglutinating, show SOV basic clause structure. and possess preglottalized or unreleased 'checked' consonants. This latter feature is quintessentially Munda. and readily distinguishes Munda languages from the surrounding languages of the subcontinent.

The shift to SOV word order from SVO to VSO may be attributed to influence from Indo--Aryan or Dravidian languages (Anderson, 2003), which varies from moderate to strong in individual Munda languages. Generally speaking, the southernmost South Munda languages show the greatest degree of' structural influence from local tribal Dravidian and lexical influence from the local tribal Indo—Aryan (e.g Desia/Kotia Oriya). In addition. Kharia has been heavily influenced by Kherwarian North Munda languages such as Mundari. Kherwarian North Munda languages are characterized h a high degree of morphological complexity. standing out even within the morphologically rich languages of South Asia. Among the most noteworthy characteristic features of Kherwarian verb structure is the extensive system of referent indexing that includes, subjects, objects (direct and indirect), henefactives. and possessors as well. An example of this type of marking may be seen in the following Santali form:

(I) Santali (North Munda) sukri-ko gc'c-ke-d-e-tin- -a pig-PL die-ASP-TR-3-IPOSS-FIN

'then killed my pig'

South Munda languages show a lesser degree of morphemic complexity than their sister languages to the north. Making this assertion is not to say that large complexes are not found among the South Munda languages, however. All South

66 Languages of South Asia

Munda languages reflect some degree of noun incorporation, either as an active morphosyntactic process (Sora. Gta) or preserved only in lexicalized formations (Kharia). In fact. Sora is among the very small number of the worlds languages that allows for both instances of multiple noun incorporation (2). as well as the typologically unusual agent incorporation with transitive verbs (3)

(2) Sora (South Munda) jo-me-bob-dem-to-n-ai smear-oil-head-R1: LXV-NPAS'I'-IN'I'R-CLOC/I

'I will anoint my head with oil'

(3) Sora (South Munda) n- am-kit-t-arn sa-bud-t-am seize-tiger-NPAST-2 mangle-bear-NPAST-2

'tiger will seize you' 'bear will mangle you'

South Munda languages also show agreement in the verb with a possessor of a logical argument, but unlike Santali. which utilizes a special set of possessive inflectional suffixes. South Munda languages like Gorum show the more typologically 'normal' pattern of 'Possessor Raising' (4), raising the possessor to term argument and encoding it in the verb in a manner identical to object marking.

Gorum (South Munda)

putiputi-nom it-om lu r-om

heart-2 beat-2 AUX-2

'Your heart is beating'

67 Languages Of South Asia

Among the more salient phonological features of' the Munda languages from a South Asia areal perspective include, in addition to the characteristic 'checked' consonants mentioned above (5). are such areally atypical features of individual Munda languages as low tone in Korku. creaky voice in Gorum, prenasalized stops in Santali. and, unusual syllable structure in Gta following a series of regular sound changes (seen in such words as Gta itself). Munda languages also make extensive use of auxiliary verb constructions. Both a wide range of formal and functional subtypes of auxiliary verb constructions are found across the Munda language family. In general. these are in keeping with both typological and areal norms. Thus, one finds the use of the verb 'eat in a passive construction found in a number of South Asian languages in such languages as Juang (6). Further, doubled or serialized awreement is found in auxiliary verb constructions in Gorum (7). and is characteristic of local Dravidian languages as well (Parji. Gondi. etc.).

(6) Juang Juang

ain- ma'd-jim-sEkE ain- mad-jim-sErc

I beat-eat-

PER F. P RES .T

I beat-eat-PI✓IZF.I'AS'1'.T

' I am beaten' 'I was beaten'

(7) Gorum

min ne-ga -ru ne-la -ru

I 1-eat-PAST 1-hit-PAST

1 '1 ate vigorously'

68 Languages of South Asia

Among present-day researchers of Munda languages, Norman Zide deserves special mention.

To conclude it can be said that this family has 11.442,029 numbers of speakers constituting 1.11% of the total population of India. It consists of 14 languages, which can he divided into groups: Khmer-Nicobarese and Munda. Khmer- Nicobarese consists of 2 languages, i.e. Khasi and Nicobarese. The Munda group comprises of 12 languages. i.e, Bhumij, Gadaba. Ho. Juang. Kharia, Koda/Kora, Korku. Korwa, Munda, Mundari, Santali and Savara. Languages of this family are spoken in the islands of Andaman and Nicobar and some states like Jharkhand. Madhya Pradesh, etc. Among all these languages only Santhali has been included in the Eighth scheduled, under the 92"" Constitutional Amendment in 2003.

TIBETO BURMAN

Tibeto-Burman languages were spoken by approximately 57 million people; countries that had more than I million Tibeto-Burman speakers included Myanmar (Burma; about 29 million), China (some 17.2 million), India (about 5.5 million), Nepal (some 2.5 million), and Bhutan (about 1.2 million). Other countries with substantial numbers of "I ibcto-Burman speakers included Thailand (535,000), Bangladesh (530,000), Pakistan (360,000), Laos (42,000), and Vietnam (40,000).

The great Sino-Tibetan (ST) language family, comprising Chinese on the one hand and Tibeto-Burman (fB) on the other, is comparable in time-depth and internal diversity to the Indo-European language family and is equally important in the context of world civilization. The cultural and numerical predominance of Chinese (more than 1.3 billion speakers) is counterbalanced by the sheer number of languages (some 250-300) in the Tibeto-Burman branch. Many scholars, especially in China, interpret '`Sino-Tibetan" to include the'Iai and Hmong-Mien families as well, although a consensus is developing that these two families, while possibly related to each other, have only an ancient contact relationship with

Languages of South Asia

Chinese. After the existence of the Tibeto-Burman family was posited in the mid- 19th cent ury, British scholars, missionaries, and colonial administrators in India and Burma (now Myanmar) began to study some of the dozens of little-known "tribal" languages of the region that seemed to be genetically related to the two major literary languages, Tibetan and Burmese. This early work was collected by Sir George Abraham Grierson in the Linguistic Survey of India (1903-28), three sections of which (vol. 3, parts 1. 2 and 3) are devoted to word lists and brief texts from TB languages.

Further progress in TB studies had to wait until the late 1930s, when Robert Shafer headed a project called Sino-Tibetan Linguistics at the University of California, Berkeley. This project assembled all the lexical material then available -0 on TB languages, enabling Shafer to venture a detailed subgrouping of the family at different taxonomic levels, called (from higher to lower) divisions, sections, branches, units, languages. and dialects. This work was finally published in a two- volume, five-part opus called Introduction to Sino-Tibetan.

Basing his own work on the same body of material, Paul K. Benedict produced an unpublished manuscript titled Sino-Tibetan: A Conspectus in the early 1940s. In that work he adopted a more modest approach to supergrouping and subgrouping. A revised and heavily annotated version of the Conspectus was published in 1972, ushering in the modem era of Sino-Tibetan historicallcomparative linguistics.

Influences from Chinese on the one hand and Into-Aryan languages on the other have contributed significantly to the diversity of the "I B family. It is convenient to refer to the Chinese and Indian spheres of cultural influence as the Sinosphere and the Indosphere. Some languages and cultures are firmly in one or the other: the TB languages of Nepal and much of the Kamarupan branch of'I B are Indospheric, as are the Munda and Khasi branches of Austroasiatic. The Loloish branch of TB. the Hmong-Mien family, the Kam-Sui branch of Kadai, and the Viet-Muong branch

70 Languages of South Asia of Mon-Khmer are Sinospheric. Others (such as Tibetan and Thai), have been influenced by both Chinese and Indian cultures. Still other linguistic communities are so geographically remote that the have escaped significant influence from either cultural tradition, as with the Aslian branch of Mon-Khmer in Malaya and the Nicobarese branch in the Nicobar Islands of the Indian Ocean.

Elements of Indian culture. especially ideas of social hierarchy (varna). religions (Hinduism and Buddhism). and Devanagari writing systems, began to penetrate both insular and peninsular Southeast Asia about 2000 years ago. Indic writing systems were adopted first by speakers of Austronesian (Javanese and Cham) and Austroasiatic languages (Khmer and Mon) and then by speakers of I'ai (Thal and Lao) and TB languages (Pyu. Burmese. and Karen). The learned components of the vocabularies of Khmer. Mon, Burmese. Thai. and Lao consist of words of Pali and Sanskrit origin. Indian influence also spread north to the Himalayan region. Tibetan has used Devanagari writing since 600 CE but has preferred to create new religious and technical vocabulary from native morphemes rather than Indic ones.

Whatever their genetic affiliations, the languages of the Sino-Tibetan area have undergone massive convergence in all areas of their structure, phonological. grammatical, and semantic. I-Iundreds of words have crossed over genetic boundaries in the course of millennia of intense language contact, and it is often exceedingly difficult to distinguish ancient loans from genuine cognates.

The Himalayish Group

This group includes the Bodic languages (Tibetan and its dialects), as well as Kanauri-Manchad. Kiranti (or Rai). Lepcha (of Sikkim). and Ne,%var. Progress has been particularly impressive in the study of the nearly 70 Tibeto-Burman languages of Nepal, especially those of the Tamang-Gurung-Thakali-Manang group. as well as Kham-Magar, Chepang, Sunwar, and the Kiranti languages of

71 Languages of South Asia eastern Nepal. The westernmost languages in the Tibeto-Burman family, such as Pattani (or Manchad), belong to the Himalayish group.

Himalayish languages generally preserve prefixes and initial clusters well, along with final -s, -r, and -I. Written Tibetan, attested since the early 7'h century CE, is consonantally the most archaic of the attested Tibeto-Burman languages, preserving initial consonant combinations that had disappeared from Chinese a millennium before.

The Kamarupan Group

The Conspectus assigns the very numerous Tibeto-flurman languages of northeastern India and adjacent regions of Myonmar and Bangladesh to the Kuki- Chin-Naga. Abor-Miri-Dafla (what Shafer called Mirish), and Bodo-Garo (Shafer's Barish) groups. Several other important languages of this area, including Mikir (Karbi), Meithei (Manipuri), and Mru (not the same as the Burmish language Maru), were not included by the Conspectus in any larger group. Of all these languages, the Mirish ones seem to be the most lexically aberrant from the viewpoint of Tibeto-Burman in general, even in their n unerals. Thus, it is hard to recognize the general Proto-TIbeto-Burman roots *s-nis'seven,' *b-r-gyat `eight.' and *d-gaw `nine' in Aka mulh, sikzi and stho, respectively (the asterisk, "*," indicates a hypothetical or reconstructed form).

All these languages have been provisionally lumped together in the Berkeley heuristic schema under the geographical rubric of Kamarupan (from Karnariipa, the Sanskrit term for Assam). These Indospheric languages constitute the centre of diversification of the whole Tibeto-Burman family. The Indian state of Nagaland alone, an area of only about 6,400 square miles (about 16,600 square km), is home to some 90 TB languages and dialects.

72 Languages of South Asia

As in Chinese and English, PTB had more diphthongs than pure vowels, or monophthongs. Except for *-a, far and away the most frequently attested vowel in the system. pure vowels in final position were relatively rare; *-a is usually preserved as such, though sometimes it becomes a back vowel Id. lot, /ol, or even /u/, as in Luquan (1Q) Yi (for example, 'fern Proto-Lolo-Burmese *n-dal > LQ nt'u and Lahu da; noon' PLB *s-1a3 > LQ rtu22 and Lahu ha-pa; many' PLB *mra2 > LQ rtu33 and Lahu ma; 'soul, spirit' PLB *s-lal > LQ qul l and Lahu 6- ha). In Qiangic languages such as Pumi, Tosu. and Xixia, *-a sometimes becomes -i, as in 'moon' (PTB *s-(g)la> Pumi Dayang [PDT zi), hundred' (PTB *r-gya> PD fi), `salt' (PTB *tsa > PD lshi), and 'ill, hurt' (PI B *na> I'D rli).

The Conspectus tentatively sets up a contrast between a front and a back low vowel, PTB *-a and *-a. This putative contrast, which has not been accepted by other scholars, was intended to handle vocalic alternations in Tibetan verb morphology and to multiply possible "regular' correspondences with Chinese.

Vowel length is an inherently unstable feature in Tibeto-Burman. Contrasts in vowel length seem to have come and gone cyclically in the history of the family, with the effects of later changes largely obscuring the results of earlier developments. In any case, length contrasts are only to he round in syllables closed by a semivowel (i.e, falling diphthongs) or other final consonant.

Final Consonants

Besides the semivowels, nine final consonants (-p, -t, -k, -in, -n. -g, -r, -I. -s) are reconstructed for PTB. As is generally true of Southeast Asian languages, there is only a single series of (unreleased) final stops, with no voicing or manner contrast (although Tibetan orthography, like that of Thai, renders final stops with voiced letters). Unlike Mon-Khmer, Tibeto-Burman has never had linal palatals (-c. -n) or final -h. A secondary final -7 occurs in many languages, deriving from 1'-p -t -k (as generally in Loloish and Karenic) and/or *-s (as in Lushai/Mizo). This final glottal 73 Laneuages of South Asia slop is frequently reduced further, yielding a creakiness or glottalization of the syllable's vocalic nucleus. Other secondary final consonants occasionally occur, especially in Qianaic, because of the reduction of the second syllable in compounds

Creakiness or constriction of the vowel may also arise through the influence of one of the ''glottogenic prefixes (*s- or *2-) or as an automatic concomitant of certain tones, as in Dayang Pumi, where some words under high tone are optionally pronounced with a noticeable final glottal stop (the symbol ' indicates a variant): 'face' ziw - ziw?; soybean' qe - qe7; `invite to eat' d yU - dzyti?; and `sweat' Jtflri - f((hi?.

The loss of a *nasal final consonant often leads to nasalization of the vowel (as in, for example, Burmese and Pumi) or to a change in the vowel's quality (as in Lahu, where *-am > -o, *-an > -e, and *-aq > -o). Subphonemic vowel nasalization sometimes occurs in syllables with low vowels and 0- (zero) or h- initials, according to a widespread phenomenon called rhinoglottophilia.

Many TB roots show variation between final hoinorganic (produced in the same position of articulation) stops and nasals (-k -, -g, -t - -n. and -p -- -m). This alternational pattern is also frequent in Chinese. Other variational patterns to be found in closed syllables include *-u- - *-i- (especially in the environment of a labial initial or final) and *-Ik— *-yak.

Final *-r, *-1, and *-s are relatively rare but occur in a number of well-established roots, including Proto-1ibeto-Burman *skar 'star,' *s-brul 'snake,' and *rus 'bone.'

Suffixes

A number of nonsyllabic suffixes are reconstructible for PTB, most of them dental

(*-s, *-t, *-n). When the suffix was -s, it could result in postvocalic sequences of 74 Languages of South Asia stop or nasal plus -s (e.g.. -ps, -ms) or (quite rarely) final liquid plus -s (-is and - rs ). which do not occur \\ ithin a morpheme.

Among the semantic functions of' these suffixes was the nominalization of verbal roots, as in Qiang (no 'sleep' > nos 'bed': gua 'wear' > guas 'clothes'; dzo 'eat' > dzos 'grain') and Jingpo (khu 'be smoky' > ?wan-khut 'smoke'; bgu 'steal' > lagut 'thief: di 'urinate' > dzit 'urine'; and sa 'eat' > sat` 'food, rice').

Tones

Most TB languages have contrastive (phonemic) tone. The most elaborate systems are found in the Sinosphcric Northern and Central Loloish groups. where systems of six to eight tones are the norm. Baic, Karenic, and Jingpo-Nung are also highly tonal. The situation in Qiangic. Himalavish. and Kamarupan is more varied. These latter groups comprise both tonal and nontonal languages: even the tonal languages among them tend to have systems that are on the rudimentary side, often with only two or three contrasts, or with the tone-bearing unit larger than a single syllable (as. for example. in the Tamangic and Khanl groups of Nepal). Some languages, such as Tibetan and Qiang. have both tonal and nontonal dialects.

In 1954 Andre-Georges 1=laudricourt established that phonemic tonal systems evolved to make up for the loss of a voicing contrast in syllable-initial position (as when p- and b- are no longer differentiated) or the loss of a syllable-final laryngeal consonant (-h or -?). However. despite attempts by Benedict (1972) and Alfons Weidert (1987), reconstructions of a single tonal system at the PTI3 or even the PST level have remained unconvincing. The tone systems of the various TB subgroups do not show regular correspondences: such tonal similarities that exist across subgroup divisions in 'I'll can plausibly be attributed to universal phonetic tendencies in "tone-prone" monosyllabic languages rather than to descent from a common ancestral system. Tones seem to come and go cyclically, with the period

75 Languages of South Asia of oscillation sometimes very rapid. Lien if a hypothetical phase of Sino-Tibetan tonal uniformity did once exist, it could not have been a stable equilibrium, and it could not have left unambiguous traces thousands of years later

Though prefixes or root-initial consonants frequently influence a syllable's tone, occasionally the influence is in the opposite direction, as in Sani (Central Loloish), where original *voiced syllables remain voiced under Proto-Lolo-Burmese Tone *2 but become voiceless unaspirated in syllables tinder PLB Tone * 1. Tone is not simply a matter of relative pitch but is also usually bound up with phonation type, as determined by the configuration of the glottis. Thus, the three nonstopped tones of modern Burmese are primarily distinguishable not by their pitch contours but rather by their voice quality ("clear" versus "breathy" versus "creaky").

Occasionally grammar plays a role in tone assignment. In Mpi (Southern Loloish). nouns appear only under nonstopped tones 2. 4. and 6 and stopped tones 2 and 4. while verbs occur only with nonstopped tones 1. 3, and 5 and stopped tones I and 3. This is probably because Mpi verbs were originally followed by a special particle that later fused with the root, causing a perturbation of the tone.

Compounding and Phonological Bulk

Classical Chinese. with its relatively rich inventory of consonants, was strictly monosyllabic. with the syntactic word and the phonological syllable virtually coextensive: the same was undoubtedly true for PTB. In phonologically eroded modern languages such as Mandarin and Lahu. however, many once-distinct syllables have become homophonous. so that the vast majority of' words are now disyllabic compounds. though almost all of' them are still analyzable into their monosyllabic constituent morphemes. For example, Lahu has merged five distinct PTB etyma (*b-r-gya 'hundred.' *s-gla 'moon,' *s-lya 'tongue,' *s-hla 'spirit.' and *g-ya(:p) 'winnow') into the identical syllable /ha/. all under the same mid- tone (mid-tones are left unmarked in transcription). These are kept distinct in Lahu

76 Languages of .South Asia because they are "bulked out' by additional words, prefixes, or suffixes that make their meaning clear: ha 'hundred' is not usable by itself but must always be preceded by a numeral (e.g to ha 'one hundred'): the actual Lahu word for 'moon' is ha-pa, with the suffix -pa, ubiquitous in Tiheto-Burman (compare Written Tibetan zla-ha): the Lahu word for 'tongue' is ha-ti, where the second syllable looks like it once had an independent meaning but now occurs nowhere else in the language: the word for 'spirit' is s-ha. with a prefix (deriving from lroto-Tiheto- Burman *ark-) that occurs as a bulk-provider before hundreds of' Lahu roots: and the verb ha ve 'winnow.' like all verbs cited in isolation, is accompanied by the particle ve, a nonminalizer (much like English to) that serves to distinguish verbs from an\, homophonous nouns.

Tibeto-Bierman and ,4rea/ Grammar

Tibeto-Burman grammar is quite different from that of lndo-l.;uropean languages. yet it shares man\, characteristics with the grammars of other language families of East and Southeast Asia. 1 ih to-Burman languages are topic prominent, meaning that noun phrases (NPs) can be freely topicalized, or moved to initial position in the clause. Further, the NPs of a clause occur in relatively free order, especially in the verb-final languages. 'l'he Lahu sentence in the table consists of a verb phrase (VP) preceded by four NPs (several orderings other than the one given there are possible).

The noun phrases in this sentence include a temporal NP (ya?-ni 5 'today'), a subject (rya-hr tc qha? 'our village'), a locative NP (dh~-ph5 'where'), and an object (sa 'animal[s]'). The VP consists of a main verb ('yã? 'hunt') preceded by an auxiliary verb (ea 'go and do') and followed by several particles (e 'direction away,' to 'future: irrealis.' and le 'substance question'). The verb phrase is the dominant constituent in the clause, and sentences frequently lack "subjects."

77 Languages of South Asia

In fact, the notions of subject and object are alien to Tibeto-Burman grannnar, as are such grammatical categories as active versus passive voice. Many Tibeto- Burman languages, including Tibetan. Newari, and Akha, are ergative with agents marked like instrumentals. Ergative languages treat the subject of intransitive verbs the same as the objects of transitive ones. unlike accusative languages. which treat the subjects of all verbs in the same way but as distinct from the objects of transitive verbs. Languages of the split ergative type (for example, Limbu and Sherpa) are ergative only in certain tenses and aspects (e.g only in the past tense or completive aspect).

Tibeto-Burman languages have a penchant for nominalizing whole sentences without embedding them into any larger unit, typically via a particle that is also used in the citation-form of verbs and that has a relative or genitive function in other constructions. (Nominalization refers to the derivation of nounlike structures from verbal ones.) The connection between nominalization and relativization is often made explicit by using the same particle for both functions, as in Jingpo tai and Lahu ve.

Aspect (not tense) is the major verbal category, so notions such as completed action, change of state, irrealis, inchoative (or imminent action), and durative are encoded more readily than past, present, and future. The most satisfactory criterion for establishing that a Sino-Tibetan word is a verb is its negatability. Most words that translate as English adjectives are actually only a subclass of verbs, as in Burmese Owa go' > ma-Bwa `not go and kauN be good' > ma-kSuN `not be good.'

In order to express abstract grammatical relationships, the isolating languages of the Tibeto-Burman area have typically resorted to the specialization of full nouns and verbs. Verbs meaning 'give,' 'dwell,' `put,' and `finish' become bleached semantically until they can serve as markers of verbal categories such as causative,

78 Languages of Soulh Asia progressive, durative. and completive. respectively. A noun meaning 'road' might become a locative particle while another meaning 'top part' turns into an accusative marker (a particle indicating '[an action] that covers [a nouns'). Often a root morpheme that has undergone this or other forms of grammatical specialization acquires a distinctive phonological shape. usually via destressing, and sometimes assumes a special tone. In Lahu, for instance, the verb la 'come' has a low-filling tone but acquires mid-tone (la) as it becomes a particle indicating 'motion toward and high-falling tone (la) as a particle signalling 'non-third- person beneficiary.'

Verb concatenation is especially striking in the Loloish branch of Tibeto-Burman. Lahu may juxtapose up to five verbs in a row in a single VP. with one verb serving as semantic head while the others are grammaticalized or made more abstract to modify it. as in ya q~? yu t:ir pi 'have to take it out for him again' (literally "obtain-return-take-emerge-give"). In Chinese and Sinospheric SVO languages such as Thai. l-Imonu. Mien. and Vietnamese. verbs are grammatically transformed into NP markers that function like Indo-European prepositions. Thus, "He cut the sugarcane with a knife" is literally "I- te use knife cut sugarcane."

Some languages (e.g Akha, Ne,, ar) have intricate systems of evidential particles that characterize the nature of the speaker's information, revealing if it is firsthand, hearsay, visual, or auditory. It is typical to have large repertoires of sentence-final particles that express emotional attitudes. These often occur in strings of two, three, or more and are more integrated intonationally into sentences than, for example. English interjections such as wow! In some measure these fully syllabic emotional morphemes serve the same function as intonation does in nontonal languages.

The lack of gender or number markers on Tibeto-Burman nouns is somewhat compensated for by numeral classifiers, which serve to individuate nouns and may Languages of South Asia be said to "agree" with particular classes of nouns, such as flat, round, or elongated objects. Another characteristic way of lending phonological and semantic substance to monosyllabic morphemes is via the morphological process of elaboration, which creates redundant (sometimes poetic) four-syllable expressions. of which the first and third, or second and fourth, syllables are often identical. This kind of elaboration is widespread. as in Lahti thi-rjo-thi-kha 'silver and gold altars,' Burmese cit-hran-lak-hran 'patiently' (literally "mind-long-hand- long"), and Tibetan blo-gsal-lag-hde 'intelligent, skillful' ("mind-bright-hand- apt").

(;rammatical catc`uories are `generally expressed syntactically rather than by inflection in most 'I*B languages. though both Kuki-Chin and Ilimalayish have considerable verbal morphology. Verbs in Chin languages such as Mizo. l,ai, and Tiddim typically have two forms, .\,ith complex distribution patterns. In Lai, for instance. Form I occurs mostly in independent clauses and Form 11 mostly in subordinate ones. but With many complications (e.g.. kaap (1)ika? (1I) 'shoot': tort (1)/'ton (I1) 'meet': hniim (I)/hni?m (II) 'smell'). Verbs in Written Tibetan may have as many- as four principal parts. with at least a dozen different patterns of morphophonemic alternation, sometimes involving only the addition of prefixes and/or suffixes, as with gsig 'shake' (present). bsigs (past), bsig (future). sig (imperative). Sometimes vowel ablaut is also used: gsod 'kill' (present), bsad (past and future). sod (imperative). Most complex of all are the agreement systems found in pronominalized languages such as Jingpo. or within the Kiranti group of eastern Nepal. where the person (including first- and second-person inclusive and exclusive) and number (including dual) of subject and/or object may be marked on the verb. This produces agreement systems that are sometimes relatively simple but that sometimes rival a language family such as Algonquian in complexity. Thus. Jingpo has conjugations such as ijai sa na n-IJai 'I will go.' nag sa na n-dai 'you will go,' and si sa na rã-jai 'he will go' (sa 'go.' na 'future particle'). It

011 Languages of South Asia remains to be seen whether such systems should be posited for Proto-Iibeto- Burman or whether (as seems more likely) they have arisen independently in the various branches of the iamily.

Many TB languages have a morphological distinction between plain and causative verbs, signalled either by different prefixes, as in Written Tibetan nmam `have a smell' and snam 'smell something,' or by secondary differences in manner of the initial consonant and/or tone, as in Written Burmese nui 'awaken' (intransitive verb) and hnui wake someone' (transitive verb) or Lahu vii 'hide oneself' and fa `hide something.'

To summarize it can be said that it is the smallest in population strength and largest in the numbers of languages". It has 10,305,026 speakers constituting 1.0% of the total population of India. It consists of 66 languages. It has three main sub branches:

• Tibeto-Himalayan: consists of two groups, i.e., Bhotia and Himalayan. The languages of Bhotia groups" are- Balti, Bhotia. Ladakhi. Lahauli, Monpa. Sherpa and Tibetan. • The Himalayan group consists of 3 languages: Kinnauri, Limbu and Lepcha. • North-Assam consists of 3 languages: Adi. Nissi/Dafla and Mishmi. • Assam-Burmese is divided into 4 groups—Bodo, Burmese. Kuki-Chin and Naga. Among these languages two have been recognized by the Eighth Scheduled. They are Bodo and Manipuri. Basically these languages are spoken in the North-Eastern region of India.

ANDAMENESE

The language spoken by the people of Andaman and Nicobar Islands has been termed Andamanese. Andamanese languages can be divided into two broader

81 Languages of South Asia parts- great Andamanese and Onge. Scntinelese is also there which is unknown and hence unclassifiable. Many of the Great Andamanese languages had become extinct. The Andamanese languages are:

• Great Andaraanese (spoken by Great Andamancsc people) • Southern Aka-Bea or Bea (extinct) Akar-Bale or Bale (extinct)

• Central Aka-Kede or Kede (extinct) Aka-Kol or Kol (extinct) Oko-Juwoi or Ju«-oi (extinct) A-Pucikwar or Pucikwar (extinct) • Northern Aka-Cari or Chari (extinct) Aka-Kora or Kora (extinct) Aka-Jeru or Jeru; 36 speakers in 1997. bilingual in I lindi Aka-Bo or Bo (extinct) • Ongan Onge or Onge: 96 speakers (Onge) in 1997. mostly monolingual Jarawa or Jarawa: estimated at 200 speakers (Jarawa) in 1997, monolingual. • Also there is Sentinelese whose population is unknown and is unidentifiable.iable.

Apart from these five language families, researchers are showing the possibility of having a sixth language family. Scholars like Anvita Abbi on the basis of survey done on Andamanese languages talks of' Great Andamanese being a distinct language family from the one that Jarawa and Onge belong to, in her paper vanishing voices of the languages of the Andaman Islands presented at the Max Planck Institute. Leipzig. June 13. 2003. Based on researches done by geneticists and with enough pieces of evidence, she has tried to establish that "Great Anadamanese is an isolate which constitutes the sixth language family of India"; in her paper published in www.sciencedirect.com (language sciences) under the heading is Great Andamanese genealogically and typologically distinct from Onge and Jarawa?"

But still there is no exact count of Andamanese languages and so the Census of India 2001 lists only four language families.

82 Srrfisnt in South Asia.

CHAPTER - III

SUFISM IN SOUTH ASIA

INTRODUCTION

The Sufi view of reality derives from the Koran and the Hadith, but it has been amplified and adapted by generations of Sufi teachers and sages. It provides a map of the cosmos that allows people to understand their situation in respect to God. It explains both what human beings are, and what they should aspire to be. It sets down a practice that can lead people from their actual situation to the final goal of human life, or from imperfection to perfection. The first Shahadah "(There is) no god but God" discerns between the Real and the unreal, or between the Absolute and the relative, or between God and "everything other than God," which is the universe. Traditionally the Shahadah is said to be divided into two halves, the negation ("no god") and the affirmation ("but God"). The first half denies the inherent reality of the world and the self. The second half affirms the ultimacy of the divine reality. The Shahadah means that there is "no creator but God." "none merciful but God," "none knowing but God'. In sum, it means that there is "no reality but God" and that all the so- called realities of our experience are secondary and derivative. Numerous Koranic verses and hadiths reiterate the basic discernment contained in the Shahadah and explain its ramifications.

One of the most often cited in Sufi texts is the verse, "Everything is perishing but His face" (28:88). As one of the Suti masters explains, God did not say, "wilt perish," ('or He wanted it known that the existence of all things is perishing in His Being today. Only those still veiled [from the reality of things] postpone the observance of this until tomorrow,

God's reality is such that nothing can stand up to it. His unique possession of all that is real and all that provides reality to "others" means that the others are in fact nonexistent. This is how the Sufis interpret the saving of the Prophet,

83 Sufism in South ,-isia.

"God was, and nothing was with Him." the great Sufi Shaykh Junayd (d. 910) added. "And He is now as He was." Only God is, and everything that appears to exist along with Him has no true existence. Ibn Arabi remarked that there was really no need for Junayd to add the clarification, because the verb "was" in reference to the Eternal denotes all tenses. "God was," "God is." and "God will be- all have the same meaning.

The primary discernment between the Real and the unreal, or between God and the world, is followed by a secondary discernment among the realities of the world. The second Shahadah tells us that "Muhammad is the messenger of God." It follows that lie is a clear. designated manifestation of the One Real. In other words. he represents God more directly than other creatures. Ile and the Koran for which he is the vehicle are guiding lights in the darkness of unreal things. More generally. all prophets have been sent to reveal God's guidance and mercy to human beings. so revelation plays a special role in human becoming. Without the revealed guidance. people can only wander in ignorance and illusion, immersed in the unreal things that veil them from the truth.

On closer examination, the distinction between divine revelation and all that does not reveal God is much more subtle than at first appears. The Koran calls its own verses and other divine revelations "signs" (avat). and it employs the same word to refer to the things of the universe. If the Koran is God's Book. displaying His "signs". so also the universe is God's Book announcing His revelations. It follows that the world and everything within it can be viewed from two points of view. In one respect. all things are "other than God" and hence unreal. In another respect, all things are "signs" of God and therefore real in some degree. l lore then we have a Further discernment of fundamental importance, between phenomena as "signs" and phenomena as "veils".

Sufis explain the distinction between signs and veils employing many sets of terms. According to one formulation, each existent thing can be said to have two faces. These two faces are the "eastern face" and the "western face". If we look at the western face of things. we Lind no trace of the sun, since it has set. if

84 Sufism in South Asia. we look at the eastern face of the same things, we see the sun shining in its full glory. Everything displays both faces at the same time. but the vast majority of people see only the western face. They have no awareness that everything is a sign of God in which He is disclosing His own reality. For them, the Koranic verse. "Wherever you turn, there is the face of God" (2:115). is a dead letter. In contrast, the prophets and the great Sufis see the eastern face. They witness God in everything. In their case God has answered the prayer. "Show us things as they are". For them, all things are truly and actually signs of God.

Islamic anthropology pictures human beings as the only creatures who have freely chosen God over the world, the Real over the unreal, the East over the West. In the Koran. this free choosing of God is called the "Trust." "We offered the Trust to the heavens and the earth and the mountains, but they refused to carry it and were afraid of it. and human beings carried it.— But. the verse concludes, they are "very ignorant. great wrongdoers" (33:72). This suggests that they have failed to live up to their freely chosen responsibilities.

Many would object that they have never made any such choice. The Sufis typically respond that the objection is contradictory. Every time we undertake the slightest volitional act, we have freely accepted our human condition as a given. "I'o be human is to possess a degree of freedom, and to make choices is to put oneself' in the position of having to answer for the choices. Rumi provides many entertaining arguments to show that attempts to shuck off responsibility are always self-serving. People try to do so only when they are confronted with a choice that they do not want to make. Otherwise, every time they see a course of action that suits their fancy. they freely enter into it, knowing all the while that their choices will have consequences.

Like a hypocrite, you offer your excuses

"I'm so busy providing for wife and children,

"I don 't have time to scratch my head.

85 Sufsm in South Asia.

How could I have time to practice religion? .. .

"I cannot escape from feeding my family,

I must seek lawful earnings tooth and nail. ".. .

You have an escape from God — but not from food.

You have an escape from religion — but not from idols.

To cam the Trust people must follow the guidance of those who have already carried it, and such people are known as "prophets." More specifically, to be Muslim and Sul, one submits to God by acknowledging the truth of the Shahadah, by having faith in God and in the perfectibility of human nature as taught in the Koran. and by living the spiritual virtues that are embodied in Muhammad and the great exemplars of the tradition.

In short, the initial discernment between God and the world leads to two secondary discemments, both expressed at least implicitly in the statement, "Muhammad is the messenger of God" People need to discern between revelation and human knowledge. or between the Koran and merely human attempts to understand. They also need to discern between eastern races and western faces, or between signs and veils. Once they make the discemments, they need to put them into practice. The religious teachings and institutions provide the practical means to choose eastern faces over western faces.

In questions of discernment, the difference between the general Islamic viewpoint and the specifically Sufi perspective does not lie in principles, but rather in a certain self-conscious application of principles. The Sufis do not consider it sufficient for people to have faith and to submit themselves to the Sharia if they also have the capacity of deepening their understandings, purifying their hearts, and doing what is beautiful. In order to reach human perfection, it is not enough to imitate others and follow religion blindly (taqlid). Rather. one must achieve a total awareness of the principles and the spirit that animate the religion, or, as the Sufis express it, one must realize the Real Itself

86 Sufism in South Asia.

(tahagquq). On the theoretical level, the Shahadah becomes a concrete expression of the absolute reality of God, a sword that cuts away the illusory from the Real. On the practical level, the guidelines set down by the Sharia perform the same function, but here Sufis do not accept these guidelines "because they must," but because of their awareness that these play a basic role in allowing human beings to act in accordance with revealed truth and avoid error.

If Sufism is an appropriate name for doing what is beautiful and striving after spiritual perfection, then it is built on two foundations Islam or submission to God (the practice of the Sharia and the prophetic model) and Iman or faith (acceptance of basic Islamic teachings concerning God. prophecy, and the Last Day). Once seekers have gained sufficient grounding in these Iwo dimensions, they can focus their efforts on "worshiping God as if they see Him." Eventually, sincerity and love may take them to the place where the as it" ceases to apply. In other words, they will worship Him while seeing Him. An often cited model here is the Prophet's cousin and son-in-law Ali, who said, "I would not worship a Lord whom I do not see."

According to Rabia Basri, The best thing that leads man to god is that he must not care for anything of this world or next other than god".

According to Junayd of Baghdad, "Sufism is not achieved by prayer and fasting but it is the security of the heart and the generosity of the soul'.

According to Abu Muhammad Al Jariri, "Sufism consists of entering every exalted quality and leaving behind despicable quality."

According to Ibn al-jala, "Sufism is a reality without a form"

Like Suli faith, Sufi practice is rooted in the Shahadah. Hence it combines two complementary perspectives, negation and affirmation, or "no god" and "but God." The "god" or false reality that needs to be negated is the individual self or ego, the face turned toward the west and oblivious of the east. As long as

87 Sufi.snz in South Asia. self-awareness is dominated by the ego. people will not be able to see the sun's light. instead, they will perceive a multitude of shadows, false realities, and "idols." In Rumi's words, "The mother of all idols is your own ego." The actual path of Sufism entails a process of inner transformation whereby the powers of the soul are turned toward God. Sufism adds to the strictly Shariite practices many devotional and spiritual exercises. The most important of these, around which the others are ranged as so many auxiliary means, is the "remembrance" (dhikr) of God, which the Koran commands people to perform in many verses. Remembrance was taught by the Prophet to his close companions in the specific forms that make up the kernel of Suti discipline.

The "normal" human situation is one of forgetfulness and heedlessness. The least precondition for human perfection is to recognize one's own imperfection and to remember the perfection of the one Reality. Its fullness, seekers must forget the unreal, which is the western face of their own selves and the world.

In the Koran and in Islamic usage in general, the command to "remember" God also means to "mention' God, so the actual means of remembering God is the mention of God's name (or names). The name is considered to be the direct manifestation of the divine on the human level. Through a gradual process of transformation, the name fills up the mind and consciousness, leaving no room for remembrance of others. The basic insight here is that awareness is the fundamental reality of human nature. and its content determines who we are. As Rumi puts it,

You are your thought, brother the rest of you is bones and fiber.

If you think of roses, you are a rose garden, if you think of thorns; you're fuel for the furnace

Constant focus on God leads eventually. God willing, to the goal of the Sufi path, which is "union" with God, or the full realization of human perfection, or actualization of the divine image in which human beings were created. Once perfection is achieved, the separation between the divine and the human that

88 SuJism in South Asia. was envisaged in the original discernment has been overcome, at least from a certain point of view. The west has disappeared because the Sun has risen.

Having traversed the path. the Sufis can say with l-Iallaj (d. 922), "1 am the Real." that is. "I am God." This v ill he no baseless claim, for they will simply he seeing the reality of' their own situation. Or rather, these words will be nothing but the Sun showing its rays. This is the final realization of the initial discernment, the fact that "God is, and nothing is with Him."

Illusory selfhood has been negated and God alone has been affirmed. "No god" has taken away all impermanent things, and "but God" has left that which truly is. As Rumi puts it. when I lallaj's love for God reached its utmost liin t. he became his own enemy and lie naughted himself'. Ile said. "1 am the Real.'' that is. "I have been annihilated: the Real remains, nothing else." This is extreme humility and the utmost limit of scrvanthood. It means. "He alone is." To make a false claim and to be proud is to say. "You are God and I ani the servant." In this way you are affirming your own existence, and duality is the necessary result. If you say. "IIe is the Real," that too is duality, for there cannot be a "I-Ie" without an "I." Hence the Real said. "I am the Real." Other than Ile. nothing else existed. Hallaj had been annihilated. so those were the words of the Real.

ORIGIN OF SUFISM

History of Sufism can he trace to the holy Quran and the Sunnah of the Prophet Muhammad doesn't actually mention this word. But the main idea behind Sufism can be seen in the holy Quran and Sunnah. In other words, Allah urged the Muslims to purify themselves from disease and from evil in general. The term Sufism isn't found at all in Quran and Sunnah. Sufism actually cane into existence around 200 \ears ago.

In Arabic Sufism is known as Tassawuf of Islamic Mysticism. By mystic we mean a person who becomes close to god through contemplation, meditation. Fhe main aim of Sufism is to gain close connection to god through prayer.

99 S►►fism in Sor►th Asia. repetition of god's names i.e. dhikr. Sufis are essentially similar in a way that they share inner light and awakening and an outer courtesy and service to humanit\. Diff .rences on Sufis occur due to spiritual practices or prescription for the purification of hearts. Whatever its origin the term Sufism means those who are interested in inner knowledge, or those who are interested in finding a way or those who practice toward inner awakening or enlightenment.

During 2"`~ and 3"d centuries people began to call themselves Sufis, or use similar words related to Sufism which meant that they were following the path of self purification and improvement in their behavior in order to reach the station of those who worship god as they see him. Sufism is built upon the principle of the disciple's. the different methods of spiriti al education, the exercises practiced in the Suti orders, the psychological phases of the pro`ress, the formation of'ordcrs, and their sociological and cultural role.

Sufis are called the Auliya Allah. Allah friends. Auliya is the plural for the Arabic word Wali. literary means friend. Sufism teaches that man's duty on earth is to know God and fulfill this primordial covenant with him. Its doctrines and methods deeply immersed in the Quran and Sunnah. Describing the nature and methods of Sufism Junayd of Baghdad has remarked that Our system of doctrine is firmly hound up with dogmas of faith, the Quran and the tradition". Later on like the emergence of various schools of law. Sufis also emerged in different groups. In the early stages they were divided into two major groups, named after their respective centers. Kufa, as the school of Kutis and I3asara, as the school of Basairs. I-Iasan al l3asari, Mlik bin Dinar. Ibn Basher and Laid are the famous personalities of the Kufi School. Rabia. Jabir. Mansoor bin Amar and Abdul Alahiya are from Basari School.

Mystic interpretation of Islamic life within the bonds of religious orthodoxy is known as Sufism. which was initially launched by God fearing people of Perso-Arab world. l'hey renounced the world and devoted themselves to His service. As the seekers of Tawhid (Unity in God) they helped in spread of Islam through mystic movement with intellectualization of Sunnah (The

90 Sufism in South Asia. orthodox customs of Islamic world) as one of its basic principles. The Sufis either in their lifetime or their tombs after death became a symbol of supernatural power with metaphysical features ascribed to them under the guidelines of Quran and Sunnah. The disciples of Sufis adopted the path of peace or even armed jehad for Shariatisation of the whole world as a mission of holy duty. "Seekers of Tawhid should strive to dedicate themselves to the Prophet Mohammad. so much so that their entire selves. including their hearts and their spirits, were free of thoughts other than of God".

'Mysticism is a practical spiritual discipline based on the insight of illuminated seekers after truth". It is in fact a mission of higher religious order of any faith, which disdains strife and conflict in any form. Joy of self-realization being the essence of religion is experienced after a Iona spiritual practice. The mystics discard outward form of religion once they attain such joy. The concept of Sufism was therefore, to focus the mystic power on the spiritual dimension of Islam with a view to shield the believers from the outwardly and unrealistic dogma of the faith.

Fundamental Principles of Sufism

Sutis represented the inner side of' the Islamic creed, which stresses on self- realization, beautification of the soul through piety, righteousness and universal love for all. The Sufis consider that there is a particular Divine Attribute that dominates the being of every prophet and saint, such that they can he said to he the incarnation of that attribute. All of the Prophets are manifestations of the Divine Unit • and Perfection, but Prophet Muhammad is its supreme manifestation. The aim of Sulism is the cultivation of Perfect Beings who are mirrors retlectino the Divine Names and Attributes.

In Sufism. a perfect being is also called a Wali (saint), a word that literally means 'sincere friend'. All who have been prophets have also been saints. The superstructure of Sufism is built upon the concept of teacher, pir or murshid.

91 Sufism in South Asia

To be initiated into the Sufi cult one is required to have implicit faith in his teacher and consider his commands as divine and the path shown by him as the straightest. Sutism had succeeded in inculcating the sentiments of fraternity, equality and equity, coupled with sense of service to humanity, in the followers, irrespective of race., community, caste, creed and colour.

In the earlier stages, it emphasized only on the Love of God but later it also stressed on the need of the development of man with the purification or mind, through prayer and meditation. In India, Sufism helped in maintaining communal harmony and social stability by advocating religious tolerance and by borrowing spiritual techniques and practices from other religions, which were not against the principles of Islam and which were conducive to spiritual attainments. Sufism has adapted extensively from the Vedanta school of the Hindu philosophy.

The musical and ecstatic aspect of Sufism is called Santa. This is a particular kind of devotional dance a kin to Kirtana and was introduced by Jalaluddin Rumi, the great and the celebrated founder of the Vedantic type of Sufism. The Sufi, while being spiritually enraptured, gives the attention of his or her heart to the Beloved. With particular movements and often special and rhythmical music, he engages in the selfless remembrance of God. In this state, the Sufi becomes unaware of everything but God. Sufis identify two types of Sama poetry, first praising God (this is called Hamd), Prophet (this is called Naat) and the Sufi saints (this is called Mangabat) and the second focusing on spiritual emotion or mystical love, ecstatic states and on separation and union. The Sama poetry is mostly sung in the form of Qaivwali. Music of Sama is set within metric framework, accompanied by Dholak, Tabla, Sarangi, Harmonium and Sitar.

Main Features of the First Century Sufis

Sufis of first century approves that poverty, abstinence, trust in Allah, fear of Allah, observing the rule of shariya and renunciation were the major features of first century Sufism.

92 Sujls.'n in South Asia.

1lnsmr a! Basuri

Ilasan at Basari (D.728 A.D.) early theologian, famous for his piety and asceticism is generally claimed by the Sufis as the first Sufi. He said that the concept of fear and abstinence is necessary for the purification of the heart which ultimately leads to the ultimate and, the vision of Allah. Ile spent the greater part of his life in Basra where he died.

Rabia Basri

Rabia Basri (D.841 AD) introduced the concept of divine love in Sufism. Rabia's remarkable spiritual achievements are illustrated in countless anecdotes. 'l'hough Rahia does not deny the importance of the fear of Allah, hut she gives much importance to love. \hich according to tier must be pure. "One should not remember Allah. not because of the fear of hell or attainment of heaven", says Rahia. "(hehe pleasure of Allah and his vision must he the end of love".

At the end of the second and beginning of the third century hijra the Islamic mysticism emerged as an institution. "i he third century Sufis who highly influenced the mystical thowzht in Islam are Dhul-Nun-Miari, Bayazid Bistami. Hallaj and Junaid of Baghdadi.

Dh ul .''wr

Dhul Nun is one of the most attractive and intriguing figures in the history of early Sufism. Ile is generally credited with having introduced the ideas of gnosis into Sufism. According to him the gnosis has three types:

• Gnosis of scholars: They recognize Allah in the light of reason:

• The gnosis of common muslims; they believe in Allah on the basis of faith;

• "l'he gnosis of Mystics; the' know Allah through their inner and authentic light.

93 Sufism in South Asia.

• Dhul Nun holds the third category as the bets and superior. It provides that certitude is.

Identical to perfect faith and gnosis of Allah is neither related nor provide reason but is attain through institution

Bayazid Bistami

Bayazid Bistami is a very lucid thinker who presented for the first time the doctrine of Tana which transported a high influence and attained a central position in the Sufi thought. His doctrine of annihilation of self and absorption in the Being of Allah are clear in his narrations.

He said, "Once he raised me up and stationed me before him, and said to Inc. 0 Abu Yazid truly my creation desire to see Thee: I said. Adorn me in thy unity, and cloth me in thy oneness, so that when thy creation see me they will say, we have seen Thee: and thou wit be that, and I shall not be there at all". He is the first Sufi to introduce the concept of intoxication (Sukr) in Sufism.

At this historical Juncture of the initiation of the concepts of the inhalation of self and intoxication, a dynamic personality in Sufism was initiating a new epoch by introducing quite different doctrines of continuance or life in Allah (Raga) and soberity. This personality is of Junayd of Baghdad

Junayd of Baghdad

Junayd of Baghdad (d.298 A.H. 910 AD), pupil of at Muhasibi, called in the later times the sheikh of the order (shaik-ul-Tarikh) by for the most original and penetrating intellect among the Sufis of his times. He introduced a classical definition of Tauhid by maintaining that Tauhid means the separation of the Eternal from that which was originated in time. He maintains that soberity in superior to intoxication. He explains it by saying that man becomes forgetful of everything even of his own self and reason intoxication, were as soberity man is conscious of his actions and has control over his senses. He knows that what he is doing and for what he is responsible and what for he is not. He explains

Mr Snfisin in South Asia. his doctrine 'Life in God' as to it is a stage which a mystic gains after the stage of annihilation of self: at this stage man is not forgetful of his existence but conscious for it.

The most controversial figure in Sufism. contemporary of Junayd. is of Hallaj. He was executed for his mystical utterance which according to ulema was tantamount to blasphemy. Ile introduced the anti Islamic doctrines like fusion (Hulul). union (Itihat). transmigration (Tanasuk) and return (Rajat) etc. his ideas can be broadly classified as:

I. Fusion ofAllah in man

2. The eternity of the reality of Prophet Muhammad (P.B.U.I1)

3. The unity of religion

There are some more important Sutis of' this era who made their special contribution in building of the structure of Islamic Mysticism i.e. Al I lakim at 'l'irmidh. Harris al Muhasibi. Maruf karkhi, Nun i and Shibli.

In the fourth century of' Sufi tradition began to express itself in large didactic works. The famous books which are held as manuals of Sufism are the kitab-al- luma (The book of flashes) of Abu Nasr al-Sarraj. Kitab al-Tarruf (doctrine of the Sufis) of Kalabadhi. The systematic theorization in Sufism was intiating by these words. l'hey present a general account of' the practices, traditions and sects of Sufism. E.g. Hujwiri in his Kashful Mahjub. "enumerates no fewer than twelve "sects" of Sufism. of which ten are stated to be "orthodox" and two heretical".

The social and practical aspect of Sufism is understood from definitions like those of Junayd and Nun, according to whom "Sufism is not composed of practices and science, but it is morals", and "who surpass you in good moral qualities surpasses you in Sufism". It means to act according to God orders and laws, which are understood in their deepest spiritual sense without denying their outward forms. This way of life is possible only through loving devotion:

95 Sufisar in South ;1sia.

"Sufism is the heart's being pure from the pollution of discord". The Sufis have spoken of the three fold meaning of tasa:vwuf according to the sharia, the muslim law: the tariga. the mystical path: and haqiqat. the truth.

The Islamic mystics enjoyed the play with the root Safa. "purity" when they discussed Sufism and qualities of the ideal Sufi: he that is purified by love is pure and he who is purified by the beloved is Suti, i.e. he who is completely absorbed in divine beloved and does not think of anything but him has attained the true rank of a Sufi. It is not surprising that the Sufis made attempts to designate Adam as the first Sufi: for he was fort\, days "in seclusion" before God endowed him wiih spirit: then God put the lamp of reason in his heart and the light of wisdom on his tongue. and lie emerged like an illuminated mystic from the retirement during which he was needed by the hands of God.

According to Suti system. one has to select a spiritual teacher called sheikh or peer who will lead and guide him through all the wway. The student is called "Salik" (the learner or the seeker of true path). Selecting the Sheikh or peer is called "Bait". One first has to check the character of the Sheikh or peer that he is truly following Sharia or not. A man who is not following Islamic sharia cannot be a true Sheikh.

SUFI DOCTRINES

Wandat-al-Wujud & Wandat-al-Shuhud

IVandat-al-JIt jud

Ibn Arabi is most often characterized in Islamic texts as the originator of the doctrine of wandat al-w ujud. however, this expression is not found in his works and the first who employed this term was perhaps, in fact. the Andalusian mystical thinker lbn Sahin. Although he frequently makes statements that approximate it, it cannot be claimed that "Oneness of Being" is a sufficient description of his ontology, since he affirms the "manyness of reality with

equal vigor.

96 Sufism in South Asia. in his view, wujud is the unknowable and inaccessible ground of everything that exists. God alone is true wujud, while all things dwell in nonexistence, so also wujud alone is non-delimited (mutlaq), while everything else is constrained, confined, and constricted. Wujud is the absolute, infinite, non- delimited reality of God, while all others remain relative, finite, and delimited.

Since wujud is non-delimited, it is totally different from everything else. Whatever exists and can be known or grasped is delimitation and definition, a constriction of the unlimited, a finite object accessible to a finite subject. In the same way, wujud's self-consciousness is non-delimited, while every other consciousness is constrained and confined. But we need to be careful in asserting wujud's non-delimitation. The Shaykh is quick to point out that wujud's non-delimitation demands that it be able to assume every delimitation. If wujud could not become delimited, it would be limited by its own non- delimitation. Thus "He possesses non-delimitation in delimitation" Or, "God possesses non-delimited wujud, but no delimitation prevents delimitation. Rather, He possesses all delimitations, so He is non-delimited delimitation, since no single delimitation rather than another rule over Him. Hence nothing is to be attributed to Him in preference to anything else". Wujud must have the power of assuming every delimitation on pain of being limited by those delimitations that it cannot assume. At the same time, it transcends the forms by which it becomes delimited and remains untouched by their constraints.

Only He who possesses Being in Himself (wujitd dh3ti) and whose Being is His very essence (wujuduhu 'ayn dhatihi), merits the name of Being. Only God can be like that. On the highest level, wujud is the absolute and nondelimited reality of God, the "Necessary Being" (wajib al-wujud) that cannot exist. In. this sense, wujud designates the Essence of God or of the Real (dhat al-hagq), the only reality that is real in every respect. On lower levels, wujud is the underlying substance of "everything other than God" (ma siwa Allah) which is how Ibn Arabi and others define the "cosmos" or "universe" (al-'clam). Hence, in a secondary meaning, the term wujud is used as shorthand to refer to the

97 Sufism in South Asia. whole cosmos, to everything that exists. It can also be employed to refer to the existence of each and every thing that is found in the universe.

God's `names' (asma') or `attributes' (sifat), on the other hand, are the relationships which can be discerned between the Essence and the cosmos. They are known to God because he knows every object of knowledge, but they are not existent entities or ontological qualities, for this would imply plurality in the godhead.

For the creatures, being is not part of their essence. So a creature does not own its being, that it can never he independent in itself. In this sense, the created does not deserve the attribution of being. Only God is being, and all the rest is in reality a possibility (imkan), a relative, possible non existence.

Ibn 'Arabi used the term "effusion" (fayd) to denote the act of creation. His writings contain expressions which show different stages of creation, a distinction merely logical and not actual. The following gives details about his vision of creation in three stages: the Most Holy Effusion (al-fayd al-aqdas), the Holy Effusion (al-fayd al-muqaddas) and the Perpetual Effusion (al-fayd al- mustamirr).

Wandat-ul-Wujood spread through the teachings of the Sufis like Qunyawi, Sandi, Tilimsani, Qayshari, Jami etc. It is also associated with the Harrah Ust (Persian meaning "He is the only one") philosophy in South Asia. Sachal Sarmast and Bullch Shah two Sufi poets from Pakistan, were also ardent followers of Wandat-ul-Wujood. Today, some Sufi Orders, notably the Bektashi sect and the non-traditional sects of Universal Sufism, place much emphasis on the concept ofwandat-ul-wujood.

Wandat-al-shuhud

Wandat al-Shuhud (or wah-dat-ul-shuhud, wandat-ul-shuhud, or wandatul shuhud) has often been translated into English as Apparentism. In Arabic it literally means "unity of witness", "unity of perception" or "unity of appearance".

98 Sufism in South Asia.

Out of those who opposed the doctorine of wandat al-wujood, there were those who substituted the pole of subject for the object, formulating the doctorine of Wandat ul-shuhud. This school was formulated by 'Ala al-Dawlah Simnani, was to attract many followers in India, including Ahmed Sirhindi who provided some of the most widely accepted formulations of this doctorine in the Indian sub-continent.

According to Ahmed Sirhindi's doctrine, any experience of unity between God and the created world is purely subjective and occurs only in the mind of the believer; it has no objective counterpart in the real world. The former position, Shaykh Ahmad felt, led to pantheism, which was contrary to the tenets of Sunnite Islam. He held that God and creation are not identical; rather, the latter is a shadow or reflection of the Divines Name and Attributes when they are

4_ reflected in the mirrors of their opposite non-beings (a'dam al-mutagabila).

SUFI PRACTICES

Fana-

Fana is the annihilation of the lover or ego to create the holy space for the arrival of the Beloved. This is the beginning of Divine attunement. The attunement can start as soon as the lover is being eradicated until there is no more lover. The lover has been dissolved into the Beloved as sugar in water. Z The utmost attunement means complete detachment from the world although compassion for fellow human beings is still there. The more one is attuned to the Divine the more power is given to the Sufi. To become nothing is to `die before you die.' This burning and destruction of the self in order to melt with the Self is the only way to annul the pain of separation. The ego and the Self cannot live together in the chamber of one heart. It is with the help of the teacher or sheikh that we can eradicate the ego. It is also the traditional Sufi practices that help to bring on the grace of God to break the links of attachment to the world. Sometimes we have even to relinquish the desire to merge with God. The final act is to totally `surrender', which is the surest way to empty the Sufism hi South Asia. space for the Beloved. Once we surrender, the Self rushes to reach us. In the act of surrender the ego and mind just simply melt away. And when that happens we see nothing but God. When the ego is present the mind cannot experience unity with God, where there is no duality, no distinction between observer and observed. When fang is achieved the individual knows that he has always been united with God. It is the ego that veils us of this Truth.

Baqa-

Unity leads us to baqa, `abiding in God.' Baga is the beginning of a new journey. From thence he becomes more and more lost in God, as he lives in a dual state of separation and union. We need the ego to live and function in the world, but we also know that the Beloved is all the time in our heart. His presence is always there, although He has no form or image. However His Presence is always felt as a guiding force and a sweetness that gives out a lovely fragrance. Finally in meditation we enter into that dark silence and stillness, which confirms that He is at home in our heart. There we abide. In this meditation of silence the expansion of the heart reveals its power in the state of union where, God takes us to God. This is the deepest fulfillment any human can experience.

Dhikr-

Next comes the stage dhikr were a Sufi aspirant has to pronounce the name of god loudly with one stroke. Dtiikr requires proper clothing, strict adherence to the Islamic dietary laws and wudu, purification of the body before prayer. Group session of dhikr is called halqa, the silent dhikr is called dhikr-e-khafi and a vocalized rhythmic chant is dhikr-e-jahri. The dhikr is used to re- programe our mind to God.

Muraqaba-

In this stage he focuses the minds for spiritual purpose imagine that god is with me. This stage can be achieved when one start imagines that you are dead and

I oa Sifain in South Asia. everything is vanished except god. According to Shah Walliullah it is based on a tradition in which the Prophet of Islam advised his companions "worship god as though you are seeing him and if this is not possible, you should worship him as though he is seeing you".

STAGES OF SUFISM

Fana Fizzat (extinction, annihilation)

Through a series of stages (maqamat) and subjective experiences (ahwal), this process of absorbation develops until complete annihilation of the self (fans) takes place and the person becomes al-insanul-kamil, the "perfect man". It is the disintegration of a person's narrow self-concept, social self- and limited intellect (feeling like a drop of water aware of being part of the ocean). The stage is also called Fana fit tawheed ("extinction with the unity").

Fanafil sheikh

This is perfected when the Murid becomes extinct in the Tasawwur (contemplation) of the Murshid, so much so that every movement or act of the Murid becomes a manifestation of the movements of the Murshid. The Murshid also controls all movements of the Murid. At this stage the Murid becomes extinct and merges into existence of the Master. This merger is not imaginary, but a reality.

Fanafi-Rasool

This is the second stage which commences after the pefection of the first. Similar rules as in Fana-Fish-Shaykh are applied in this Fana. The merger of the Murid and Murshid becomes extinct in the Beloved Habib. Here too, the Murid is not to even imagine his existence; otherwise he will by no means be perfected in Fana-Fir Rasul. One Fana leads to the other. The Murid Fana in the Zaat of his Master and the Master is Fana in the That of Sayyiduna Rasulullah. If this procedure is accomplished,then only will one achieve Fana-Fir-Rasul.

101 Sufism is South Asia.

Fana Fiallah (Extinction of the self in God)

One of the important phases of mystical experience which is attained by the grace of God by a traveller on the mystical path is the state of fana-fi-Allah, "extinction of the self in God". This is the state where the person becomes extinct in the will of God. It is important to mention that this is not incarnation or union. Most Sufis, while passing through this experience, have preferred to live in the greatest depth of silence which transcends all forms and sounds, and enjoy their union with the beloved.

The highest stage of fana is reached when even the consciousness of having attained fana disappears. This is what the Sufis call "the passing-away of passing-away" (fang al-fana). The mystic is now wrapped in contemplation of the divine essence.

Since it is a state of complete annihilation of carnal self. absorbation or intoxication in God, the pilgrim is unable to participate in worldly affairs, he is made to pass into another state known as Fana-al-Fana (forgetfulness of annihilation). It is a sort of oblivion of unconsciousness. Since two negatives make one positive, the pilgrim at this stage regains his individuality as he was when he started the journey. The only difference is that in the beginning he was self-conscious, but after having reposed in the Divine Being, he regains that sort of individuality which is God-consciousness or absorbation in God.

Baqa Rillah (eternal life in union with God the Creator)

This is the state where man comes back to his existence and god appoints him to guide the humans. This is the stage where the individual is the part of the world, unconcern about his or her reward or position.

DELOPMENT OF SUFI ORDERS

Sufism is not a philosophical system but a way purification of heart and soul from Mundane and to relate ones spirit with "the Being" and the direct experience of communication with him. It is a particular method of approach to

102 Sr fisn= in South Asia. reality (Haqiqah) making use of intuitive and emotional spiritual faculties, which are generally dormant and latent unless called into play though training under guidance. This training, thought as travelling the path (salak al-tariq), aims at dispersing the veils, which hide the self from the real and thereby become transformed or absorbed into undifferentiated unity.

As early discussed, the systematization and the emergence of orders in Sufism was a later development. The earliest phase was represented by ascetics and devoties (zuhad) who were "more concerned with experiencing than with theosophical theorizing". Abu Hamid al Ghazali maintains that Sufisni "can not be learned but only be attained by direct experience, ecstasy and inward transformation". In its earliest phase individual Sufis devoted themselves to Sufi practices, there was no systematic set of methods and doctrines. Later on, by and large there emerged a relationship of famous sheikh (Sufis) and the initiators (pupils).

Junayd is mostly regarded the sheikh of the way (sheikh al Tarikha) though he taught the Sufi practices to his special and selected pupils and did not make it common.

The early Sufi groups were loose and mobile. They learnt from different Sufi masters and were not attached to any particular Sufi. "This period was followed by an age in which theory went hand in hand with practice, and famous sheikhs, themselves holey-men, taught the nascent doctrine of Sufi to disciplines, either individually or in groups".

STJFI ORDERS

In the early period of Islam, the Sufis were not recognized by the Sufi orders. Sufi orders came into existence between 9's and 10`" century. As these Sufi order came into existence the Sufi activity was no longer the private house or school. Sufi orders began to use centers which existed specifically for these gathering, as theses orders started to systematize spiritual training. Sufi centre wasusually called the khaneqah or Zawiya.

103 Sufism in South Asia.

Following are the Sufi orders which are still established today and these are as follows.

The Chishtis

The Suharwardis

The Qadri

The Nagshbandis.

The C!: is!:!! Order The origin of Chishti order comes from Chisbt, a small town near heart in Afghanistan. Khawaja Abu Isham Chishti was the founder of this order who come from Asia and settled in Chist. Other Sufis of this order were Fudhail ibn Iyaz, Ibrahim Adham Balkhi Khawaja Mamshad and Khawaja Mawdud. Khawaja Muinuddin Chishti was said to be the fourth Sufi of this order. He was born in 1141-42 in Sijistan and he was only fifteen years old when his father died. 1-le left his home and starts moving from one place to another. He spent all his time in gaining knowledge of Quran, Hadith, and Theology.

Khawaja muinuddin chishti was one the most famous Sufi saints of india. He was the follower of great Sufi saint khawaja usman Harman. Though this order was founded by khawaj Ishaq shami but introduce in India by muinuddin chishti. Klmwaja muinuddin chishti reached India in 1192 A.D. spending a short time in Lahore & Delhi; he decided to leave Delhi for Ajmer. He set up a Khanqah or hospice to spread the message of love and brotherhood. His simple ascetic life attracted a large number of people who use to come to him for gaining spiritual guidance.

Khawaja Muin-ud-din Chishti wants that his follower spend most of their time in worshiping God instead of involving in world activities. He died on March 11, 1223 A.D. and was popularly known as Khawaja Ghareeb Nawaz. His

104 Sufism in South Asia. death anniversary was celebrated every year in Ajmer at his tomb where thousands of his believers gather to pay respect to this great Sufi saint

Other important Sufi saints of this order were Sheikh Qutub-ud-din Bhaktiyar Kaki, Sheikh Hamid-ud-din Sufi of Naghpur, Baba Farid Ganjh-e-Shakhar. He was the first SuE saint of Punjab, Hazrat Naseer-ud-din Roshan Chiragi Dilli, Amir Khusro and many others.

Teachings of Chishti Orders

The Chishti Sufis of the early middle ages kept themselves away completely from rulers, politics and government service. They believe that distracted a mystic from the single minded persuit of his ideal, which was mainly the attainment of the pleasure of Allah alone. Gnosis was beyond the reach of one who spent his time in shughi (government service). But towards the later part of their history we find a change in their attitude towards relation with the ruling class.

The characteristic feature of the teaching of Nizamuddin Auliya is the stress he laid on the motive of love, which leads to the realization of God. Love of humanity was one of the ethical ideas which sheikh Nizam uddin Auliya inculcated in the minds of his disciples. Chishti jama-at khanas were open to all, yagis, galandars, and others were allowed free access. Sama was an indispensable part of Chishti rituals. The Chishtis depended on the uncertain and irregular income through futuh.

The Suharwardi order

This order was founded by Abdal-Qahir Abu Najib al-suharwardi and Shibab al-din Abu Hafs Umar al Suharwardi. This order originated in Iran and establish in India by Bahauddin Zakariya. The history of Suharwardi order in India begins with the advent of some of the disciples of sheikh Shihabud-din Suharwardi from Baghdad. Among them Sheikh Jalauddin Tabrizi, Qazi Hamid ud din Nagauri, Sayyid Nut ud din Mubarak Ghazanvi, Sheikh Bahaad

flO Sufism in SouthAsia. din Zakariya Multani, Sahikh Ziauddin Rumi were the most renewed. Each of them had a distinguish career in their own sheres, but therefore organizing the Suharwardi silsilah in India belongs to Sheikh Bahaud din Zakariya Multani. He was born at kot Aror in 1183 A.D. after completing his study he visited great centers of muslim learning at Khurasan, Bukhara, Medina and Palestine. Sheikh Bahauddin Zakariya was one of the most influential mystic teachers of his age. Sheikh Bahauddin died in 1267-68 A.D and was buried at Multan. His eldest son Sadruddin succeeded him as the khalifa of Multan. He died in 1255 A.D his another khalifa Sheikh Jalalu-ud-din Surk Bukhari died in 1291 A.D established a strong Suharwardi centre at Ucheh branch.

Sheikh Sadruid Din was followed by his son Sheikh Rukn ad din Abul Fath who died in 1333 A.D. Zia ad din Barani an early historian pays eloquent tribute to his and says that the entire population of Sindh had faith in him and even large number of Ulama had joined the circle of his disciples

The Khalifa of Jalal ad din was an eminent saint named Jalal ad din Bukhari generally known as Makh dumi Jahaniyan Jahan gasht who died in 1383 A.D and was buried at Uehah. He is held in high repute amoung the Sufis for his out-standing practical contribution to Suhrawardi Sufi order. Jalal ad Din disciples established Suhrawardi centres in other provincial kingdoms. In Delhi Sheikh Sama ud din died in 1496 A.D, preached mystical teachings. After his disciple Sheikh Jamali acquired a great fame. He was a poet and wrote first tazkirah on Indian Sufis which included saints which included saints of more than one silsilah. He died in] 536 A.D.

Teachings of Suit arwardi Order

The Suharwardi Khanqahs were organized on a pattern different from Chishtis. The Suharwardi saints mixed freely with the sultans. They took part in political affairs, and accepted government honours. The Suharwardi khanqahs were not open to all people, i.e general and selected. Sheikh Bahauddin used to say, I have nothing to do with the general public and no reliance can be placed upon

106 Sufism in South Asia. them. As to the selected, they receive spiritual blessings and benefits according to their capabilities. The Suharwardi have contact with rulers because they say that if the rulers are reformed. The general public will automatically be reformed. They allowed their followers and accepted the government services and considered it as the most effective instrument to relieve the misery of the common man. The Suharwardi believe in the Pantheistic theory of Ibn al Arabi (whadat al wujud).

The Qadris order

Qadri order was founded by Sahikh Abdul Qadir Jilani, whose tomb is in Bhagdad. This order was founded in 12th century and is considered to be the oldest order. He was born in Gilan in 1078 A.D. and died in 1166 A.D. After his death, the Sufi order was propagated by his sons. The Qadri order spread too many places including Syria, turkey, some parts of Africa such as Cameroun, Mauritania, and Tanzania. It was first introduced in India by Muhammad Ghawth who comes tenth in the line of succession from Sheikh Abdul Qadir Jilani who established a hospice at uch in 1482 A.D. he was very popular in Uch and a large number of adherents gathered around him. He died in 1517 A.D. and was buried in Uch. He was succeeded by his son Abdul Qdir II who in his early life indulged in various luxuries. When he succeeded as khalifa his life underwent a complete change, and passed the rest of his days in al life of absolute poverty, in which he was persecuted. He died in 1533-34 A.D.

Teachings of Qadri Order

Sheikh Abdul Qadir's mystic philosophy is based on Tauhid-I Wujudi (unity of being) which is fully explained in two important works i.e. Malfuzat-I Qadri and A1-Fatehar Rabbani. To explain Tauhid-1 Wujudi, he compares khalq (creation) with snow. As after melting the snow becomes water, in the same way a man by killing his nafs (self) purifies his soul and reaches the stage of fana-ul fana and becomes an embodiment of Divine attributes.

107 Sufism in South Asia.

The Nagsl:handi Order

The Naqshbandi Order is the way of the Companions of the Prophet and those who follow them. This Way consists of continuous worship in every action, both external and internal, with complete discipline according to the Sunnab of the Prophet.

It consists in maintaining the highest level of conduct and leaving absolutely all innovations and all free interpretations in public customs and private behavior. It consists in keeping awareness of the Presence of God, Almighty and Exalted, on the way to self-effacement and complete experience of the Divine Presence. It is the Way of complete reflection of the highest degree or perfection. It is the Way of sanctifying the self by means of the most difficult struggle, the struggle against the self. It begins where the other orders end, in the attraction of complete Divine Love, which was granted to the first friend of the Prophet, Abu Bakr as-Siddiq.

Historically speaking, the Naqshbandi Way can be traced back directly to the first of the rightly-guided caliphs, Abu Bakr as-Siddiq, who succeeded the Prophet Muhammad in his knowledge and in his role of guiding the Muslim community and indirectly to the fourth rightly-guided caliph, All Abi Talib. He was the second of two in the cave, and he said to his friend: do not be sad, for God is with us (Quran, 9:40).

Concerning Abu Bakr as-Siddiq, the Blessed Prophet said, "The sun never rose nor set on anyone better Abu Bakr except prophets." He also said, "Abu Bakr does not precede you in anything in the way of prayers or fasting but in a secret rooted deep in his heart." The Prophet (S.A) also said, "IfI had taken to myself a beloved friend, I would have taken Abu Bakr as my beloved friend; but he is my brother and my companion."

What distinguishes the Naqshbandi Sufi Way from other Sufi orders was the fact that it took its foundations and principles from the teachings and example of five bright stars in the firmament of the Prophet. These great figures were

108 Stism in South Asia.

Abu Bakr as-Siddiq, Salmon al-Farsi, Bayazid at-Bistami, Abdul Khaliq al- Ghujdawani and Muhammad Bahauddin Uwaysi al-Bukhari, better known as Shah i4agshband, the eponymous Imam of the tariqat

Behind the word Naqshband stand two ideas: naqsh which means "engraving" and suggests engraving the name of God in the heart, and band which means "bond" and indicates the link between the individual and his Creator. This means that the Naqshbandi Sufi initiate practices her or his prayers and obligations according to the Divine Revelations and Inspirations, and keeps to the Traditions and Perfect Moral Character of the Prophets and their Saintly Disciples and Companions, striving to keep the presence and love of God alive in her or his heart through a direct personal experience of the link between herself or himself and his Lord.

This order was one of the major Sufi orders during the 17's century, founded by Khawaja Ahmad Ata Yasmi, but later this order organized by khawaj Bahuddin Naqshband in 1389 among the Truks and Mangols of central Asia. Naqshbandi Silsila introduced in India by Khawnja Baqi Billah (1563-1603). He was born in Delhi but educated and brought up in Kabul and Samarqand, where he came in contact with the Naqshbandi school of thought and admitted himself to that school, then he came to India. He died in 1603 A.D. But it was his disciple sheikh Ahmad Farugi who really established this order in India. He was born in Sirhind in 1364 A.D. and died in 1625A.D. in Sirhind. It is widely spread in Central Asia, the Volga, the Caucasus, the northwest and the southwest of china. This is the only order which traces the genealogy of its lineage of transmission of knowledge back through the first Muslim ruler.

Besides these four major orders there are some more orders of Sufism which are also practiced but the ratio of followers are very low. They are:

Azimiyya Silsila Azeemia believes that as people advance in the physical sciences, they become more distant from religion, that as their faith weakens, they stop pursuing peace and understanding of their inner being. 109 Sufain in South Asia.

Silsila-e-Azeemia responds to this belief by proposing a system that scientifically ftilfills spiritual needs of man in this modem era. Instead of employing orthodox, traditional spiritual education, Silsiia-e-Azeemia offers modern techniques formulated to keep pace with modem science.

The founder leader of Silsila-e-Azeemia, Qalandar Baba Auliya, founded this Sufi Order after saying he had spiritually gained its approval from Muhammad in July 1960. The order is named after its founder.

Silsila-e-Azeemia encompasses two spiritual areas: spiritual association (salook) andraptness Ouzb). Qalandar Baba Auliya is associated with twenty- one Sufi Orders and is the Khanwada (recipient of a thinking pattern of the founder leader of a Sufi Order) of eleven Sufi Orders.

Al Akhariyya

Al Akbariyya is a word derived from nickname of lbn Arabi (1165-1240) who was known as Sheikh al-Akbar which meaning is the greatest Sheikh. As a definitive tern Al Akbariyya it has never been used to indicate a Sufi group or society in history but especially in nowadays it is used for all historical or contemporary Sufi metaphysicians and Sufis influenced by Ibn Arabi's Sufi doctrine Wandat al-Wujud. In this regard it is more different than Al Akbariyya a secret Sufi society founded by a Swedish Sufi 'Abdu l-Hadi Agueli.

Alians

The Alians are a Shia order, similar to the Sufi Mevlevi, who lives in several regions of Bulgaria. Alians revere Ali ibn Abi Talib, son-in-law and first cousin of the Islamic prophet Muhammad, whom they consider an emanation of God. They follow the mystical rituals of the wandering dervishes.

Bu-Alawiyya

The Ba-Alawi tariqa, also known as the Tariqa Alawiyya is a Sufi order centered in Hadhramawt, Yemen, but now spread across the Indian Ocean rim

I10 Sufism in South Asia.

along with the Hadhrami diaspora. The order is closely tied to the Ba'Alawi sadah family.

Ii was founded by al-Fagih Mugaddam as Sayyid Muhammad bin All Ba'Alawi al-Husain, who died in the year 653 AH (1232 CE). He received his ijazah from Abu Madyan in Morocco via two of his students.! Abu Madyan was a student of Abdul Qadir Jilani, as well as one of the sheikhs in the Shadhiliya tariqa chain of spiritual transmitters from Muhammad. The members of this Sufi way are mainly sayyids whose ancestors hail from the valley of Hadramaut, in the southern part of Yemen, although it is not limited to them.

Bayramiyya

Bayrami, Bayramiye, Bayramiyya, Bayramiyye, and Bayramilik refer to a Turkish Sufi order (tariqah) founded by Hajji Bayram (Hatt Bayram-i Veli) in Ankara around the year 1400 as a combination of Khalwati, Naqshbandi, and Akbari Sufi Orders. The order spread to the then Ottoman capital Istanbul where there were several tekkes and into the Balkans (especially Rumelia, Bosnia, Macedonia and Greece). The order also spread into Egypt where a tekke was found in the capital, Cairo.

Although the order today is almost nonexistent, its influence can be seen in Aziz Mahtnud Hudayi founder of the Jelveti order, and the prolific writer and ti Muslim saint Ismail Hakkt Bursevi.

Bektashiyyah

The Bektashi Order founded in the 13th century by the Persian saint Haji Bektash Veli. The order is particularly found throughout Anatolia and the Balkans. In addition to the spiritual teachings of Haji Bektash Veli the Bktashi tariqat was significantly influenced during its formative period by both the Hurufis (in the early 15'" century) as well as the Qalandariyah stream of Sufism, which took many forms in 1311' century Anatolia. The mystical practices and rituals of the Bektashi order were systematized and structured by

111 Sufism in Soul!: Asia.

Baum Sultan in the 16`a century after which many of the order's distinct practices and beliefs took shape.

Galibi

The Galibi Order of Sufism is a descendant of the Qadiriyyah-Rufai orders the integration of the earliest and the most popular orders established in Islam. It has been called as Qadiri-Rufai order until the order branched off its ancestor school in 1993, and began to be called after the name of its sheikh, Galip Hassan Kuscuoglu. The Order's central dargah is in Ankara and it has various branches throughout Turkey (e.g Istanbul, Qorum, Adana, Gaziantep, Kutahya, Isparta, Antalya). The Galibi are Hanifi in Gqh and Alevi in disposition.

Gulshani

The Gulshani (Turkish: Gulseni) is a Halvati (Khalwati order) sub-order founded by Pir Ibrahim Gulshani, a TurkmenSufi sheikh from Eastern Anatolia, who died in Egypt. His family roots reaches to Oguzata shah in Azerbaijan.

When the Ottomans conquered Egypt the Gulshani order became popular with serving soldiers of the Ottoman army in Egypt. The order was later carried back to Diyarbakir and Istanbul where several zawiyas or tekkes were established.

Hurufiyya

Humfism was a mystical kabbalistic Sufi doctrine, which spread in areas of western Persia, Anatolia and Azerbaijan in later 14a' early 15th century.

Idrisiyya

The idrisiyya is a Sufi order founded by Ahmad Ibn Idris al-Fasi (1760-1837). Its adherents are widespread throughout North Africa, from where it has spread to Saudi Arabia and Southeast Asia. A branch of this order was introduced in Singapore by the followers of Sheikh Muhammad Said al-Linggi (d.1926). The

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Sufism in South Asia.

Idrisiyya has been introduced in Pakistan by Sheikh Amin bin Abdul Rehman, a student of Sheikh Muhammad al-Mulla of AI-Ahsa, Saudi Arabia.

Hazrat Ahmad bin Idris had spiritual teachers in the Shadhili Suti order. Although Idrisiyya is based on a directUwaisi spiritual relationship with the Prophet Muhammad, it is historically linked to the Shadhili order, which in turn is linked to Qadiriyya.

Jelveti

Jelveti is the name of a Sufi order that was founded by the Turkish saint Aziz Mahmud Hudayi. It shares the same spiritual chain as the Khalwati order and thus there are many similarities between them. The two orders split however with Sheikh Zahed Gilani, where the Jelveti order then goes on to Hajji Bayram f and Aziz Mahmud Hudayi.

Jerrahiyya

The Jerrahi are a Sufi tariqah (order) derived from the Halveti order. Their founder was Muhammad Nureddin al-Jerrahi, who lived in Istanbul and is buried at the site of his tekke in Karagumruk Istanbul. During the late Ottoman period, this order was widespread throughout the Balkans, particularly Macedonia and southern Greece (Morea).

Th Khalwatiyya

The Khalwati order (also known as Khalwatiyya, Khalwatiya, or Halveti, as it is known in Turkey) is an Islamic Sufi brotherhood (tariga). Along with the Naqshbandi, Qadiri and Shadhili orders, it is among the most famous Sufi orders. The order takes its name from the Arabic word khalwa, meaning "method of withdrawal or isolation from the world for mystical purposes."

The order was founded by Umar al-Khalwati in the city of Herat in medieval ti Khorasan (now located in western Afghanistan). However, it was Umar's disciple, Yahya Shirvani, who founded the "Khalwati Way." Yahya Shirvani

113 Srfsni in South Asia. wrote Wird al-Sattar, a devotional text read by the members of nearly all the branches of Khalwatiyya.

Kubrawiya

The Kubrawiya order is a Sufi order ("tariqa") named after its 13th century founder Najmuddin Kubra. One of the branches, the Nurbakhshi Kubrawi lineage, embraced Shi'a Islam and is named after Muhammad Nurbakhsh. The largest existing branch of the Kubrawiya order today is the Uwaisi Shahmaghsoudi order.

Madariyya

The Madariyya are members of a Sufi order (tariqa) popular in North India, especially in Uttar Pradesh, the Mewat region, Bihar and Bengal, as well as in Nepal and Bangladesh. Known for its syncretic aspects, lack of emphasis on external religious practice and focus on internal dhikr, it was initiated by the Sufi saint 'Sayed Badiuddin Zinda Shah Madar' (d. 1434 CE), called "Qutb-ul- Madar", and is centered around his shrine (dargah) at Makanpur, Kanpur district, Uttar Pradesh.

Originating from the Tayfuriya order, as his Pir, spiritual teacher was Bayazid Tayfur al-Bistami, Madariya reached its zenith in the late Mughal period between 15t h to 17t h century, and gave rise to several new orders as Madar's disciples spread through the Northern plains of India, into Bengal. As with most Sufi orders, its name Madariya too has been created by adding a Nisba to the name its founder, Madar in this case lead to Madariya, sometimes spelled as Madariyya, though it is also referred as Tabaqatiya at many places.

He was blessed with long life of 596 years and his presence is found from Sheikh Abdul Qadir Jilani at Baghdad Sharif till Sufi Chisti saint Khwaja Gharib Nawaz, Moinuddin Chishti of Ajmer.

Malamatiyya

114 Sufisin in South Asia.

The Malarnatiyya or Malamatis are a Sufi (Muslim mystic) group that was active in 8`h century Samanid Iran. Believing in the value of self-blame, that piety should be a private matter, and that being held in good esteem would lead to worldly attachment, they concealed their knowledge and made sure their faults would be known, reminding them of their imperfection. The Arabic word malama means "to blame". According to Annemarie Schimmel, "the Malamatis deliberately tried to draw the contempt of the world upon them by committing unseemly, even unlawful, actions, but they preserved perfect purity of thought and loved God without second thought". Schimmel goes on to relate a story illustrative of such actions: "One of them was hailed by a large crowd when he entered a town; they tried to accompany the great saint; but on the road he publicly started urinating in an unlawful way so that all of them left him and no longer believed in his high spiritual rank."

Mawlawiyyah

The Mawlawiyya/Mevlevi Order, or the Mevlevilik/Mevleviye (Persian: Molavlych) is a Sufi order founded in Konya (in present-day Turkey) by the followers of Jalal ad-Din Muhammad Balkhi-Rumi, a 13" century Persian poet, Islamic jurist, and theologian. They are also known as the Whirling Dervishes due to their famous practice of whirling as a form of dhikr (remembrance of God). Dervish is a common term for an initiate of the Sufi path; the whirling is part of the formal Sama ceremony and the participants are properly known as

semazen. The current master of the order is Sheikha Nur, born Nur Artiran,

Mouridiya

The Mouride brotherhood (yoonu murit in Wolof, At-Tarigat al-Muridiyya or simply Muridiyya in Arabic) is a large Islamic Sufi order most prominent in

Senegal and The Gambia, with headquarters in the holy city of Touba, Senegal. The followers are called Mourides, from the Arabic word murid (literally "one who desires"), a term used generally in Sufism to designate a disciple of a spiritual guide. The beliefs and practices of the Mourides constitute Mouridism.

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Sufism in South Asia.

The Mouride brotherhood was founded in 1883 in Senegal by Amadou Bamba. The Mouride make up around 1/6 of the total population in Senegal. Their influence over everyday life can be seen throughout Senegal.

Nagshbandia Owaisia

Naqshbandi Owais'lyya Order is one of the major Sufi orders (turuq, singular tariqah) of Islam. Formed in 1380, the order is considered by some to be a "sober" order known for its silent dhikr (remembrance of God) rather than the vocalized forms common in other orders.

Khalidiyya

Naqshbandiyya Khalidiyya, or Khalidiyya, is the title of a branch of the Naqshbandiyya Sufi lineage, from the time of Khalid al-Baghdadi until the time of Sheikh Ismail ash-Shirwani.

Moshe Gammer in Muslim Resistance to the Tsar said that the "Naqshbandiyya Khalidiyya, is a branch of the Naqshbandi order named after Sheikh Diya al- Din Khalid al-Shahrazuri (Khalid al-Baghdadi)".

Nasuhi

The Nasuhi are a sub-order of the Kltalwati Sufi order. Their founder, Pir Nasuhi, was a prolific author who wrote a number of works including a commentary upon the Queen he died and was buried at his tekke in Uskudar in Istanbul. The order was not a widespread order and had only a number of tekkes in Istanbul and Bursa.

The centre of the Nasuhi order was in Dogancilar a sub district of Uskudar, Istanbul where the grand Sheikh of the order sat at the Nasuhi Tekke.

When Turkey became a republic all tekkes were closed. The Nasuhi tekke was '7 later opened in the form of a mosque, although much of the rear of the tekke complex remains closed to the public. The resting place of Sheikh Nasuhi remains a place of pilgrimage for pious Muslims in Turkey of one of the less

116 St J7sm in Son/Is Asia. well known Muslim saints in Istanbul (especially in comparison to Aziz Mahmud Hudayi. He is still an important Sheikh in the Khalwati order

Ni'matullabi

The Ni matullahl or Nematollihi (also spelled as "Nimatoliahi", "Nematollahi" or "Ni'matallahi") is a Iranian Sufi order (or tariqa) originating in Iran. According to Moojan Momen, the number of Ni'matullahl in Iran in 1980 was estimated to be between 50,000 and 350,000. Following the emigration of Dr. Javad Nurbakhsh and other dervishes after the 1979 Iranian Revolution, the tariqa has attracted numerous followers outside Iran, mostly in Europe, West Africa and North America, although the first khaniqa outside of Iran was formed in San Francisco, California, United States in 1975, a few years before the revolution in Iran.

Nuktawiyya

The Nuqtavi (Arabic: Nuqtawiyyah) movement was founded by Mahmud Paslkhan7 when he proclaimed himself the Mandi in 1397. The group is an offshoot of the Hurufi movement, from which Pasikhant was expelled for arrogance. The group first arose in Anjudan near Kashan an area known for its Nizar7Isma'IIS Shia Islam.

Qalandariyya

The Qalandariyyah, Qalandaris or Kalandars are wandering Sufi dervishes. The term covers a variety of sects, not centrally organized. One was founded by Qalandar Yusuf al-Andalusi of Andalusia, Spain.

Starting in the early 12a' century, the movement gained popularity in Greater Khorasan and neighboring regions, including the Indian subcontinent. The first references are found in 11`" century prose text Qalandarname (The Tale of the Kalandar) attributed to Ansarl Harawi. The term Qalandariyyat (the Qalandar condition) appears to be first applied by Sanai Ghaznavi (d. 1131) in seminal poetic works where diverse practices are described. Particular to the galandar

117 Sufism in Sonth Asia. genre of poetry are terms that refer to gambling, games, intoxicants and Nazar ila'l-murd - themes commonly referred to as kufriyyat or kharabat.

The Qalandariya may have arisen from the earlier Malamatiyya and exhibited Buddhist and Hindu influences. They condemned the use of drugs and dressed only in blankets or in hip-length hair shirts.

The writings of qalandars were not a mere celebration of libertinism, but antinomial practices of affirmation from negative action. The order was often viewed suspiciously by authorities

The term remains in popular culture. Sufi gawwali singers the Sabri brothers and international Qawwali star Nusrat Fateb Ali Khan favoured the chant dam a dam masta qalandar (with every breath ecstatic Qalandar!), and a similar refrain appeared in a hit song from Runs Laila from movie Ek Se Badhkar Ek that became a dancefloor crossover hit in the 1970s.

Rifa'iyya

The Rifa'i order is an eminent Sufi order founded by Ahmed ar-Rifa'i and developed in the Lower Iraq marshlands between Wasit and Basra. The Rifa'iyya had its greatest following until the 15'" century C.E. when it was overtaken by the Qadiri order. Presently the order is said to maintain particular influence in Cairo, Egypt. Its distinctive features include walking on hot coals and consuming live snakes.

Rishi

Sufism flourished in Kashmir during I5'" to 16'" centuries. Before the emergence of this order; a religious preacher from Hamdan, Mir, Syed Ali Hamadani (1314-1385) had entered Kashmir with a group of followers to spread Islam. The missionary zeal of Hamadani, his sons and disciples made little impact on the people of Kashmir. The Rishi order, on the other, was an indigenous one established by Shaikh Nuruddin Wall (d.1430). It prospered in the rural environment of Kashmir and influenced the religious life of the people

118 Sufism in South Asia. during 15'h and 16`" centuries. The popularity of the Rishi order was due to the fact and it drew inspiration from the popular Shaivite bhakti tradition of Kashmir and was rooted in the socio cultural milieu of the region.

Safaviyya

The Safaviyya was a Sufi order founded by the Kurdish mystic Sheikh Safi-ad- din Ardabili (1252-1334). It held a prominent place in the society and politics of northwestern Iran in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, but today it is best known for having given rise to the Safavid dynasty.

Shadhiliyya

The Shadhili Tariqa is a Sufi order of Sunni Islam founded by Abul Hasan All ash-Shadhilil. Followers (Arabic murids, "seekers") of the Shadhiliya are known as Shadbilis.

It has historically been of importance and influence in North Africa and Egypt with many contributions to Islamic literature.

Sunbuli.

The Sunbuliye is a branch of the Halveti order, founded by Sunbul Sinan Efendi, more commonly known in Turkey as `Sunbul Effendi'. Sunbul Effendi was born in 1464 or between 1475 and 1480 in Mcrzifon, Turkey. He became a dervish with Sheikh Muhammed Jernaleddin al-Khalwati of the Halveti order at the Koja Mustafa Pasha Dergah/Mosque in Istanbul.

After becoming a Khalif or representative of Sheikh Muhammed Jemaluddin he was sent to Egypt where he spread the Halveti order. Upon hearing of his sheykh's death he returned to Istanbul to serve the Halveti order until his death in 1529. He is buried in the Koja Mustafa Pasha Tekke in the Fatih district of Istanbul. For several hundred years this Tekke served as the centre of the Sunbuli order with all of the grand Sheikhs of the order being buried at the Tekke.

119 Srrfrsm in SouthAsia.

Tijaniyyah

The Tijaniyyah is a Sufi tariqa (order, path) originating in North Africa but now more widespread in West Africa, particularly in Senegal, The Gambia, Mauritania, Mali, Guinea, and Northern Nigeria and Sudan. Its adherents are called Tijani (spelled Tijaan or Tiijaan in Wolof, Tidiane or Tidjane in French). Tijani attach a large importance to culture and education, and emphasize the individual adhesion of the disciple (murid). To become a member of the order, one must receive the Tijani wird, or a sequence of holy phrases to be repeated twice daily, from a muqaddam, or representative of the order.

Ussaki

Sayyid Hasan Husameddin was the founder of the Ussaki branch of the Khalwatiyya order of Islamic mysticism, also known as Tasawwuf. Literal translation of his name, Husameddin means the sharp sword of the religion. He was born in 880 A.H. (1473 CE) in Bukhara, Uzbekistan. Being the son of a merchant named Hsjji Tebaruk, his family lineage extends to Imam Flassan, Caliph Ali, and eventually to the Prophet Muhammed.

Uwaisi.

The term Uwaisi is derived from the name of Uwais al-Qarani, who never met the Islamic prophet Muhamtnadphysically, yet was fully aware of his spiritual presence at all times of his life.

Uwaisyaan refers to those Sufis who have gained the spiritual chain from another Sufi without physically meeting them in this world. Usually "Uwaisyan" are known as a school in Tasawwuf, and the word Uwaisi is its singular form. In the science of spirituality of Islam (Tasawwut) the Uwaisi Transmission occurs when the spirits of righteous believers (saliheen, awliya) meet in the world called 'alam al-arwaah (the world of spirits) which is beyond 'alam al-ajsam (the material plane). Whoever takes knowledge through spirituality from a deceased master in 'alam al-arwaah is called Uwaisi. This means of transmission is considered as powerful and effective as the physical relation of master and disciple.

120 Srism in South Asia

Zahediyya

The Zahediyeh Sufi Order was founded by Sheikh Zahed Gilani (Taj Al-Din Ebrahim ibn Rushan Amir Al-Kurdi Al-Sinjani) of Lahijan. As a precursor to the Safaviyya tariqa, which was yet to culminate in the Safavid Dynasty, the Zahediyeh Order and its murshid, Sheikh Zahed Gilani, holds a distinct place in the history of Iran.

SUFISM IN SOUTH ASIA

Sufism was a thriving concern in the Mughal heyday of South Asia. Sufis from the Chishtiyya and Naqshbandiyya, the major Sufi traditions of the day in India, as well as dervishes unattached to any specific Sufi lineage (silsila), all gathered in considerable number in different cities of South Asia, however the I chapter will concentrate mainly on Indian Sufi Tradition.

SUFI TRADITION IN SOUTH INDIA

Interacting with the merchants, notables and soldiers of the South India mainly in Aurangabad, many of the city's Sufis also possessed these other social identities in addition to that of a formal Sufi initiate (murid). The number of `full-time' Sufis individuals whose social identity was constructed in exclusive terms of the dervish life was of course smaller. Among these professionals of the soul, four Sufis emerged as the greatest capturers of large and moreover influential constituencies of followers in Awrangabad, founding the patronal associations that would help to ensure the continuation of their cults of fellowship after their deaths. These Sufis, the unaffiliated (or possibly Qadiri) Shah Nut, the Naqshbandi Shah Palangposh and Shah Musafir and the Chishti Nizma al-din, were the Sufis who were later transformed into the city's foremost saints.

By the time Awrangzeb moved his court permanently to the Deccan, Sufis from a wide variety of traditions could look back upon a long history of their `orders' (turuq) across not only India in general but the Deccan in particular.

121 Safism in South Asia.

Although Qadirl Sufis enjoyed considerable importance in the medieval Deccan, the region also became associated early on with the Chishti order through the transfer of the Delhi-based tradition to nearby Khuldabad in the fourteenth century. However, many other Sufi groups enjoyed considerable success in different parts of the region, with Bijapur as an important centre for Shattar as well as Qadir and Chisht Sufis and Bidar pivotal in the history of the Ni'mat Allah brotherhood before its reintroduction to Persia in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Such Sufis therefore gathered in centres of political importance and did so for reasons of patronage, safety and propagation. The richest contemporary source on Sufism in the Mughal city, the Malfuzat-e- Naqshbandiyya that was mainly compiled from the mid-1140s/1730s by the Sufi resident Shah Mahmud (d. 1175/1762), describes a good many of the kinds of comings and goings we have just sketched. There were, of course, the dervishes, no mean proportion coming from as far as Central Asia and Persia. Then there were the fighting men of all ranks, from the elevated station of the great Mughal soldier Ghazl al-din Khan Firhz Jang (d. 1122/1710), Awrangzeb's greatest general in the Deccan) to the many humbler men of fortune having business with the Sufis whom Shah Mahmud commemorated.

Like the Awrangabad Naqshbandis, Ghazl al-dln and many others of these soldiers were immigrants from Central Asia. The lives of Shah Nur, Shah Palangposh, Shah Musafir and Nizam al-din demonstrate the varied types and traditions operating in Mughal Awrangabad within the broader framework or rhetoric of tasawwuf. This is seen not only in their membership of three different Sufi `orders', but also in their manifestation of the different reaches literary, ethnic or stylistic, of Sufi life. In the case of Shah Nur, short references in a contemporary biographical dictionary of Mughal notables and the existence of two early albeit posthumous commemorative texts (tazkirat) allows insight into the style, if not always the detail of his life, while in the case of the three remaining Sufis we are fortunate in possessing contemporary records of their careers.

122 Sufism in South Asia.

The saints of Panchakki

The tradition of Shah Palangposh and Shah Musafir also maintained its position of early prominence in the city during the eighteenth century. Shah Musafir's successor Shah Mahmud oversaw the expansion of the shrine to the degree that it acquired much of the surrounding property along the riverbank beneath the city walls. Yet with their own gateway in the city walls; the Panchakki saints' position as spiritual gatekeepers to the city at large seems to have been regarded more as a cause for alarm than peace of mind among the more pragmatic members of Awrangabad's Msaf Jah governing class. These concerns carne to a head during the series of Maratha raids on the city that took place in the years following the death of Nizmm al-Mulk in 1161/1748. For in view of the shrine's adjacent location to the city walls and the relative weakness of the gate built by Shah Mahmud, Panchakki came to be regarded as the weak point in the city's defences. In many ways this was ironic, for around the same time the shrine's sapada nashln Shah Mahmud celebrated the miraculous power of Shah Musafir to ward off the raids of the Marathas, while the constant threat of Maratha incursions also partly underwrote Shah Mahmud's veiled assurances in the Malfuzat-e-Naqshbandiyya that the barakat of Shah Musatir was capable of defending the city indefinitely.

Nizam Al -i/din

As we have seen, Nizmm al-din's tradition effectively shifted to Delhi with his son Fakhr al-din and his successors during middle of the eighteenth century. In common with what was by this period long-established custom, Fakhr al-din was succeeded in Delhi after his death by his son Ghulam Qutb aldin (d. 1232/1817) rather than by one of his disciples (murids). Ghulam Qutb al-din continued the legacy of Nizmm al-din of Awrangabad in Delhi, the city from which the saint had departed for the Deccan over a century earlier. Nizmm al- din's heirs in this way echoed the bonds we have seen tying Nizam al-din and the literature surrounding him in Awrangabad to the old capital of Muslim saints and kings in Delhi. Nonetheless, Ghulam Qutb al-din's own followers

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Sufism in South Asia.

were numerous and through them lie was able to maintain the prestige of Nizam al-din's lineage among the late Mughal elite of Delhi. Marking his permanent place in Delhi's commemorative tradition, Qutb al-din's career was briefly summarized by the great Muslim modernist Sayyid Ahmad Khan (d. 1315/1898) in his celebration of the peoples and places of Delhi, Asar al- sanadld, which is discussed in more detail later in this chapter. In Awrangabad, however, the embers of Nizam al-din's memory burned less brightly beside the brightness of that of his representatives surrounding the court of the last Mughal rulers in Delhi. Yet throughout the nineteenth century, the prominence of these North Indian relatives caused a considerable increase in the status of Nizam al-din. The circumstances of this rise in the reputation of a saint whose earlier position in the city was by no means one of pre-eminence are of considerable interest, for they show the importance of literary celebration and the possession of trans-regional connections in the saint-making process. Neither Shah Nur nor the Awrangabad Naqshbandis possessed enduring connections with parties in other major cities, owing their fame rather to the purely local connections they were able to make during Awrangabad's years of prominence. As we have seen, when the court left and the city fell into decline, this lack of a wider structure of support in other regions meant that while the saints were by then established as the supernatural patrons of Awrangabad -~~ itself, they were unable to find a wider following beyond it. The case of Nizam al-din was quite different. IL was the same departure of Nizam al-din's main successor to Delhi that had contributed to the demise in the fortunes of his shrine in Awrangabad that would in the nineteenth century secure his posthumous reputation. For while virtually no mention of the other saints of Awrangabad seems to have been made during the whole nineteenth century, the name of Nizam al-din came to be celebrated in many of the most important North Indian Sufi and other Muslim commemorative works of the age. These included the Takmila-ye-siyar al-awliym of Gul Muhammad Ahmadpuri (d. 1 1243/1827) and the Asar al-sanadld of Sayyid Ahmad Khran (d. 1315/1898). As a result of this external support, traditions emerged over the following

124 Safism in South Asia decades that would present Nizam al-din as the premier saint of Awrangabad and even argue for a comparable position for him in the Asaf Jah state at large. This process of literary celebration combined with the prestige that Nizam at- din automatically acquired through his sharing the same spiritual lineage as the older Chishtis of Delhi and their early descendants at Khuldabad. These factors drew further strength from the memory of Nizam al-din's connection with Nizam al-Mulk Asaf Jah in order to become the focus of narrative traditions glorifying the saint's command of powers of vast consequence, painting him ultimately as the miraculous founder of the Nizams' power over Hyderabad. The eventual result was the rise of Nizam al-din to the point of eclipsing the prestige of the other saints of Awrangabad. This literary diffusion of Nizam al- din's memory stemmed mainly from the influence of Chishti circles in North India and was the result of Nizam al-din's paternal connection with the lineage of Fakhr al-din in Delhi. After the death of Fakhr al-din's son, Ghulmm Qutb al-din, in 1232/1817 and his burial at the shrine of Bakhtiyar Kaki on the outskirts of Delhi, he was succeeded by his own son, Ghulam Nasr al-din. Better known by the nickname of Kale Miyan ('the Black Gentleman') in reference to the darkness of his complexion, Ghulam Nasir al-din was part of the religious world of Delhi in the years before the Great Revolt of 1273/1857.

Bande Naivaz

Syed Muhammad Hussain commonly known as Hazrat Khawaja Banda Nawaz Gaisu Daraz was a famous Sufi saint from India of the Chishti Order, who advocated understanding, tolerance and harmony among various religious groups.

There are several reasons for calling him Gesu Daraz. He had very long hair and for this reason he came to be called Gesu Daraz, which means `one with long locks of hair'. Another reason assigned is this that once he was carrying on his shoulders the palanquin in which his spiritual guide and teacher was sitting. All of a sudden his locks of hair, which extended up to his knees, were entangled in the wheel of the palanquin. Out of respect for his spiritual guide

125 SuJIsm in South Asia. he did not prefer to stop the palanquin in order to take out his hair from the wheel. His shaykh was highly pleased with him and he recited a couplet, conferring hum the title of Gesu Daraz. Gesu Daraz received his early education and training at home. His father and his maternal grandfather looked after him. At an early age he committed the Qur'an to memory. He was deprived of paternal care, when he was ten years, three months and one day old. Gesu Daraz received his early education and training at home. His father and his maternal grandfather looked after him. At an early age he committed the Qur'an to memory. He was deprived of paternal care, when he was ten years, three months and one day old. Gesu Daraz was very pious. He adhered to the sunna of the prophet Mohammed (p.B.U.I-I) strictly. He served his spiritual guide faithfully. He used to wake up in the middle of the night and devote himself to rituals, remembrance of God and prayers.

Gesudaraz was eager to become a disciple of Shaykh Nizam al-Din Awliya, because he had heard a lot about him through his father and other Sufis in Daulatabad, but the Shaykh had already died even before Gesudaraz's immigration to the Deccan. His place was occupied by his successor Shaykh Nasir al-Din Mahmud in Delhi. On the I" of Match 1336, Gesudaraz and his eldest brother became his disciples. Twenty years later in the year 1356 when Gesudaraz was 36 years old, Shaykh Nasir al-Din Mahmud bestowed on him the permission to maintain his own circle of disciples (Khalifah), which meant that he had become capabe of being a Shaykh. During the same year Shaykh Nasir al-Din Mahmud fell seriously illand passed away on the 18th of Ramadan 757/ 14a' September 1356. Gesudaraz took charge of his preceptor's monastery three days later. Hence he worked in Delhi for the next forty four years. At the age of 80, along with his family and some disciples, he left for Daulatabad in the year 801/ 1398 just after Timor's invasion of Delhi. It took him a couple of years to reach Daulatabad having halted at several places on the way. He paid homage at his father's shrine and probably intended to settle down there. Firuz Shah Bahmani had been crowned Sultan in Gulbarga. When he heard the arrival of Gesudaraz at Daulatabad, he formally invited him to Gulbarga and 126 Sufism in South Asia.

requested to settle down in the capital instead. He constructed a monastery for the saint outside the walls of the fort. The Sultan seems to have had great respect for Gesudaraz, for a long time he was engaged in religious discourses, sermons, and spiritual training of the people. Bande Nawaz attained an age of 101 years, died on 16 Ziga'ad 825 Hijri in Gulbarga and was buried there. His tomb is a place of Ziyaarat.

SUFI TRADITION IN NORTH INDIA

Baklitiar Kaki

Qutub ul Aqtab Hazrat Khawaja Syed Muhammad Outbuddin Bakhtiar Kaki was a renewed muslim Sufi mystic, saint and scholar of the Chishti Order from Delhi, India. His original name was Bakhtiyar and later on he was given the title Qutbuddin. The name "Kaki" to his name was attributed to him by virtue of a miracle that emanated from him at a later stage of his life in Delhi. He was disciple and the spiritual successor of Moinuddin Chishti as the head of the Chishti Order. His most famous disciple and spiritual successor was Baba Fareed. He played a major role in establishing the order in Delhi. The influence of Kutubuddin Bakhtiyar Kaki on Sufism in India was immense, as he continued and developed the traditional ideas of universal brotherhood and charity within the Chishti Order a new dimension of Islam started opening up in India which had hitherto not been present. He forms an important part of the Sufi movement which attracted many people to Islam in India in 13`h and 14" century.

Hazrat Qutbuddin Bakhtiyar Kaki (R.A) a dervish who lived his life for the upliftment of human heart and even today after his wisaal (communion) continues to heal the hearts hundreds and thousands of people who came to pay homage to his Dargah (shrine) in Mehruli. He continued the policy of non- involvement with the government of the day. This was the traditional way of saints of Chishti Order in South Asia, as they felt that their linkage with rulers and the government would turn their mind towards worldly matters.

127 Sufism in Sorrth Asia.

Hazrat Nizamuddin Anliya

Sultan-ul-Mashaikh Mehboob-a-Tlahi Hazrat Shaikh Muhammad Nizamuddin Auliya also known as Hazrat Nizamuddin, was a famous Sufi saint of the Chishti Order in India. His predecessors were Moinuddin Chishti, Bakhtiyar kaki, and Fariduddin Ganjshakar.

Hazrat Nizamuddin Auliya represents in many ways the pinnacle of the Chishti Order of the Sufis. Hazrat baba Farid (R.A) his spiritual guide, said to him on appointing him as his successor, "be like a big tree, so that Allah's creation, the human being in their vast multitudes, may find rest and solace under your shadow". With regard to the Sufi path Hazrat Nizamudduin Auliya (R.A) taught the following- for a dervish, three things are necessary and they all begin with an ain (an Arabic letter) i.e. Ishq (love), Aql (intelligence) and Ilm (knowledge).

Sufism is, in its essence the way of life "love". Love is considered to be a spiritual alchemy by means of which the baser qualities of human being are transformed into higher ones. In this respect it suffices to say that I-lazrat Nizamuddin Auliya (R.A) is known as Mehboob-e-Elahi, the beyond of Allah.

Intelligence changed in the hands of Hzrat Nizamuddin Auliya (R.A) into wisdom. His wisdom manifested itself in the shape of service to humanity. About him it has been said, "he was not a miracle monger of the ordinary set". He never flew in the air or walked on water with dry and motionless feet. His greatness was the greatness of a loving heart; his miracles were the miracles of a deeply sympathetic soul. He could read a man's inner heart by a glance at his face and spoke the words that brought consolation to a tortured heart.

About knowledge; the third faculty of a dervish it can be said Hazrat Nizamuddin Auliya (R.A) was one of the greatest scholar of his day. He wanted to become a Qazi, but gave it all up in his pursuit of inner knowledge. After becoming a mureed (spiritual disciple) of Hazrat Baba Farid (R.A), he lived in extremely poor circumstances.

128 Sufism in South Asia.

When Hazratt Nizamuddin Aulia became a disciple he began with books that Baba sahib asked him to read. One of them was Arif-ul-Maroof, and seven paras of the Quran he re-learnt from Hzt Baba Sahib. One day Hzt Baba Farid said to Hzt Nizamuddin, "Learn by heart this prayer and invoke it, everyday." When Hazrat Nizamuddin returned to Delhi, He would invoke it every day. After three years Hzt Baba Farid called for Hazrat Nizam from Delhi, when He reached Ajodhan, Hzt Sheikh Farid asked Him, "Do you remember the prayer, which I asked you to memorize?" "Yes", answered Hazrat Nizamuddin. "Well, let's hear it", replied Baba Farid. Hzt Nizam recited the prayer. Yada-e-mal fazlay allalbaraiya yabasid tad dainay bilattay-yah ya-sahaybil mawwahib bis- sannaiya yaadafay-il bal-la-a bil-attayyah sal-layallah Muhammaddeui barrartin naqqiya wagfirlanabil isha-a wal ashiya rabbana tawwafana muslimean walhigna bis-swaleheen wassalayala jameel ambia-a wal mursalim wa-ala mulnaqaatul mugarrabeen wassalam tasleeman gaseeran qaseera bayrahmat- tayka yaarhamar rahaymean. Baba Farid was very happy when he heard his disciple recite this out; he ordered at once that a pen and paper be brought, so that he might write right there and then the Khilafat-Nama. Written on the 13`" day of Ramzaan, the 25's day of that holy month in Hijri 659, I received the Khilafatnama. After the morning prayers Baba Farid called for Hzt Nizam, and in his mouth Baba Farid put some saliva and told to Hzt Nizam that the Khilafat-Nama would be complete when he would reach Hansi and get from Hzt Jammal-ud-din I-lansi, his signature and in Delhi you show this piece of paper to Qaii Muntajib.

Hzt Mehboob-e-Elahi completed what Baba Farid had said in the manner he did and returned from Delhi to Ajodhan and placed his head at the feet of Baba Farid. Baba Farid said, "Oh Jahangir-e-alam lift thy head" and then before the eyes of all the durveshes and khulfas, Baba Sahib removed from his head the cap of Khwaja Baktiyaar Kaki and placed it on his disciple's head, thank to God, Nizamuddin and turned to the qibla and invoked this prayer "Oh Lord Almighty, I give to you this helpless poor soul, oh Nizamuddin from here on I give you the kingdom of Hindustan, you will be the tree full of shade, in whose 129

Sufism in South Asia.

shade the creation of God will find peace and comfort". Finally the Khilafat- Nama he handed over to with the permission to leave for Delhi. When Hzt Nizamuddin Autia reached Delhi thousands flocked to see him and take disciple hood, the first man whom he made a disciple was Hzt Abu Bagar Manda(R.A).

When Hzt Mehboob-e-Elahi arrived in Delhi with the Khilafat, he first stayed at the house of Hzt Amir Khusraus maternal grandfather Rawwat Arz. From there he went to Chappardar Masjid, staying there a few days he went the house of Massod Kagazi where he stayed a few years. It was during this time Syed Muhammad Kirmani; maternal grandson of Baba Farid came to stay with Hzt Mehboob-e-Elahi. From there all of them, moved to the Sarai Raqaabdar Masjid and stayed there for a handful of years. Shadi Gulab Khan was the next halt, though a short one. From here it was the house of Sharabdar Shamshudin, in this way he moved from one place to the next. Once Hazrat Nizamuddin saw a durvesh in a state of meditation to God; he asked him which city you come from. He said, "This city", and then durvesh continued and said that he had seen a durvesh friend in the graveyard, that durvesh told me that if I (first durvesh) wanted the grace of Iman, the durvesh should leave this city. When Hzt Nizamuddin heard this durvesh say these words He felt like leaving. Sometimes the heart would suggest Patiyali, sometimes Basnaala and finally that is where Hazrat went. But Hzt Nizam stayed there for only three days. One day Hazrat were close to Hauzrani sitting in Bagh-e-Hasrat reminiscing about Allah. He said to Himself, "Oh Lord, I would like to leave this place, but not to anywhere of my selection, but to where you would like me to go". Hazrat were sitting in the shade, with a hope when a voice came "go to Giyaspur". At that time Hazrat Nizamuddin didn't even know where Giyaspur was. After this voice He went to Nishapuri friend, a geographer. When Hazrat reached his friend's home, He was told that his friend had gone to Giyaspur. Hzt

ti Nizamuddin waited for him to get back and then they both together set out to Giyaspur. Giyaspur was some unknown place with scarcely any people.

130 Sufism in Sordh Asia.

The health of Hzt Mehboob-e-Elahi began to crumble, on a Friday. He saw Prophet Muhammad (P.B.U.H) in a dream, saying to him "Oh my Nizam, I am very eager to see you, now the time has arrived, come to me". Eight months before your death you began to eat very little, and forty days before curtain call, you stopped eating entirely. Hazrat Mehboob-e-Elahi had got very close to God, that three days before his death, the veils in between him and the creator were unveiled. At the time of Ishraq on Wendsday 17 rabbi usani hijri 725, the Emperor of Islam in the east left this world. INNA LILLAH WA INNA ILLA YHAY RAJAYOON. Hazrat Mehboob-e-Elahi made a will before he left this world. "Along my j anaza there should be sima".

As they were carrying his janaza, a ghazal of Hzt Sheikh Sandi was sung. When the singer reached this couplet "A Tamasha gayey alam roohay to Tu kuja bayhayray tamasha meharvi". The hands of Hzt Mehboob-e-Elahi came out of the kaffan and the janaza began to tremble. At that time your Khalifa-e- Azam, Hzt Naseeraddin Mehmood Roshan Chirag Dehli said, "Sheikh, this is against the shariat", just then the hands went back into the kaftan. The namaaz for the janaza was lead by Sheikh Ruknuddin Abul Fateh Multani. When they were laying him down, Sheikh Ruknuddin collapsed and fainted. When he regained his consciousness, people asked what happened, he replied, "When I was laying him down, I saw Prophet Muhammad inside the grave, and he was saying, "give me my Nizam put him in my arms". I saw this and I fainted".

Nizamay do geed shaha mao teen

Siraj- ay do a/am .shuda halayqeen

Cho iareeq folish bajsiiam zegaib

Nida dad hatifshahenshah-a —deen

Salimuddin Chishti

Shaikh Salim Chishti was a Sufi saint during mughal empire in south Asia. Salim Chishti was one of the famous. Sufi saints of Chishti Order in India.

131 Sufism in South Asia.

The tomb of Shaikh Salim was originally built with red sandstone but later converted into beautiful marble mausoleum. Salim Chishti mazar (tomb) is in the middle of the emperor's courtyard at fatehpur sikri, Uttar Pradesh, India.

Klwwaja Muinuddin Chishti

The Chishti order was founded by Abu Ishaq Shami ("the Syrian") in Chisht, some 95 miles east of Herat in present day western Afghanistan. Moinuddin Chishti established the order in India, in the city of Ajmer in North India.

Khwaja Muinuddin Chishti, (R.A) was born in Scistan (East Persia) also known as Sajistan, around 533 Hijri (1138-39 A.D.) in a well respected family. His father, Khwaja Ghayasuddin, (R.A) and mother, Syeda Bibi Ummalwara (alias Bibi Mahe-Noor), were the descendants of Hazrat Ali, (R.A) through his sons Imam Hassan and Imam Hussain. Khwaja Sahib lost both his father and mother at an early age of sixteen years. He inherited an orchard and millstone which were his means of livelihood. One day when Khwaja Sahib was working in his orchard, a pious dervish and majzoob, Ebrahim Qandoozi, came and took his scat under the shade of a tree. When Khwaja Sahib saw him, he brought a bunch of grapes and presented it to his guest. The visitor ate the grapes and was delighted. He then took something out of his bag, chewed it, and then offered it to his young host. Khwaja Sahib ate it without any hesitation, and at once the light of wisdom and knowledge dawned upon the young Khwaja. Immediately he disposed of all of his worldly belongings and distributed the money amongst the poor. Having thus broken all the ties with worldly affairs, he set off for Samarkand and When Khwaja Sahib had acquired the best knowledge and wisdom of the time, he travelled widely in search of a Pir (spiritual guide) who could provide him with the best spiritual guidance. Ile came to know of Hazrat Khwaja Usman Harooni (R.A) who was the greatest scholar and unrivalled spiritual guide of that period. In the very first meeting, Khwaja Sahib completely submitted himself to his Murshid and remained in the company of this great divine spiritual leader, for twenty years and served him devotedly,

132 Sufism in South Asia. passing through the various stages of spiritual life. Thus the great Murshid trained and elevated Khwaja Sahib to the highest spiritual attainments

Khwaja Muinuddin Chishti (R.A) arrived in Ajmer at the age of 52 years around 587 A.H. (1190 A.D.), on his divine mission, unique in the annals of Islam. His only armour for the success of his great mission was the greatest "invisible power" that pervades and sustains the whole universe. At that time, Ajmer was ruled by Prithvi Raj Chauhan, the famous Rajput king. In his court, he had a large number of powerful magicians with Ajai Pal as their leader. Khwaja Sahib stayed on a hill close to Ana Sagar lake now known as the Chillah Khwaja Sahib. When the news spread that a very pious Dervish had come to Ajmer, people began to flock to him in increasing numbers. Whoever came to him, received the kindest treatment and blessings. People were so much inspired by his divine teachings and simplicity that they began to embrace Islam. Many became his disciples. Even Ajai pal submitted himself to the divine powers of Khwaja Sahib, gave up all his magic and became his disciple.

After achieving the objectives of his mission and complying with the command given to him by the Holy Prophet (S.A), his noble soul left the mortal body on the 6"' of Rajab 633 A.H. (March 16, 1236) at the age of 97. He was buried in the same cell which was the centre for his divine activities, throughout his stay at Ajmer. Today his tomb is popularly known as The Dargah Sharif (holy tomb). People of all walks of life and faith from all over the world, irrespective of their caste, creed and belief; visit this great shrine to offer the flowers of their esteem and devotion. The rich and the poor stand side by side to pay homage and respect to this divine soul.

Yaya Maneri

Mediviel history of Inian sub-cotinent is well connected with mystical events by Arabian origin Sufi saints of India. One of India's most prominent Sufi saints, Sheikh Sharafuddin Ahmad Yahya Maneri, is called Makhdoom-ul-

133 Sufism in South Asia.

Mulk for his spiritual status. An overpowering urge to shun material comforts drove Sheikh Ahmed son of Yahya Maneri into the forest of Behiea (about 15 miles west of Maner in north India). After a few years he returned home only to go back to the forest, this time in Rajgir (about 75 miles east of Maner). A hot spring, near to a place where he often prayed in Rajgir, is named Mukhdoom Kund, to perpetuate his memory. After having spent at least 30 years in the forests and living on herbs and fruits Sheikh Ahmad finally took abode at Bihar Sharif. On hearing his reputation as a saint, the Emperor of Delhi Sultan Muhammad Tughlaq had a Khangah built for him. Sheikh Sharafuddin Ahmed Maneri devoted his entire long life to teaching and writing. The collection of his letters (maktoobat) and sermons (Malfoozat) received wide acclaim. His maktubat-e-Sadee translated into English by Paul Jackson is regarded as a 'working manual' Shaikh Sharfud-din was the son of Shaikh Yabia maneri bin Taj Faqeeh from AI-Khaleel (Palestine). His birthplace is Maner sharif, a village near Patna in Behar province of India (Ancient Bihar was a part of Magadh empire and British rule included it in Bengal presidency).

A love of knowledge and the religious life, and signs of spiritual greatness, were found in him from his early childhood. A strange Being was once seen by the cradle of the baby. The mother, frightened, reported the matter to her father, Shahab-ud-din Peer Jagjot prince of Kaslighar at that time, and a great saint too. The latter consoled her, saying that the mysterious Presence was no less a Being than the Prophet Khedhr himself, and that the baby was expected to be a man of great spiritual advancement. He acquired traditional knowledge of Arabic, Persian, logic, philosophy and religion under Ashraf-ud-din Abu Towama Bokharaei in Sonargaon near Narainganj present Dhaka, a famous professor of those days. [Ie first refused to many, but had to yield when, being ill, he was advised by the physician to take to marriage as the remedy for his disease. He married with his teacher's daughter BiBi Badaam. He left home after the birth of a son, named Zakiuddin in 1289.

134 Sufism in Sonih Asia.

In search of a spiritual guide he travelled to many places including Khanqah of Hazrat Nizamuddin Aulia of Dehli, and was at last initiated (at or near Delhi) by Najib-ud-din Firdausi. The latter made him his deputy on earth under a deed drawn twelve years earlier under the direction of the Prophet of Islam Himself, as declared by Najib-ud-din Firdausi himself. The Firdaws would have remained unknown, had Khwajah Najb al-Din not been so fortunate as to find a disciple of the fame of Shaykh Sharaf al-Din Ahmad ibn Yahya Munyar? (also known as Maneri). The master asked him to leave the place, and quitted his body shortly after. At this stage, Sharf-ud-din Rahmatullahi alayh lived for many a long year in the woods of Bihia and the Rajgir Hills. Shaykh chose to do ascetic exercises in the lonely Rajgir hills of Bihar, where Buddhist monks and Hindu sages loved to establish their hermitages. He would go to Bihar Sharif near Patna each Friday for congregational prayers, returning to the Rajgir forest afterward. Later, in 782/1381, he was forced to settle down in Bihar Sharif (now the HQ of Nalanda district), where he lived throughout the greater part of the reign of Muhammad ibn Tughluq. His teachings are embodied in several collections of his letters to his disciples, both `ulam?' and Sufis. His Malfuzat (Discourses) were also compiled and give an authentic picture of his spiritual contributions to his contemporaries and to posterity. Through Quranic verses, ahadith, anecdotes and parables from classical Sufi works, he discussed the religious and spiritual duties of Islam and the social and ethical responsibilities of Muslims in a vocabulary enriched by his own contemplative vision of the realities of things. Frequently quoting the Quranic verse "Despair not of the mercy of Allah" (39:53), he used to affirm that the divine fire consumed the root of despondency and the young shoots of desperation. Mystical knowledge was the seed of love.

In his later days he adopted BiharSharif (now a subdivisional town in Nalanda) as his residence, at the request of some of his friends and disciples. He died on Thursday, the 6th of Shawwal, 782 Hijra, in the opening years of the I5th Century A.D Hazrat Sultan Sayyad Makhdoom Ashraf Jahangir Semnani Rahmatullahi alayh had known this beforehand by revelation (Kashf). The 135 Sufism in South Asia funeral prayer was said according to the will of this departed saint. At night in the khangah, Hadrat Makhdoom Ashraf Rahmatullahi alayh, had a glimpse of 1-ladrat Makhdoom Sharfud-din Bihari who gave him his khirgah (a cloak like patched garment). The titular names of Shaikh Sharfud-din are Makh-dflm-uJ- Mulk, `Master of the Kingdom or the World', Sharfa Bihari; Makhdum-e- Jahan. He was equally proficient in secular learning and esoteric Knowledge, and possessed superhuman powers. His tomb at Biharsharif is still resorted to as a place of sanctity by a large number of devout Muslims.

136 Religious Discourse. Core Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mahfil-E,Sama

CHAPTER-IV

RELIGIOUS DISCOURSE: CODE MIXING IN SUFI DISCOURSE & MAITFIL-E-SAMA

INTRODUCTION

The discourse of `religion' has wrought major social changes not only in South Asia but throughout the world. In spite of this, commentators and scholars of `religion' are often blind to the political implications of their `packaging' of other people's beliefs and practices through their reification of the categoryof `religion'. Such inadvertent reification is part of the genealogy of Religious Studies and its marking of a distinct proprietary territory of `religion.' The influence of positivist models of òbjective' knowledge has also contributed to scholars' neglect of the political dimensions of the raw material from which they have constructed the discourse of `religion' in general and the totalitarian architecture of the `World Religious' in particular. Such traditional forms of scholarship assumed that `religious' language and texts are politically neutral rather than expressions of relations of power. `Canonical' or `sacred' texts were positioned as touchstones of definition, while key insiders' typically literati or lay persons associated with scripturalist trends were identified as the most appropriate sources for evaluating the meanings of texts and actions. By resorting to texts and person, it was thought that an òbjective' description could be given of the proper constituent elements of any particular `religion', which could then be identified by its key texts, experts, and institutions and kept distinct from the constituents of other 'religions' or their compound forms of Ìndian religions' or the 'Judeo-Christian' tradition. All such scholarly formations are intrinsically ideological, and often blatantly ahistorical to boot.

137 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mahfer-E-Sama

In such ways, a bridge was made between an abstract category of 'religion' and the human world of practice and belief: The term `religion' could be used as a means of identifying persons, places, and societies. Linguistic realism became the order of the day, hesitant to problematise the relationship between labels and persons, signs and referents. As a result of this lack of attention to the social life of words, it has been assumed that such group labels as 'Hindu', `Christian', or 'Muslim' can be accepted at face value, as simple referents to existing social groups rather than as performative or transformative categories used for particular purposes, as labels capable even of bringing into being groups to which they claim only to refer. Written or oral texts were thus seen as 'sources', passive media that stied light on the inner world of 'belief or the outer world of 'events', ignoring the agency and power of such texts to make `moves' in the world, and so to reshape it.

In the case of Islam, the World Religions model has led to anacute and unanticipated collusion of academic and 'reformist' Muslim discourses in that almost without exception the form of religion presented in academic primers on Islam is indistinguishable from the textualist, normative, and Arabocentric vision of Islam promoted by many Muslim reformist groups. Islam. Similar trends are observable in the case of other 'World Religions' such as Buddhism and Hinduism. `Beginnings' thus always count more than 'ends'; `scripture' has authority over practice; a 'canon' and a clear articulation of orthodoxy are to be distinguished from the jarring incoherence of the masses; `superstition' and `idolatry' are to be relinquished in the name of `true religion'. Religious Studies specialists increasingly work in a context in which publishers, readers, and the media at large expect responses in terms of such a framework. Invitations to appear on radio or television programmes on `religion' are often withdrawn if academics refuse to give themselves or their subjects a tidy religious label. This is an example of the consequences of a type of representational discourse that functions to deny individuality and agency.

138 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mahfil-E-Sama

In Roman Latin, the word religio did not generally apply to an imagined bypostasised entity, or to an inner realm of `belief, but was used relationally to refer to respect for the ordered public world of established tradition. Religio was thus contrasted with the private and selfish world of superstitio; it was not contrasted with the `secular' as it is today. At first, `Christianity' was not seen by Romans as falling into the domain of religio, nor did Christians and Jews consider themselves to belong to religiones. But by the third and fourth centuries of the Christian era, Christians had succeeded in redefining religio to emphasise belief and exclusivity. Yet after the fall of the Roman Empire in the west, religio and its cognates were little used for nearly a thousand yeas. The `religious' were only those of unusual piety, such as monks. `Religion/religions' only began to develop its current meaning in the early modem era, slowly expanding its remit to become a means of classifying communities, societies, and more recently whole `civilisations'.

Wilfred Cantwell Smith argued that until modem times, no language contained the idea that the whole world can be divided up into neatly labelled, clearly separable, and countable `religions' or 'sects'. He considered that Arabic is a partial exception to this, in that the word "din" has long been used along with "nizam" to indicate some kind of system. During the Àbbasid period (750-1258), Arabic scholarship evolved a system for the categorisation of `sects' (firaq) and 'religious' communities (madhhab, milla) to make sense of the diversity of intellectual and social practice that they encountered through the expansion of Àbbasid military and commercial power across much of Asia. Ranging between plain curiosity and a polemical will to power, such scholarship included the Book of India of al-Biruni (d. 1048) and the great heresiographical compendium of al- Shahrastani (d. 1153). Ìslam' may then be said to be something of a special case in developing a label for itself from within because it emerged in a context of encounter with other traditions in a range of commercial, scholarly, and military

139 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Malvfrl-E-Sara settings. Certainly, Islamic legal categories constituted communities in what might be regarded as a 'religious' framework, so that such complex multicultural polities as the Ottoman empire could administer their different peoples under the framework of the `religious' community or mills. But insofar as access to this legal status was dependent on any group being recognised as a `people of the book' (ahl al-kitab), it is the nexus of power and written language rather than `religion' per se that offers a more helpful mode of understanding this process of categorisation. After all, even the animist groups with whom Muslims came into contact in Inner Asia and Africa would usually be regarded by modem commentators as having a `religion'. But unlike Jews and Christians (and the Zoroastrians and Hindus at times accepted as ahl al-kitab), what such groups did not possess was a book. Recognition as a legitimate `religion' was in this way incumbent on access to written language, since in the legal framework of Shari'a at least, groups received the protection of law through demonstrable possession of a prophetic book. For the ahi al-kitab, 'religion' was thus a corollary of writing that in turn lent the prestige of recognition and protection by the legal apparatus of the state. At a comparative level, what is therefore clear is the centrality of written language to the legitimacy of recognition. This emphasis on what we might term the research credentials of religiosity was one that Muslim scholars shared with their Christian counterparts in an echo of the historical interconnections of Christian and Islamic knowledge systems, a common culture of paper and pen that would render the scholarly ulama class the natural informants for early Orientalists searching for the key constituents of the Islamic `religion'. Whether in the 'Abbasid or Roman spheres, intellectuals in other world empires formulated their own responses to the encounter with difference, each response stamped with the imprint of power and as stylus, pen, and eventually print technologies developed of writing. Building on Foucault's specific use of the term, in Religion, Language, and Power we treat the language of `religion' as discourse, that is, as a

140 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mahfl-F-Sama range of social practices and investigations, in talk and writing, that bring into being new ways of classifying and linking experiences and people, so creating new versions of `reality' that in turn produce specific social and political effects.

The story of South Asian relations with Iran goes back to past and covers many important aspects of life-political, literary, cultural and religious. The spirit of Persian renaissance turned Iranian traditions into a vibrant force and shaped the sociopolitical ideals of the sultans, the literary and artistic paradigms of scholars, the moral code and spiritual goals of the sufis, the melodies of the musicians and the parameters of the medical science. The artists, the painters, the architects, the caligraphists of Iran all came to be admired and imitated. The aesthetic and artistic genius of Iran inspired for centuries the literary and spiritual activities of the people in South Asia and its intellectual and emotional life revolved around the patterns set by Iranian traditions. Hardly any other cultural tradition has had such far-reaching and abiding impact on the lives of the people. Naturally therefore when one thinks of Iranian impact on South Asia, a world of historic visions and memories glows into consciousness.

Two preliminary observations may be made to put the present discussion in its proper conceptual framework. First, many of the important scholars of Islamic sciences who influenced Muslim mind in South Asia belonged to Iranian lands, though they wrote in Arabic. When their works came to be translated into Persian, the area of their influence widened. Of the six distinguished compilers of the hadith collections (sihah sitta) five were Iranians. Zamakhshar, the author of kashshaf, the classical work on exegesis, and Sebowaih, the celebrated Arabic grammarian, belonged to Zamakhshar and Shiraz in Iran. The Arabs themselves, remarks Amir Khusrau, acknowledged their preeminent academic stature and addressed them as `Allamah'. In fact, Persian became in South Asia the

141 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & MaAjil-ESama transmission house for Islamic sciences including tafsir, kalam, figh and tasawwuf.

Second, if the course of different streams of thought in Iran is closely followed, it would appear that there has been considerable cycling and recycling of ideas between Iran and India. India is the cradle of pantheistic philosophy and the Upanishads contain the earliest expositions of these ideas. When Islam reached Khurasan and transoxiana, the religious atmosphere was saturated with Buddhist and Hindu ideas. The temples of Bamyan, Balkh and Mary were centers of Buddhist tradition. It was but inevitable that some of their concepts influenced the Iranian mind. The Upanishads proclaim Tattvam assi (Thou art thou), and the idea finds its echo in Bayazid. The Karramiyan cult was a half way house between Islam and Buddhism. Hujwiri has given an account of twelve schools of mystic thought which flourished during the eleventh century of the Christian era. An analysis of the thought contents of these garohs, as he calls them, reveals the impact of Indian ideas. Concepts like Tana, baqa, hulul, etc. are inexplicable except in the context of Hindu and Buddhist religious traditions. Thus some of the Iranian mystical ideas that reached India during the medieval period had in fact originated in India and were cycled back to India under Islamic rubrics. Indian fables (like Panchatantra), lexical and phonological traditions, mathematical theories and astronomical concepts reached Iran and influenced Iranian thought.

If one surveys the historical landscape of India during the medieval period, a number of Iranian cultural streams in the realm of polity, social traditions, literature, historiography and mystic thought seem flowing in every direction enriching the soil and contributing to the variegated culture pattern of India. It was generally believed in India during the Sultanate period that kingship was not possible without emulating Persian customs, ceremonies and principles of government. When Iltutmish, the real founder of the Delhi Sultanate, is referred to

142 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mahfil-E-.Sams as Fari^du^n far, Qubad Nahad, Kavus Namus, Sikandar Daulat, Bahram Shaukat, the whole concept of greatness seems to reel round the Iranian heroes. Both Iltutmish and Balban prided in calling themselves descendants of Afrasiyab. Barani's Fataway-i Jahandari illustrates the depth and dimensions of Iranian influence on medieval Indian polity. The sultans of Delhi were Turks by race but Iranian by culture. Their entire administrative set-up from names and nomenclature of offices to forms and functions of institution was modeled on the Iranian pattern. Barani remarks: "it became necessary for the rulers of Islam to follow the policy of the Iranian emperors in order to ensure the greatness of the True Word and the maintenance of their own authority."

In the fields of learning and literature, Iranian influence shaped the contour and conspectus of historiography, poetry, tasawwuf (mysticism), insha (epistolary principles) and tibb (medicine). Amir Khusrau has referred to the linguistic homogeneity brought about by the Persian language in a country of proliferate. linguistic traditions. He remarks:

"The Persian language as spoken in India is the same from Sind to Bengal. This Persian is our Dari. Indian languages differ from group to group and change (their dialects) after every hundred miles. But Persian is the same over an area of four thousand farsangs".

History writing among the Muslims was conditioned by two distinct traditions, the Arab and the Iranian. The Arabs wrote history of an age and handled the historical data year by year; the Iranians, inspired by the traditions of Shah Namah, dealt with dynasties and their assortment of facts concerned mainly the court and the camp. The Iranian historians generally dedicated their works to rulers or the ruling dynasties. In India the Iranian tradition influenced the pattern of history writing. From Hasan Nisha^pu^ri^, the earliest historian of the Delhi Sultanate (Taj al- Ma'athir) to Khair al-Din Ilahabadi, the last historian of the Mughal Empire ('Ibrat

143 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & MahfI-E-Saina

Namah), the Iranian pattern determined the collection and presentation of historical data, The whole jargon of official correspondence and epistolography was developed in India on the principles of ilm-i dab i^ri' , as described in Chahar Maqala and as adopted in Dastur al-Albab fi 'Ilia al-Itisab by Abdul 1-Iamid Muharrir Ghaznavi. The drafting of Fath Namahs (official communiques of victory) was done on the Iranian model. The Fath Namahs of Ala" al-Di^n Khalji^ drafted by Kabir al-Din have not survived but Balban's fath Na^mah of Lakhnanti as drafted by Amir Khusrau is available in Ijaz-i Khusravi and Akbar's Path Namah of Chittor is preserved in Namakin's Munsha'at wa Rugaa^t. Their form and format are to all intents and purposes Iranian.

With the Sha^h Na^mah, which crystallized the historic memory of Iran, begins the history of literary, cultural and political traditions of Iran. It ushered in the dawn of Persian Renaissance and Firdausi justly claimed: 'Ajam zinda kardam bedin Pa^rsi (I have brought back 'Ajam to life through this Persian.) From the time of Balban to the days of Akbar and even later the Sha^h Na^mah was read at the courts of sultans and principles of governance and cultural effervescence were drawn from it. Its verses were recited even in the khangahs. When Balban presented himself at Pakpattan to seek the blessings of Shaikh Farid Ganj-i Shakar, the saint recited the following verses of Firdausi:

Faridu^n-i farrukh frrishtih nab u^d

Za u^d-o za 'anbar sirishtih nabu^d

Za dad-o dahish yaft an nikul"

To dad-o dahish lain, firishiih to-i

(Fari^du^n, the blessed, was not an angel; he was not made of agallochum or ambergris. He attained the position of kingship through his bounty and liberality. Bestow liberally and Far^idu^n is thee.) 144 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing in Sufi Discourse & Mahfil-E-Sawa

The Shah Namah influenced the politico cultural thinking of the people so deeply that its translations were undertaken in several Indian languages, Urdu, Hindi, Gujarati, etc. 'Isa^mi wrote his Futu^h al-Sala^ti^n as Shah Na'tnah-i Hind and said:

Johan to ki baqist andarjahan

Bi Shahna^ma Ba^gist na^m-i shaha^n

(As long as the world lasts, the Shah Na^mah will remain and with it the names of the kings it describes.)

Shaikh AAzari versified the conquests of Ahmad Shah Bahmani in Bahman Na^mah on the pattern of Sha^h Na^mah. During the time of Aurangzeb, l3aha^dur Ali rendered into prose many stories of ShaAh Na^mah and named them Sha^h Na^mah-i Bakhta^war Kha^ni. The glamour of Shah Na^mah as a model of sociopolitical activities inspired Hafeez Jallandhari to write Shah Na^mah-i Islam in Urdu.

In all the important genres of poetry; ghazal, mathnawi^, gasi^dah-the success of a poet in South Asia was measured by the extent of his approximation to the standards set by the Iranian poets. In the words of J^m^ there were three prophets in the sphere of poetry, Firdausi of abiya^t, Anwari of gasi^dah and Sa'adi^ of ghazal. Each one of them had his literary following in India.

Sa'adi^ was the great master of ghazal. He was justified in claiming sovereignty over the realm of letters (Sukhan Mulkist Si ad" r^ musallam). In his poetry, which is soaked in cosmic emotion, feelings move in tune and time as naturally as the heart beats. Am^r Khusrau and Hasan both tried to emulate him but did not succeed. However, both of them admitted their indebtedness to Sa'adAi. Khusrau acknowledged having poured in his cup the wine of Shiraz and Hasan claimed to

145 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mahfrl-E-Sama have plucked a flower from the garden of Sa'ad^. Shaikh Nas^r al-D^n Chir^gh, a friend of both Khusrau and Hasan, however, remarked:

Amir Khusrau va Amir Hasan bisiyar khwastand ki be-tariq-i Khwaja Sa'aui hi-guyand, muyassar nashud; Khwaja Sa'adi" a^nchih guff az stir-i hal guft.

(Amir Khusrau and Amir Hasan much desired to emulate Khwaja Sa'adi' in their poetry, but did not succeed. Whatever Khwa^ja Sa'adi' has said is based on cosmic experience)

Unfortunately this sin-i hal of Sandi^ was overshadowed by his eminence as a poet. But in India his pre-eminence as a dedicated Sufi was widely acknowledged and invocatory and incantational significance was attached to his verses. Shaikh Hamid al-Din Nagauri, a distinguished khalifs of Khwaja Mu'in al-Din Chishti of Ajmer, told his audience that during the closing years of his life Shaikh Sa'adi lived in seclusion at the mausoleum of Shaikh "Abdullah Khafifi and spent his time in prayer and meditation. He thus advised those who came to see him:

"Offer five time prayers regularly and whatever much or less God has given you share it with the needy and the poor. If you do that then wherever you may be (placed in life), you can proceed from there on the path to God (and attain gnosis)."

He made altruism a corner stone of his mystic discipline. He had learnt from his spiritual mentor, Shaikh Shihab al-Din Suhrawardi, that rejection of egotistical arrogance and self-abnegation was the only way to spiritual enlightenment. He says:

Mara Pir-i dana yi murshid, Shihab

Do andarz farmed bar rn yi ah

146 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mahfrl-E-Sama

yiki in-ki bar khwish khud-bin mabash

duvum in-ki bar ghayr bad-bin mabash

(My wise and blessed spiritual mentor, Shih^b

Gave two pieces of advice to me while sailing on the river

First, do not be ego-centric (and overbearing)

Secondly, do not look down upon and wish ill of others.)

Sa'adi's role in focusing on moral and ethical ideas of Islamic mysticism was second to none. Innumerable works of Indian Sufis have quoted his verses as the real way to attain gnosis. In fact, in India the mystic spirit was generated and sustained more by Persian verses than mystic classics or ethical treatises.

In the thirteenth century the elan of Persian poetry was towards moral rejuvenation of society by restoring the dignity of man as Man and inculcating respect for moral and ethical values. There was a painful realization that the moral fiber of man had weakened and that human beings were multiplying while humanity was languishing. The life breath of the poetry of Sa'adi, Rumi and 'Iraqi was their restless concern for humanity. In fact, the process of what Iqbal called adamgari (shaping the man) and which later on became the summum bonum of mystic activity, begins with them. Rumi set out in search of "Man" crying insanam arizust (I yearn for a true human being); Sa'ad^ found beasts masquerading in human form and sought protection from vicissitudes and revolution of the time (zinhar az dowr-i giti va inqilab-i ruzigar). They applied all their energy to resurrect the fallen structures of faith and confidence and in directing the soul movement of man. In the poetry of Amir Khusrau one can hear an echo of the spirit generated by these great masters. His mathnawi, Matla' al-Anwar, is soaked in this spirit of the age and reflects his anxiety to salvage humanity from its imminent doom.

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Surprisingly, the Iranian poets were writing in an age of gloom and depression when the Mongols had devastated centers of Muslim culture and Khusrau wrote when the Khalji Empire had risen with all its grandeur and glory. That under so dissimilar circumstances their concern for humanity should be the same shows their anxiety to salvage higher values in times of both gloom and glory. Rimi's Mathnawi and Khusrau's Matta' ai-Anwar supplied Iqbal with both ideals and emotions and he prayed to God in Amraghan-i Hijaz

Ala kun.shur-i Rumi, suz-i khusrau

(Bestow. on me the tumult of Rumi and the flame of Khusrau)

Ghazals apart, Sa'adi's Gulistan and Bustan were read by princes and plebeians alike and were prescribed in the syllabus of medieval Indian madrasahs. The Gulistan became a manual of guidance for the ethical and moral training of young minds. Not only its verses, but prose sentences also passed into proverbial literature and set the norms of good behavior. A number of works were written in imitation of Gulistan-Baharistan, Kharistan and Parishan-to name a few, but none could come anywhere near Sa'adi's work. Kharistan was written by Majd al-Din Khwafi at the instance of Akbar; Qasim K ihi wrote in imitation of Bustan during the same period. But Sa'adi was inimitable.

In the sphere of ghazal, Hafiz (d. 1389) was the other charismatic figure whose influence on the literary traditions of India was deep and far-reaching. A literary artist, he depicted delicate feelings and ideas like a painter, giving them a life-like touch. Baba Fughani, Sa'ib, Naziri, 'Urfi and a large number of other poets in Iran and India struggled hard to emulate his musical thought but did not succeed. Even the arrogant 'Urfi considered him a literary sanctum (ka'abih sukhan). Urdu poets like Ghalib, Sauda and Momin have borrowed delicate sensitivity of emotions from him.

148 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mahfll-E-Sama

Hafiz's literary reputation reached India during his life time. Bengal and Kashmir were in direct contact with him. About the appreciation of his poetry by the people of Kashinir he himself says:

Bi-shi'r-i Ifafiz-i Shiraz mi-ragsand-o mi-nazand

Siyah-chashman-i kashmiri-o Turkan-i Samargandi

(The black-eyed Kashmiris and Turks of Samarqand love the verses of Hafiz of Shiraz and dance in tune).

I-Iis poetry came to represent the quintessence of romantic fervor of Iran. His verses, chiselled linguistically and charged emotionally, took the contemporary Persian-speaking world by storm. Both men of letters and mystics enjoyed his verses in India. Looked upon as lisan al-ghayb (the tongue of secrets), people turned to his work for auguries and divinations. An old manuscript of Diwan-i Hafiz preserved in Bankipur Library shows that HumayOn and Jahangir frequently consulted it for fal (augury). Reacting to this aspect of popular interest in Hafiz's poetry, lqbal warned them against too much involvement in Hafiz. I-Ie was opposed to impressionism but fully realized Hafiz's greatness as a poet and his charismatic influence.

In fact the ghazal tradition in India, both in Persian and Urdu, derived its hue and color from Hafiz. There were people in India who ascribed talismanic effect to his verses. Shah Fazl-i Rahman Ganj Murabadi, spiritual leader of some of the most distinguished Indian 'ulama of the nineteenth century, wrote Hafiz's verses in amulets.

Hafiz returned India's compliment to persian masters by eulogizing Tfttian-i Hind. Amir Khusrau has very beautifully described in Dihacha Ghurrat al-Kamal the significance of tuti imagery in literature. Hafiz's appreciation and esteem of

149 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Suft Discourse & Mahfrl-E-.Sams

Khusrau's poetry is evident from the fact that he copied out his khamsah in his own hand.

The Khamsah tradition in Persian literature owes its origin to Nizami of Ganja (d.1209), the most resplendent poet of romantic epic. The profundity of his ethical and philosophical thought created a stir in the literary and Sufi circles in India. A large number of Khamsahs were written in Central Asia, Turkey and India in its imitation, but in Browning's words, "They strove to do, agonized to do, but failed in doing." In India Khusrau wrote a replica of his Khamsah. According to Jami, no other poet could write a better rejoinder to Nizami than Khusrau. But Nizami's emotional rigor and grasp of minute detail could not be achieved by Khusrau. Shibli thought that Nizami wrote with patience and concentration; Khusrau hurriedly and with a distracted mind. The result was obvious. According to Daulat Shah Samarqaudi some Central Asian princes held a seminar on the relative morit of the two Khamsahs. They debated and argued in support of their points of view. Ultimately the following verse of Khusrau:

gatri yi abi na-khurad makyan

Ta na-kunad riy suy-i arman

(No hen takes a drop of water without lifting its head towards the sky (in gratefulness to God),

led to their verdict in favor of Khusrau. This was rather too much. However, it cannot be denied that Khusrau's use of bird symbols was superb. Explaining the concept of makan and la-makan he said:

Gar makan-o la-makan khwahi kiyak-ja bingari

Murgh ra bin dar Nava--ham la-magam-o ham maqam

150 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Suft Discourse & Mahfil-E-Sama

Important mystic teachers in India like Shaikh Farid al-Din Ganj-i Shakar and Shaikh Nizam al-Din Awliya' cited verses of Nizami to explain and illustrate different emotional states and mystical concepts. 'Isami said that every word of Nizami was loaded with breathtaking incantational power. Inspired by Nizami's Khusrau-o-Shirin, Jami wrote his Mehr-o-Mah. But Nizami was nonpareil.

The masters of Persian qasidah-Rndaki, 'Unsuri, Farrukhi, Khaqani and others, determined qasidah patterns and motifs in India. Rudaki inspired generation after generation of Indian poets, including Ghalib and Shibli, to compose verses in the same rhyme and meter. Khusrau admits in Tuhfat al-Sighar that he struggled hard to emulate Khaqani but did not succeed. The Mughal court poets-Ghazzali, Meshidi, Faizi, Talib Amuli, Kalim Hamadani-all followed the footsteps of the qasidah writers of Iran. Ghalib wrote a rejoinder to Nazirl (d.1612), the chief lyric poet of the time, but confessed his mistake:

javab-i Khwaja Naziri nivishti-an: Ghalib

Khata nimfidi-am-o chashm-i afarin daram

In fact, the Iranian milieu, its smiling meadows, murmuring brooks, twittering bulbuls, melting glow of the twilight and moving moon up the sky-was a source of undying inspiration to the poets of Iran. As the Indian poets did not have first hand and direct experience of the Iranian phenomena of nature, their references to it appear insipid and prosaic. However, the incantation of words in the gasidahs of Indo-Persian poets was superb.

The most prolific period of Persian poetry in India was the age of Akbar (1556- 1605), which Professor Hermann Ethe considered to be the "Indian summer of Persian poetry." Abul Fazi has referred to Gulistan, Hadigah, Mathnawi of Rurni, Auhadi's Jam-i Jam, Shah Namah, Khamsah-i-Nizami, Kulliyati-Jami, Diwan-i- Hafiz as popular studies at the court of Akbar. These works set the norms of

151 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mahfl-E Sama excellence and the poets of Akbar's court vied with each other in emulating these masters. Akbar's liberal patronage of men of letters attracted to his court scholars, philosophers, poets and artists from every part of the Persian speaking world-- Meshed, Ispahan, Shiraz, Nishapur, Harat, Marv, Najaf, Hamadan, Kashan, Ray, Sabzwar and Tabriz. Under him Agra could boast to have within its confine many of those celebrities whom the author of Ma'athir-i-Rahimi significantly calls the musta' idan-i Iran. This atmosphere continued in the centuries that followed and as late as the nineteenth century Ghalib claimed:

Emruz man Nizami-o Khaqani-am bi-dahr

Delhi za man bi Ganja-o sherwan barabar ast.

(In the world today I am like Nizami and Khaqani. Due to my presence here Delhi is like Ganja and Sherwan.)

The Persian poetic genius found a congenial atmosphere at Akbar's court and its influence spread far and wide. India became a channel for the spread of Persian poetic traditions in other lands. "After Jami," wrote Ghalib, "'Urfi and Faizi were the chief Persian influences on Turkish poetry." Nefa'i, the greatest Turkish poet of the seventeenth century is specially seen vying with 'Urfi and it is not without significance that copies of some of the best qasidahs and Diwans of 'Urfi are found in the libraries of Ankara and Istanbul. 'Urfi infused a new spirit in eulogistic literature by his qasidahs and ghazals, which are characterized by high ideals, deep egotistical perspicacity, dynamism and drive. According to Igbal, who drew inspiration from him in evolving his concept of khudi, 'Urfi's imagination built a magnificent palace at the altar of which the wonderland of Eft Ali Sina and Farabi could be sacrified. Even Ghalib was beholden to him.

The emotional vigor and linguistic finesse with which Persian language, literature and traditions spread in India may be gauged from their effect on the various

152 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Supt Discourse & Mahfr4E-Sama vernacular languages of India. Dr. Maulwi 'Abdul Haq has traced the impact of Persian language on the Marathi language. Many Persian tales and terms form part of Bengali literature. Jayananda writes in his Chaitanya Mangal: "A Brahmin will grow a beard and read Persian. He will put on socks and with a stick in one hand will take a bow in the other. The holy Brahmin will recite the mathnaw^." Similarly in the Punjab many themes and stories of Iran were assimilated in the Punjab literature.

When Akbar got Sanskrit works translated into Persian, the frontiers of Persian language were further widened and Persian became the language of all Indian religions. Mahabharat Ramayan, Atharban, Haribas, etc. were rendered into Persian by the scholars of Akbar's court. It was through D^r^ Shukoh's Persian translation that the philosophy of Upanishads was introduced to Europe.

"Sufism", remarks Shaikh Ali Hujwiri, "is too exalted to have any genus from which it might be derived." Notwithstanding the fact that mysticism has no genealogy and that the mystical attitude was developed in all regions, languages and religions of the world, the Sufi ideology and institutions in Islam were nurtured in Iran. South Asia imbibed these metaphysical and ontological concepts from Iran and its mystical thought rotated within the perimeters laid down by the Iranian thinkers. Ideology apart, even the organization of khanqah life was largely determined by the Sufis of Iran. Shaikh Abu Said Abul Khair, Shaikh Saif al-Din Bakharzi and Shaikh Shiliab al-Din Suhrawardi had taken a momentous decision to transform the mystic discipline, which had hitherto remained confined to individual spiritual salvation, into a movement for mass spiritual culture. Iran provided drift and direction, animation and ardor to this effort. Organization of khanqah life, principles of spiritual training and demarcation of areas of spiritual jurisdiction (walayats) were the crucial matters and once their details were worked

153 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mahfil-L-Sama out, the mystic movement entered a new phase and vast areas became available for the proliferation of Still ideology and institutions.

Shaikh Abd al-Qahir Abu Najib Suhrawardi laid down rules regarding pir-murid relationships in his adab al-Muridin. His nephew Shaikh Shihab al-Din Suhrawardi gave in 'Awarif al-Ma' arif a complete code for the organization of khangahs. Shaikh Farid al-Din Ganj-i Shakar who was anxious to transform mystic disciplines into a mass movement taught 'Awarif to his senior disciples and prepared its summary. The 'awarif became widely popular when its Persian translations were made and mystics of all silsilahs turned to it as manual of guidance. At a time when the concept of walayat was being worked out as silsilahs were taking shape, it served a great need of the time. The earliest Persian translation, as could be expected, was made at Multan by Q"sim D^'^d KhatAb during the time of Shaikh Balm al-Din Zakarriya, a distinguished khalifa of Shaikh Shihab al-Din. Qasim Da'Gd's aim, as he himself says, was to make it available to a large circle of people so that they could act upon it. Another early translation of 'Awarif was made by Shaikh 'Abdur Rahman b. Ali Buzghush whose father was a disciple of Shaikh Shihab al-Din Suhrawardi. Long before 'Izz al-Din MahmUd Kashani (d.1334) prepared a Persian recension of 'Awarif al-Ma arif under the title Mishah al-Hidaya wa Miftah al-Kifayah, the ideas of Shaikh Shihab al-Din Suhrawardi had become popularly known in the Sufi circles of South Asia and kh^nq^hs were organized on the foundational principles enunciated in 'Aw^rif. With the effective organization of khangahs, it became possible for the saints of different silsilahs to carry forward their programs of mass spiritual culture.

A number of mystic silsilahs flourished in South Asia during the medieval period Abul FazI gives a list of fourteen orders which have worked in India. Some of the important saints of these silsilahs either belonged to Iran or had spent some time in the Sufi centers of Iran. Before he entered India, Khwaja Win al-Din Chishti, the

154 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mahfil-E-Sama renowned founder of the Chisht^ order in India, had spent considerable time in the company of Sufi saints in Iran. The founder of the Suhrawardi order in India, Shaikh Baha al-Din Zakarriya, was a disciple of Shaikh Shihab al-Din Suhrawardi and the spiritual guide of'Tragi. The founder of the Firdausi order in India, Shaikh Badr al-Din Samarqandi, was a disciple of Shaikh Saif al-Din Bakharzi who was a friend of Maulana Jalal al-Din Rumi's father. Makhdum Muhammad Gilani, who popularized the Qadiri order in India, had for years travelled in Iran and Khurasan. Khwaja Baqi Billah, founder of the Nagshbandi order in India, was born in Kabul and had spent considerable time in Mawara al-Nahr (Transoxiana) and Balkh. The Shattari silsilah, which traced its origin to Shaikh Bayazid Taifur Bistarci and was known in Iran as Tariga-i 'Ishgiya, came direct from Iran. Its pioneer saint in India was Shah 'Abdullah Shattari who lies buried in Mandu. Shaikh Muhammad Ghauth, an outstanding Shaikh of the Shattari order, translated Amrit Kund into Persian under the title of Bahr al-Hayat. The way Shaikh Muhammad Ghauth has used Muslim mystic terminology to communicate Hindu mystical concepts is most striking. He was in a way a precursor of Dara Shukoh, whose majma' al-Bahrain is an expression of the same attitude which inspired Shaikh Muhammad Ghauth.

The organization of silsilahs in India made the dissemination of Sufi ideology easier. Itineracy being a part of the mystic discipline in those days, itinerant Sufis from Iran and India carried mystic traditions from one country to another. Delhi, Lahore, Multan and Ajodhan were connected with the mystic centers of Iran and Central Asia. 'Ir^q^ of Hamadan joined the circle of Shaikh Baha al-Din Zakarriya's disciples in Multan and brought to India Ibn 'Arab^'s pantheistic philosophy, which he had learned at the feet of Shaikh Sadr al-Din Qunavi. Through Khwaja Qutb al-Din Bakhtiyar Kaki who hailed from Aush, a great Hallaji center, pantheistic ideas of Ahmad Jam found currency in the mystic circles of Delhi.

155 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Makfrl-E-Sama

Both mystic thought and experience derive their sustenance from cosmic emotion ('ishq), which is embedded in the psyche of Iran. It was cosmic emotion that wove the essential features of Sufi soul movement into the texture of Iranian thought. Since mystic experiences could not be explained in plain language, the Sufi poets adopted the language of symbols for the communication of their ideas. Abu Sa id Abul Khair, Sana'i, 'Attar and Rumi planted the symbolist tradition in Iran and Indian Sufis drew inspiration from them. Iqbal was so deeply influenced by Rumi that according to Sa'id Naficy he revived the "symbolist traditions with_ magnificent results." In India the Sufi tradition developed under the symbolist rather than the impressionist trends in Iran.

The poetical works of Shaikh Abu Sa'id Abut Khair (d.1049), Khwaja'Abdull^h Ansari (d.1088), San' (4.1131), Ahmad J^nr (d.1142), Niz^m^ Ganjav^ (d.1209), 'Att^r (d. 1229), Shaikh Saif al-Din Bakharzi (d. 1259), Rumi (d.1273), 'Iraqi (d. 1289) Sa'adi (d.1292), Shaikh Awhad al-Din Kirmai^ (d.1237), Hafiz (d.1389) and Jami (d.1492) supplied a warm fund of emotions to Indian Sufis and provided those moral and ethical ideals which became the elan of the Sufi movement in South Asia. The mystic literature produced in India during the last 800 years or so is replete with extracts from the works of these poets. Many of their verses have been accepted as epitomes of ideal behavior and have assumed the significance of proverbs based on unimpeachable human experience.

Igbal has remarked in his Development of Metaphysics in Persia that the secret of vitality of Sufism is the complete view of human nature upon which it is based. A mys tic teacher, therefore, needed nafs-i gir^ (intuitive intelligence) and psychological insight to make his efforts at moral and spiritual regeneration of man and society really effective. Apart from inculcating love of God, the Sufis strove hard to strengthen the moral fiber of man by drawing him to futuwwat

156 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mabfil-E-Sama

(generosity and manliness). The mystic poetry of Iran consequently became a powerful vehicle for the dissemination of these ideas.

Looked at from this angle, Shaikh Abu Sa'Ad Abul Khair was a powerful influence on Indian mind. He captured the imagination of Indian Sufis by his quatrains vibrating with emotions of human love and sympathy. Shaikh Nizam al- Din Awliya', in particular, derived his mystic ideas and social ethics from him. His faith that real human happiness lies in large-hearted tolerance, compassion and good will towards all human beings was based on the teachings of Shaikh Abu Sa id. He frequently recited these verses in support of his views:

Har-ki mara ranja darad, rahatash bisiyar bad

Bar-k? ma rayar nabvad, had 'u rayar bad

Har-ki andar rah-i ma khari nahad az dushmani

1-Jar guh kaz bagh-i 'umrash bishlcvfad bi-khar bad

(He who nurses ill-will against me may his joys (in life) increase,

He who is not my friend, may God be his friend,

He who puts thorn in my way on account of enmity,

May every flower that blossoms in the garden of his life be without thorns.)

The Indian Sufis derived from Shaikh Abu Sa'id's teachings the following principles of mystic morality:

1) Concern for the welfare of man as the summum bonum of mystic ethics.

2) Harmony in social relations as the basis of individual and collective happiness.

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3) Ways of dealing with cognition, feeling and volition with a view to reforming human behavior.

4) Treating all living beings man and animal with equal affection.

5) Emphasis on cultivation of cosmic emotion in preference to intellectual pursuit.

6) Superiority of moral and ethical life over academic achievement.

7) Determinism and free will extent and implications.

Inspired by Shaikh Abu Sa'id's teachings, Shaikh Nizam al-Din Awliya' advised his followers to reform human responses at the stage of cognition. This was the surest way to bring about change in human character. Further he believed that a man with vast human sympathies alone understood the divine purpose of life. He admired Shaikh Abu Sa'id's benevolent attitude towards all living beings., men and animals. Shaikh Abu Sa'id once saw a man beating his bull and cried out in agony as if he himself was being beaten.

Again inspired by the example of Shaikh Abu Sa'id Abul Khair, Shaikh Nizam al- Din Awliya' told his disciples that a morally autonomous personality was superior to an intellectual prodigy. He cited the following incident of Shaikh Abu Sa'id's life. One day Bu Ali Sina visited khanqah of Shaikh Abu Sa'id. IIe instructed an acquaintance to report to him the Shaikh's impression about him after he had left. The Shaikh on being asked by the person said: `Bu Ali is a philosopher, a physician and a man of vast learning, but he is devoid of moral qualities (makarim-i akhlaq nadarad)." On hearing this Bu Ali Sina wrote to the Shaikh that he had written several books on ethics. "How do you say that I do not have moral qualities?" The saint smiled and said:

Man na-gufte-am ki Bu Ali makarim-i akhlaq na-danad; bal gufte-am ki na-darad 158 Religious Discourse. Code Miring In Sufi Discourse & Mahfrl-E-Soma

(I did not say that BA Ali does not know ethical qualities; I said that he does not possess them.)

In fact, Shaikh Abu Sa 6d and Khwaja'Abdullah Ansari, popularly known as Pir-i Hari, supplied elan and motive power to the Muslim mystic activity in India. Pir-i Hari's risalahs sowed the seeds of later mystical didactic epic poems; his quatrains propagated mystic concepts as ideals of human behavior; his Tabagat al-Sufiya laid the foundation of biographical studies of Sufi saints, while his Munajat provided fire and fervor to Sufi invocation gatherings. In his foreword to Sardar Jogendra Singh's English translation of Munajat, Gandhiji appreciated him as one of the best minds of all the religions of the world.

Shaikh Abu Sa'id and Pir-i-Hari gave a revolutionary dimension to Sufi weltanschauung by defining the purpose of religious devotions in terms of the service of mankind. Countless genuflexions of prayer and endless fasts, they said, could not give divine significance to life, if not accompanied by deep and abiding concern for the welfare of man. They emphasized that life dedicated to social service was of greater value than pious contemplation in seclusion. Shaikh Mu'in al-Din Chishti's definition of devotion (ta'at) as:

Daanandigan ra farad rasidan va hajat-i bi-charigarr rava kardan va gurusnigan ra sir gardantdan

(Providing redress to the destitute, fulfilling the needs of the downtrodden and feeding the poor)

Shaikh Nizam al-Din Awliya's classification of devotion into ta'at-i lazmi and t^'at-muta'addi are, in fact, echoes of the same spirit. Bibi Fatimah Sam, a distinguished mystic woman of the thirteenth century, demonstrated the working of these principles in her life and shared her piece of bread with neighbors in straitened circumstances.

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An early Persian poet whose poetry influenced Indian mystics at the emotional level was Shaikh Ahmad Jam. Shaikh Qutb al-Din Bakhtiyar Kaki breathed his last listening to his verses.

Sana'i presented mysticism as a philosophy of life, His diwan and Hadigah were popular studies in India. The Hadigah was read both in khanqahs and the courts of the kings. Shaikh Nasir al-Din Chiragh of Delhi referred to Sana'i's life as a model of spiritual excellence. He invited people absorbed in materialistic pursuits to the realm of spirit by reciting the following verse of Sana'i:

Ay ki Shanudt sifat-i Rum-o Chin

Khiz-o biya mu/k-i Sana'i be-bin

(0' you who have heard of the glories of Rome and China; Rise and behold the realm of Sana'i.)

Shaikh Saif al-Din Bakharzi's remark that Sana'i's verses made him a real Muslim, were often cited in the mystic circles of Delhi. Shaikh Nizam al-Din Awliya' approvingly quoted the following supplication of shaikh Saif al-Din Bakharzi:

Ay-kash mara bad anja barad ki khak-i sana'i-st, ya khak-i 'u byarad ki man .surmeh kunam.

(0' that some gale might take me to where Sana'i lies buried, or that it might bring his dust to me to put in my eyes.)

During the time of Shah Jahan, 'Abdul Latif 'Abbasi wrote a commentary on Hadigah under the Laa'if al-Hada'iq. From the time of Shaikh Nizam al-Din Awliya' to the days of Dr. Muhammad Iqbal, Sana'i has been a powerful influence on Indo-Muslim religious thought. Igbal's Shikwa, lblis Ki Majlis-i Shura etc. at

160 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mahfl-E-Sama once takes one's mind to Sana'i's "Lament of Satan." Unlike many contemporary mystics, Sana'i did not think of knowledge as hijab-i akbar (the greater curtain preventing the vision of Reality). He, however, rejected over-intellectualism and defined the purpose of knowledge ('ilm) clearly and thoughtfully. According to him Sufism was an appeal to a higher source of knowledge.

Khwaja Farid al-Din 'Attar's Mantiq al-Tayr and Tadhkirat al-Awliya' were avidly read in the Sufi circles of Delhi. The Mantiq al-Tayr provided an interesting excursion in the realm of the spirit and its symbolic approach inspired others to undertake similar works. Zia Nakhshabi's Teti Namah and Namus-i Akbar seem inspired by 'Attar's technique. His Pand Namah was for centuries included in the syllabus of madrassahs and its sentences passed into aphorisms. 'Attar became a symbol of catholicity of thought and liberal tradition. His following verse was inscribed in the temples of Kashmir and was recited in the khanaNts of Delhi as a veritable expression of the cosmopolitan spirit:

Kufr kafer ra-o din din-dar ra

Zarre-yi dardi dil-i 'Allot ra

Iraqi was another dynamic figure whose verses provided moral and spiritual animation to the Sufi movement in India. His Lama'at captured the imagination of intellectuals; his diwan fascinated the Sufis. His 'Ushshaq Namah traverses the same path of cosmic emotion that R^m^ has covered with greater artistic deftness and symbolistic vigor. His concept of ego and his emphasis on self-respect, resignation and contentment inspired Khusrau, 'Urfi and Iqbal. Iqbal was, in particular, deeply impressed by a risalah of 'Iraqi, Ghayat al-Imkan fi Warayat al- Makan, which contains striking modem concepts. He interpreted, remarks Iqbal, "his spiritual experience of time and space in an age which had no idea of the theories and concepts of modem mathematics and physics."

161 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In St f Discourse & Mahfrl-ESama

With Rumi's Mathnawi the impact of Iranian Sub traditions on South Asia touched its highest watermark. No mystic writer before or after him has succeeded in portraying soul movement and its subtle, inexpressible experiences with such perception and delicate sensitivity. Rumi believed in the creative urge of the self and visualized a long and unending process of its evolution and growth. He had a philosophy of life, a vision of moral and spiritual needs of man and society, a fine spiritual sensibility and a powerful imagination that made his delineation of delicate spiritual experiences a magical performance. In fact, he provided a picture gallery of mystic ideas and images. In India he was first quoted by Shaikh Nasir al-Din Chiragh, a disciple of Shaikh Nizam al-Din Awliya'. In subsequent years the mystics were so enamored of his Mathnawi that they taught it to their disciples, heard it in their audition parties and expounded mystic ideas to. their audience in the light of the anecdotes given in it. It provided a powerful technique to communicate mystic ideas symbolically. Akbar remembered by heart a large number of poems from the Mathnawi and enjoyed reciting them. Significantly, Rumi has selected some stories that are of Indian origin and there are many words in the Mathnawi that are common to Persian and Hindi, as 'Abdul Latif 'Abbasi (d.1648) has pointed out in his glossary of Mathnawi, the Lata'if al-Lughat. I may refer, incidentally, to only two references to India in the Mathnawi. God thus speaks in the Mathnawi:

"In the Hindus the idiom of Hind (India) is praiseworthy,

In the Sindians the idiom of Sind is praiseworthy

I look not at the tongue and the speech

I look at the inward [spirit] and the state of feeling."

At another phase Rumi says:

162 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sur Discourse & Mahfil-E Sama

He whose adversary is his own shadow is not safe either in India or Khutan."

Pit chun dar khab binad Hind ra

When the elephant dreams of India).

or,

"Lan-ki pit-am did Hindustan bi-khab

(Because my elephant dreamed of India) .

Shams Tabrizi was perhaps the first to present the Indian elephant in that way. He said:

Dush amad p11-i ma ra baz Hindustan bi-khab

Pardi-yi shah mi-darEd 'u az junun to bamdad

(Last night our elephant dreamed of India again

(Tearing madly at the curtain of night till the morn.)

The Indian Sufis drew inspiration from Rumi's moral and ethical ideals and admired his cult of 'Ishq (cosmic emotion), but an integrated approach to his work on which could be based integration of individual personality and regeneration of human society was still far off. It was left to Iqbal to turn to Rumi for inspiration and guidance for this purpose. Igbal's philosophy his concept of khud',, his ideal of human excellence, his spiritual goals were all determined by R^m'. Iqbal

163 Religious Discourse. Coyle Mixing In Sufi Distort. se & Mahfil-E-Sama proudly calls himself a 'disciple of Rumi'. Throughout the centuries, no one in India has been so deeply inspired by the Mathnawi as Iqbal was and none has fathomed the depth of Rumi's thought as minutely as Iqbal did. Emotionally speaking, Indian Sufis have always been in the domain of Rumi. A number of commentaries were compiled, particularly noteworthy being those of Muhammad Afzal Allahabadi, Wali Muhammad, Maulana 'Abdul Ali Bahr al-'Ulum, Muhammad Razl, Mirza Muhammad Nazir Arshi, Maulana Abroad Husain Kanpuri and Maulana Ashraf All Thanvi. The writer of these lines has two very interesting manuscripts of Mathnawi. One is a thematic summary made by Muhammad b. Dost Muhammad, a disciple of Khwaja Obeidullah Ahrar and another summary belonging to Shah Waliullah of Delhi with marginal notes by Abu Raza.

While interest in Mathnawi was unabated throughout the centuries, it was Igbal who found in Rumi a real guide in the arduous task of resurrecting the individual and the community. Iqbal saw Rumi in his imaginary excursion to the other world addressing him as zinda rfid (living stream). Inspired by Rumi's symbolic imagery, Iqbal adopted shahin as his symbol for selfless and persistent effort to achieve the goal and for hitching wagons to the stars. If there is any truth in Arnold's remark that noble and profound application of ideas to life is the most essential part of poetic greatness, Sa'adi and Rumi may undoubtedly be ranked among the great poets of all time.

Not marble nor the gilded monuments

Of princes shall outlive this powerful rhyme.

Muslim mystics of Iran looked at the Ultimate Reality from different angles, as self-conscious Will, as Beauty, as Light and as Thought. All these trends are reflected in the Indo-Muslim religious thought. The symbols captured the

164 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mahfl-E-Sawa imagination and preserved concepts otherwise abstruse and difficult to comprehend. Shaikh Shihab al-Din Suhrawardi Maqtul's (d.1191) Hikmat al- Ishraq deeply influenced religio-philosophic thought. Who can say that his Awaz-i Par-i Jibril did not suggest to Iqbal the title of his collection of poems Bal-i Jibril (Gabriel's Wing). Suhrawardi presented human soul as an element of'light' (nut) and God as 'light of lights (nur al-anwar) and used color and light as symbols of spiritual development. Seyyed Hossein Nasr's thought provoking study of Bu All Sina, Suhrawardi and Ibn 'Arabi is most helpful in fathoming the depth and impact of the thought of these three sages. Ishragi ideas reached India through the pupils of Mulla Sadra, particularly Mir Baqer Damad. Shaikh Mubarak, Mir Falhullah Shirazi, Abul Fazl and Faizi and a few others became ardent advocates of Ishraqi philosophy. 'Abd al-Nabi Shattari (d.1611) wrote a commentary on Hikmat al- Ishraq under the rubric Ruh al-Arwah. The author of Anwariya was a relation of the author of Tabaqat-i Akbari.

The thought of Ikhwan al-Safa became a significant factor in the intellectual life of India during the time of Akbar. It was in a way a recycling of the ideas which were articulating through Kalila wa Dinma. Akbar got a Persian version of Ikhwan prepared at his court. Rejection of -denominationalism, faith in evolutionary concepts, astral influences, millenary ideas came from Ikhwan. Some of the concepts of Ikhwan were echoed in the A'in-i Akbari.

Though lesser in impact and influence, the Nuqtawi movement of Iran also exercised some influence on religious thought in India. The Nuqtawi ideas spread in India through Sharif Amuli, TashbIbi of Kashan, Wuqu'I of Nishapur. It appears from Tarikh-i 'Alam ara-i 'Abbasi that Akbar had contact with Mir Syed Ahmad Kashi.

Semasiological study of mystical terms with their subtle and fluctuating connotations in Iran and India is an interesting field for investigation and analysis.

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In Akbar's time Shaikh Muhammad Ghauth had made an earnest effort to transfer Hindu mystical concepts into Muslim mystical parlance. Shaikh ahmad Sirhindi was perhaps unique in fixing sharp, clear and penetrating connotation of mystic terms in the light of Islamic mystical concepts. During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Indian semantics saw subtle clashes arising out of ideological backgrounds of terms flowing from Sanskrit, Arabic and Persian sources. However, some concepts were from the very beginning differently understood in India and Iran. For instance, the following observations by Shaikh Ali Hujwiri, the author of Kashf al-Mahjub, about fans (annihilation) and baqa (subsistence) are significant:

Some wrongly imagine that annihilation signifies loss of essence and destruction of personality, and that subsistence indicates the subsistence of God in man; both these notions are absurd. In India I had a dispute on this subject with a man who claimed to be versed in Koranic exegesis and theology. When I examined his pretensions I found that he knew nothing of annihilation and subsistence, and that he could not distinguish the eternal from the phenomenal.

Mansur Hallaj is a seminal figure in the history of religious thought. His works were mainly in Arabic but he was born in Iran and had visited many countries, including India. It was through Persian works that his ideas reached Indian mystics. He came to be regarded as an embodiment of the principles underlying the pantheistic philosophy. Opinion about him was, however, divided. The earliest Persian work to refer to him is the Kashf al-Mahjfib of Shaikh All Hujwiri who firmly held the view that 'it would be an act of dishonesty to omit his biography in any mystical work. He quotes Shibli, who is reported to have observed : "Al- Hallaj and I are of one belief, but my madness saved me, while his intelligence destroyed him." Hujwiri refers to his fifty works which he found in Baghdad and other places. Though he considered him an ecstatic (maghlub andar hal-i khud), he

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"derived much support from him" and even wrote a book in deference to his views. In one of his books entitled Minhaj, now extinct; I-Iujweri gave a biological sketch of Hallaj. Though Hujwiri seems deeply impressed by Hallaj and Kashf al- Mahjub was a popular study in medieval India, the attitude of Chisht^ and Suhraward' saints towards Hallaj was one of caution. They feared lest his pantheistic utterances led to moral confusion. During the time of Firfiz Shah Tughluq all those mystics who were inspired by Hallaji thought, Masud Bak, Ahmad Biharl, Rukn al-Din and others, were charged with heresy and executed. Even as late as seventeenth century the state dealt strictly with Hallaji trends. The execution of Sarmad at the orders of Aurangzeb indicates the same attitude of disagreement with the views of Hallaj. Professor Louis Massignon once told me that his research suggests that Aush, where Khwaja Qutb al-Din Bakhtiyar Kaki was born, was a Hallaji center and a focal point for the spread of pantheistic ideas in India. His friend and associate Qazi Hamid al-Din Nagauri was also keenly interested in the thought of Hallaj. His Risala-i 'Ishgiya bears an indelible stamp of Hallaji thought. As I have shown elsewhere, Hallaj's works were widely read in Chishti mystic circles. Hallaj's execution became a symbol of sacrifice for the sake of freedom of thought and poets found no better expression of communicating the spirit of sacrifice for a cause than the episode of Mansur Hallaj. Iqbal found in his thought many elements of permanent value. In Javid Namah he presents Hallaj as a dynamic force revealing secrets of khudi. In Zabur-i 'Ajam he depicts Hallaj along with Shankar and seems to suggest that he was inspired by vedantic philosophy. In his Metaphysics of Persia he presents Mansur's slogan 'I am God' as an echo of Indian Vedantist's Aham Brahma Asmi. In his Lectures on the Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam and in Javid Namah he emphasized the originality of his thought and his greatness as a thinker. "In the history of religious experience in Islam, which, according to the Prophet, consists in the 'creation of Divine attributes in Man', this experience has found

167 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sup Discourse & Mahll-F Sama expression in such phrases as 'I am the creative truth' (Hallaj), 'I am time' (Muhammad), 'I am the speaking Qur'an' (Ali), 'Glory to me' (Bayazid)," observes Iqbal.

While Hallaj's ideological influence remained confined to higher mystic intellects, the impact of Imam Ghazzali was more widespread. His Kimiya-i Sa'adat became a popular study throughout South Asia. Its passages were read out daily in some mystic centers. Though for all practical purposes it is a Persian recension of Ihya al-'Ulum, the religious circles in India undertook to translate Ihya into Persian. During the time of Iltutmish, Muaiyid Jajarmi translated it into Persian. Unique in the comprehensiveness of its approach and incomparable in its psycho-ethical analysis of the basic religious situations, the Kimiya became a manual of guidance for the Indo-Muslim society. Ghazzali had himself been a student of Greek philosophy and as he confesses in his al-Mungidh min al-Zalal was greatly disillusioned by philosophy. He came to believe in the efficacy of 'cosmic emotion' which could unravel the mysteries of nature and give that solace and peace of mind which human soul longed for. His approach appealed to those also who believed in the supremacy of reason and thus its impact was felt on a wide scale.

The Kashf al-Mahjftb consolidates mystic ideas as they had developed in Iran and Central Asia up to the eleventh century. The author had personal contact with many eminent mystic teachers like Hasan Khuttali and Abut Qasim Gurgani. Dara Shukoh considers Kashf al-Mahjub as the first book on mysticism written in Persian. This may or may not be correct, but it is a fact that Kashf al-Mahjub exercised tremendous influence on contemporary and later religious thought, not only in India but in Iran also. IJami quotes from it extensively in his Nafahat al- 'Uns. In India Shaikh Nizam al-Din Awliya' used to say that for one who had no spiritual mentor, Kashf al-Mahjub was enough to guide.

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At the purely intellectual level it was Ibn 'Arabi (d.I240) who dominated the scene. Though his works were in Arabic, it was mainly through Persian channels that his ideas found currency in India. The key and kernel of Ibn 'Arabi's thought is pantheism, the earliest exposition of which is found in the Upanishads. It was thus a recycling of ideas that had originally traveled from India under different rubrics. The pantheistic philosophy provided an ideological bridge between Islam and Hinduism. Though commentaries on Ibn 'Arabi's works were written in India by Syed Ali Hamadani of Kashmir, Ali Piru Mahaimi of Gujurat and others, the ideas of Ibn 'Arabi fascinated the Indian Sufis when 'Iraqi and Rumi prepared the ground for their reception. Mns'ud Bak's Diwan as well as his Mir'at al-'Arif'in reflect the influence of Ibn 'Arabi. Shah Muhibbullah of Allhabad wrote commentaries on Ibn 'Arabi's works both in Arabic and in Persian. From the sixteenth century onward enormous literature appeared in India on the mystical ideas of Ibn 'Arabi. Shaikh Ahtnad Sirhindi's criticism of pantheism gave a temporary set-back to this trend, but when Shah waliullah attempted a reconciliation between the thought of Ibn 'Arabi and Sirhindi pantheistic ideas again became a force in the mystic sphere.

In the propagation of Ibn 'Arab A's mystical thought MahmOd Shabistari's Gulshan-i Raz also played a very important role.

One of the most distinguished Persian Sufis who was a very enthusiastic advocate of Ibn 'Arabi's ideas was 'Abdur Rahman Jami (d.1492). His literary works and his mystical ideas were well known in India during his lifetime. Mahmnd Gawan corresponded with him and Jami created in him an interest in Ibn'Arahi's thought. The last great mystic itinerant who visited Iran was Maulana Fazlullah, better known as Jamali. His meeting with Maulana Jami at Harat was a historic event. Due to long and arduous travels, Jamali had no clothes on his body when he entered the majlis of Maulana Jami. Jami was a bit displeased when he saw a

169 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mahfil-E-Soma beggar-looking visitor sit near him regardless of the dust and the dirt that had enveloped his body. When Jami came to know about his Indian origin, he asked him if he knew Jamali. Jamali recited the verse

Ma ra za khak-i ktiyat, pirahani-st bar (an

an ham za ab-i dideh, sad chak to bi-dOrnan

(I have on my body a garment made of the dust of your lane,

And that too tears have torn into hundreds of pieces.) and as those verses ran on his lips tears trickled down his cheeks and rolled on his body piercing the garment of dust. Jami stood up excited, embraced him with mixed feelings of surprise, love and embarrassment. This meeting between Jami and Jamali was in fact a historic meeting between mystic traditions of India and Iran. Jami had written Nafahat al-'Uns to popularize the great mystics of Islam and their teachings; Jamali wrote Siyar al-'Arifin on his return, perhaps inspired by Jami and after him compilation of mystic tadhkirahs gathered momentum in India.

The ethical and moral ideas enunciated by Persian masters like Sa'adi, 'Attar, Rtimi, Sana'i and 'Iraqi became the inspiring motive of the lives of the Indian saints. Taken as a whole, the Persian Sufi ideas and traditions supplied to Muslim mystical movement in South Asia its motive power, its driving force, its ideals and its goals.

CODE MIXING IN MAFIFIL-E-SAMA

Sama is probably the most controversial practice of the Sufis and many legal scholars have criticised is severely. In discussing the legal approaches to sama , Arthur Gribetz has noted that the relationship of Islamic law to music and poetry has always been ambivalent. This attitude is naturally projected into sama . The

170 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Si f Discourse & Mahfl-E-Sama opponents of sama , the Hanbalite jurist Ibn al-Jawzt (d. 1200) foremost among them, have seen the references of Qur'an to the amusement [23:3,53:61], excitement through voice [17:64] and idle talk [3 1:5] as references to singing and music. Also the poets are treated with contempt as people who lead others astray. Moreover, a hadith, in which Ibn 'Umar blocks his ears when he hears the sound of a mizmar (reed pipe) and thus claims to follow the example of the Prophet, is construed as a proof for prohibiting music. None of the Qur'anic passages mentions specifically music or singing, and selective interpretation is used by the proponents of sama as well. The Qur'an declares that God has distinguished what is legal and what is not [6:119], and since there is no mention of music, it is obviously allowed. Also listening to the Word of God is interpreted as listening to music and poetry. Likewise, al-Ghazali (d. 1111) interprets the mizmiir hadith not to prohibit music but demonstrate only that the Prophet was disturbed by the playing of mizmar at that instance. To prove his case, he adds that the Prophet had not unambiguously forbidden Ibn 'Umar from listening to music. The legal argumentation has never managed to create a conclusion, which would convince both the opponents and proponents of sama . Rather, the legal discussions have been characterised by the subjectivity of interpretation. Arthur Gribetz takes the difference of Ibn Taymiyya's (d. 1328) and al-Ghazali's views as an illustrative example. The former declared sama forbidden because it was not specifically referred to in Qur'an and Surma, while the latter declared, for exactly the same reason, that there was no basis on which sama could be proclaimed illegal.

One fact, on which both the proponents and opponents of sama have agreed is that a beautiful voice has a strong influence on a human being. Opponents of course perceived this influence as undesirable, while the Sufis utilised it in their religious life. A hadith cited by almost all the proponents of sama is the report of a black camel driver who with his beautiful voice was able to lure camels carry such a weighty load that they would die under it. This hadith is found in most

171 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mahfid-E-Soma early Sufi manuals. These manuals concentrated largely on the legal ramifications of sama . Qushayrl (d. 1074), for example, takes in his Risala great pains to define the legality of sama' in order to ascertainthe limits of its permissibility. Also Kitab al-Luma fi'1-ta awwuf by al-Sanaj (d. 988) and Ihya 'Ulum al-Din by al-Ghazali concentrate on the legal aspects. In addition to legal discussion, these two texts show a growing interest in the spiritual benefits of sama . Al-Sarraj perceives soma as a technique, which during the moments of heightened awareness can produce a spiritual experience in the listener's heart. This experience is a grace or revelation from the divine realm. Al-GhazalI differs from this approach in stating that sama brings forth the divine secrets already contained in the heart; it is not an experience coming from outside but a revelation from within. The attitude of al- Ghazali is apparently moulded by the Pythagorean and Neo-Platonic thought of the music as an awakener of the memory of the celestial harmonies the soul heard in pre-existence. The Qur'anic support for this idea of souls' divine pre-existenceis the passage on the primordial covenant between God and the souls. God asked the souls before they were created into the bodily existence "Am I not your Lord?" [7:172]. The voice of God the souls heard was the most beautiful voice and an consequently they hear echoes of this voice in all the beautiful voices. Thus, every beautiful voice reminds the souls of their divine origin and the time they were with their Beloved.

It should be noted that most of the above mentioned writers were very cautious in their advocacy of sama . This attitude crystallises in IIujv¢i's (d. 1071) Kashfal- Mahjub. He warns against the dangers sama could pose to the uninitiated listeners and quotes approvingly words of shaykh who told him that one day listening to music would beta him like croaking of a raven. Though Hujvirl: admits sama only instrumental value in the early stages of mystical path, he also reveals though abashedly that he himself likes to listen to mystical music. An early Sufi and enthusiastic proponent of sama was the younger brother of al-Ghazsli, Ahmad al-

172 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & MahfrFE-Sams

Ghazali (d. 1126). He is polemical against the critique directed towards the practice and devotes almost half of his Bawariq al-'Ilma' to the refutation of the arguments of the opponents of sama . After the refutation he declares that sama is necessary to the people of knowledge. It is not an assigned duty of the Sufi disciples, but is admissible to them as they are aspiring lovers. The strong advocacy of his work is a rare example among the early Sufi treatises, and it is noteworthy that Ahmad al-Ghazali's spiritual descendants, Abu Najib and Aba Hafs 'Umar al-Suhrawardi, followed the ideas of more reserved al-Qushayri and al-Sarraj.

All the Sufis were not, however, interested in the legal aspects of sama' and discussing its potential dangers. Instead, they laid more emphasis on its value in the mystical path. Foremost of these masters was Abu Sa'Id Thu Abi'l-Khayr (d. 1049). He left behind no writings, but his life is exceptionally well documented in two biographies completed in about hundred years after the master's death. The significance of Abu Sa'fdlies in his impact in Persian becoming the language of Sufism in the eastern Islamic areas and in the integration of anti-legalistic and blame incurring tendencies to Sufism in those areas. Terry Graham notes that even greater contribution was the institutionalisation of the khangah, Sufi lodge. This is also central to the development of sama , since this practice was an integral part of the religious practices in Abu Sa'id's khangah. Moreover, the master conceived sama beneficial for the novices as well. Other masters allowed listening to mystical music only to the elect, but Abu Said permitted even the beginners in the mystical path take part in the mystical concerts. He saw, for example, that it is better to let the music rule the bodies of the youths instead of their desires. Abu Said was not very concerned with the legal discussions on sam"a ; to him the benefits accrued from the practice were the greatest argument for it. He emphasised the role of sama in the mystic's progress and its capability to bring him closer to the Beloved. According to Graham, the practice was one form of

173 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Makfil-ESama worship to him. Abu Said also adopted ghazals and quatrains in Persian as the principal texts to be performed by the reciters. Ernst and Lawrence point out that the role of sama among the Sufi practices became more pronounced when different Sufi paths or orders (tarega, pl. turuq) were founded since the 13th century. Certain Sufi orders, notably Mevleviyya and Chishtiyya, adopted sama as a central practice. After founding the orders, sama was not anymore an idiosyncratic practise of individual masters but it spread widely as an institutionalised part of the Sufi orders. The congregational nature of same assemblies made it a heated topic of debates.

SAMA' IN INDIA

Islam became a permanent part of the religious landscape of South Asia only after the founding of the Sufi orders. The Ghaznavid Empire held sway over parts of the modem Punjab since the 11th century. Many Muslims were, however, born outside India and had migrated there later on. More stable Islamic state was founded only in the early years ofthe 13`" century by a general of the invading Ghurid troops, Qutb al-Din Aibak. The founder of the Indian Chishtiyya, Khwaja Moinuddin (d. 1236), arrived to India in the wake of the Ghurid conquest and sama was to become a central feature of the Chishti practice. Ernst and Lawrence note that the emphasis on sama also served to separate the Chishti order from their rival order, Suhrawardiyya, in the Delhi sultanate.

In analysing the 14th and 15'" century texts of Chishti writers, Ernst and Lawrence note that there is a clear difference in tone to the earlier writings. While earlier treatises, discussed above, emphasised the legal limitations of sama and were overtly cautious in their advocacy of the practice, the Chishti theoreticians propagate a full fledged utilisation of sama . They do not want to limit this practice for a small group of selected people, but consider it beneficial to the beginners as well. On the other hand, they do not consider sana either as a

174 Religious Dixourse. Code Mixing In Sufr Discourse & Mahfii-E-.Bona

practice of little importance, which an advanced Suti could abandon, as e.g. Hujvlri had written. The main contribution of the early Chishti writers is, according to Ernst and Lawrence, connecting the three grades of ecstasy with three

classes of listeners. Both, the three categories of ecstasy empathetic ecstasy, momentary ecstasy and durative ecstasy and the three classes of listeners uninitiated listener, mature listener and perfected listener were discussed earlier by the non-Indian Sufis. Into a single theoretical construction they were conflated only in the circle of Khwaja Nizamuddin, most notably by Fakhr al-Din Zarradi in his Arabic U ul al-Sam-a'. In the early Chishti treatises the empathetic ecstasy was attributed to the uninitiated listener, momentary and durative ecstasy to the mature and perfected listeners respectively. The significance of this theory is that the empathetic ecstasy, tawajud, is conceived as an important threshold experience of the Sufi path. The hadith often used in supporting the empathetic ecstasy is the injunction of the Prophet that the believers should weep or at least try to weep, when they recite the Qur'an. Similarly, in same , the uninitiated listener should try to experience the ecstasy, wajd, of the perfected listeners, if they cannot experience it themselves. The theory of three kinds of ecstasies cotmected with three kinds of listeners also implies that sama is important to the perfected listeners, not only to the beginners.

Ernst and Lawrence note that there is a clear change in the attitudes of the theoretical writings of the Chishtis in relation to the earlier treatises of non-Indian writers. The tone in advocating samil' is more daring and the practice is considered potentially more beneficial than dangerous. The Chishti writers also find new ways to trace the legal basis of soma. Ashraf Jahangir Simnznl quotes the adith quds7 'He who is hostile to the saint of mine has come against me in warfare" and combines it with a list of saints, who died while listening to music, in order to make his case. I would argue, however, that attribution of this kind of altitude towards sama' to the Indian writers is incorrect. This bolder attitude may have not

175 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Iiahjl-E-Sama been voiced in theoretical writings before Hamid al-Din Nagauri and Zarradi in the 13Th and 14ih centuries respectively, but it certainly existed in the khangah of Abu Said, as has been noted above. Thus, I would suggest that the Chishti writers only gave a literary and theoretical expression to the practice of Abu Sa'Id. He was certainly well known among the Indian Sufis, and, for example, in Fava id al- Fu'ad Khwaja Nizamuddin speaks of him in about fifteen instances. It would not be surprising if Abu Sa'id's attitude towards sama had been transmitted to the Chishti tradition.

It is interesting that the idea of sama' as a well grounded spiritual practice was mirrored also to Sufi orders, which normally do not consider sama as the local point of their practice. Among these orders are the Indian Suhrawardiyya, Firdausiyya and QadiTiyya. The wholesale rejection of sam5' was articulated only in the turn of 16th and 17"' centuries by Ahmad Sirhindi (d. 1624). Subsequently, the most widespread Naqshbandi sub-order, Mujaddidiyya, rejects sama as a part of mystical practice. Arthur F. Buehler notes that some other Naqshbandi sub- orders did engage in sama , among them the lineages that followed the teachings of BagiBi'llah (d. 1603) and Amir Abu'l-'U1a' (d. 1651). The latter's lineage combines the Chishti practice of sama with the unvoiced zikr typical to the Naqshbandiyya. Buehler writes that this order never became widespread in South Asia. Music has been considered a basic skill of a gentleman, as Metcalf notes, and as an artistically sensitive gentleman Third must have been inclined to listening music for aesthetic reasons, not necessarily to achieve mystical states.

The sharpest critique of the Mujaddidis was not directed towards sama , but towards the doctrine of unity of existence, which they conceived subordinate to the unity of witnessing. The more polemical attitude was adopted in the I9`" century by different reformist Islamic movements, which conceived sama' as one of the un-Islamic innovations. In the forefront of this criticism were the members

176 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mahfil-E-Sama of the theological school of Deoband, founded in 1867. The founders, Muhammad Qasim Nanautavi and Rashid Ahmad Gangohi were themselves disciples of Hajji httdad Allah, a famous Sufi of Sabiri Chishti lineage. The early Deobandis did not propagate total rejection of Sufism, but only of the forms they considered degenerated. It is also worth noting that the Deobandis were by no means inimical to poetry, only its musical performance. Muhammad Ya'qub, an early Deobandi, instructed his followers to recite verses of Hafiz, Dard and Sauda, if they felt distracted during zikr. Sama has been attacked since the 19s' century by the representatives of the Deobandi school and since 1920s by the members of TablighT Jama at, a grassroots organisation dedicated to promoting strict adherence to the Islamic rituals.

A good example of the lines the criticism of sam"a' follows can be extracted from a short book named Qavvali our Islam (1994) by Muammad Ashf`aq Husain. The line of thought is typical to the Deobandis and representatives of Tabligha Jama at but it also summarises many centuries of the debate. The Deobandis accept the moral qualities of the early Sufi masters, and the writer of Qavvali our Islam begins with stating that the great Sufis were morally so elevated that listening to qawwali could not do any harm to them. Common people, on the contrary, should not follow their example. This is followed by often repeated arguments from Qur'an and Sunna in an attempt to demonstrate that music is prohibited by God and that the Prophet and his companions never listened to it. As if to appeal to the Sufi authorities favoured by a potential reader, the author next quotes notable Sufis ranging from 'Abd al-Qadir Jllani to Khwaja Nizamuddin. Every quotation expresses some limiting factor concerning the use of instruments and the status of participants. The quotations are complemented with remarks of the author stating that this limitation is not followed anymore, which is a reason enough to prohibit all sama' and qawwali. The discussion is continued by condemnation of poetry, especially its lyrical forms, and mystical states. The conclusion of the book is that

177 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mahfil-E-Sama the good Muslims should not follow the example of the Sufis. Instead, they should stick to the example of the Prophet and his companions in imitating a precedent (taglyd).

The rhetoric of the book is interesting because of its selectiveness in choosing the quotations from Chishti masters who are known to have had a strong inclination for sama . Ernst and Lawrence note that this kind of argumentation is very central in the writings of the Deobandi school, especially in the polemical writings of Asbraf'Ali Thanavi (d. 1943). It is ironic, though, that even the Chishti master, who nowadays exemplifies the reserved attitude towards sama', Khvaja Nasir al- Din (d. 1356), seems to have been sensitive to the affects of poetry sung without musical instruments. Khaliq Ahmad Nizami notes that amajor disciple of Khvaja Nasir al-Din, Khvaja Bandanavaz Gesudaraz (d. 1422), relates several instances when his master was absorbed in sama . Among the Chishti masters, the reserved attitude of Khvaja Nasir al-Din is encountered only in Hajji Imdad Allah, the guide of the founders of Deoband. The legacy of this master has been subjectively interpreted much in the same way the Qur'anic statements or hadiths were interpreted insupporting or rejecting of San'.

One of the disciples of Hajji Imdad Allah was Zauqi Shah (d. 1951). Emstand Lawrence note that he was among the followers of Hajji Imdad Allah, to whom the latter had given khilafat, in contrast to the followers who had received only permission to spread the religious message of Islam. The founders of Deoband belong to this latter group, and Zaugi Shah's attitude to sama differs from their attitude radically. He referred to the example of Hajji Imdad Allah and considered sama a central spiritual practice that is in the core of the Chishti spirituality. He even went as far as to organise asama assembly in the Mecca mosque during his pilgrimage in 1950, when the Saudi dynasty and the Wahhabi movement already held firm grip of the holy cities of Islam. Even more polemical stance was adopted

178 Religious Discourse, Code Mixing In Still Discourse & Mahfil-E-Sama by the principle follower of Zauqi Shah, Capt.Wa id Baklish Siya1, who dedicated a notable portion of his writings to the defence of sama . IIe deems the practice central to the elevated spiritual life and even makes Hajjl Imdad Allah one of its staunchest supporters. The debate continues in the present day. Many notable Chishtis of the present day have not, however, taken part in this debate. They seem to rely on the example of the pastmastcrs of the order. In this light listening to poetry and music appears such a self evidentpart of the Chishti spirituality that taking part in the debate becomes irrelevant.

HISTORY OF QAWWALI

The history of Chishti sama is inextricably linked with the history of qawwali. The beginnings of creating this musical form are often traced back to Khwaja Moinuddin, and an often stated reason for his institutionalising sama is his desire to preach Islam to the music loving Hindus. Shemeem Abbas proclaims that the Sufis preached a simplified Qur'anic message to large masses with the help of music and vernacular poetry. Pir Ahmad Nizami stated that Khwaja Moinuddin, detecting the fondness of music in Hindu population, started to use qawwali as a means to attract people together. Thus, qawwaU facilitated preaching to large crowds. In Pir Ahmad Nizami's case, the idea is perhaps a projection of the programs of'Urs Man] which were instituted by his late father, Fir Zamin Nizami. The programs begin with a musha'ira, poets' recitation, and end with a qawwali performance. The focal point is, however, a lengthy speech about the Islamic nature and humanistic values of Sufism delivered by Pir Ahmad Nizarm between the reading of poems and qawwali. The popular nature of the qawwali performance attracts a wide audience, in addition to which the program is broadcasted live by the All India Radio. Thus, qawwali is instrumental in gathering a wide audience to listen to the speech of Pir Ahmad Nizann.

179 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Suf Discourse &Maltft(-E-Sama

The idea of qawwali as a means of preaching is, however, fairly anachronistic. Dr. Panda 'All noted that in the time of Khwaja Moinuddin qawwali was already a common practice among the Sufis. According to her, the Indian environment certainly had much impact on the enthusiastic acceptance of sama and on the development of the musical idiom of what was to become qawwali. But, as such, the practice itself was well grounded already when it reached the Indian Subcontinent. The development of qawwali is connected with the name of Amir Khusro, poet, musician and disciple of KhwajaNizamuddin, as is the development of North Indian classical music.'Abd al-ahm Ja'far Khan notes that the composition of many ragas is attributed to Khusro. Among them are ragas kafi and shahana, which are still widely performed. Theinvention of musical instruments tabla and sitar is also popularly attributed to Khusro.'Abd al- alim notes, however, that these specific instruments are not mentioned in the contemporary documents. The names tabla and sitar are used, but they refer to different kinds of instruments than the modern ones. Sitar was a three stringed instrument (sih tar, `three strings') used in accompanying singing and tabla (tabla) was a common name for a drum.

However different the qawwali might have been in the times of Amir Khusro, it seems plausible that he had a definite impact in the development of this musical form and that some parts of the qawwali repertoire can be his compositions. Another early personage connected to qawwali is Miyan Samat. Mi'rej Ahmad told me that Miyan Samat was the leading qawwal to reside in the lchangah of Khwaja Nizamuddin. He was trained by Amir Khusro and many traditional gawwals trace their lineage back to him.An important member of this very lineage was Tanras Khan, a court musician of the last Mughal emperor Bahadur Shah Zafar. After the 1857 rebellion he migrated to Hyderabad where he was sponsored by the Nizams. Mi raj Ahmad attached great importance to Tanras Khan, since he was instrumental in developing the idiom of contemporary qawwali. Among the

180 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mahfil-E-Sama traditional qawwals (gavval bacce), who aredescendants of Tawas Khan are Mi raj Ahmad and the late master'Aziz Ahmad KhanVarisi.

An important question discussed by the Chishti masters since founding of the order is the usage of musical instruments. Varis usain referred to the recurrent mazamir-argumentation, according to which all the musical instruments are forbidden since mizmar is forbidden. He saw, however, that prohibition of mizmar does not prevent the usage of musical instruments altogether. In Chishti sam"a', only the usage of this instrument has been unanimously prohibited, but the attitude towards other instruments has been more lenient. According to Pit Ahmad Nizami a framed drum (daft) was used in Chishti sama already in the days of Khwaja Nizamuddin. Later on it was substituted with Dholak, and harmonium was added to the instrumentation "by the consideration of some great ones of the religion". It seems more plausible, however, that the history of instruments in Chishti sama is not this straightforward. Mughal miniatures depicting ecstatic dervishes feature accompanists with various different musical instruments. In the older recordings of, for example, 'Aziz Ahmad Khan, the sarangi, stringed instrument with approximately 40 strings, provides the melodic accompaniment along with the harmonium. As an older instrument sarangi may have beena predecessor of the harmonium. The latter does not need to be tuned for different ragas, which has given it advantage over sarangi as the primary accompanying instrument. Other instruments may have also been used, such as the above mentioned three stringed sitar.

Nowadays, the accompaniment of Dholak and harmonium, sometimes with added tabla, is the preferred combination in qawwali groups. The simplified development of accompaniment for qawwali is perhaps a corollary of the desire to emphasise the Islamic nature of the musical form through de-emphasising its musical features.

Is' Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Suft Discourse & Mahfil-E-Sama

The terminology used in speaking about qawwali is based on the concept of qawwali as a religious musical form. Consequently, the qawwali terminology is connected to recitation of holy text rather than to music. The whole name of the musical form is derived from the Arabic verb qala, `to say' not from the verb referring to singing, ghanna. In Urdu the expression used for performing qawwali is gavvali paRhna, `to read qawwali', not gavvali gang, `to sing qawwali'. Moreover, the poems performed by qawwals areusually referred to as kalam instead of a more common slu°r. Kalam is a word that literally means `talk, utterance' but it carries heavily religious connotations unlike the word shi r,which refers specifically to the poetry of more profane kind. One reason for the selection of these expressions is the desire to set qawwali apart from profane musical forms. Mnnyfornts of art music were connected to the courts of aristocracy and courtesans. Both were shunned by Sufis, who consequently may have wanted to emphasise this difference. Amore important explanation for these terms is noted by Regula Qureshi. According to her the reason for this terminology is the fundamental Islamic belief to the supremacy of revelation in the form of word as the basis of religious life. The inviolability of the Qur'anic text, both in meaning and recitation, is projected to other religious texts as well. Among these are the poems performed in qawwali. This takes us directly to the importance of textual content of qawwali.

Poetry in Persian and Urdu

Selecting poetry for Chishri sama'

The poetical repertoire of qawwals is not fixed, but new poems enter it constantly, while others are rarely performed. In its core are poems which have become an integral part of qawwals' repertoires all over the areas where qawwali is heard. Some of these classics may have been heard in sama assemblies for hundreds of years. They are written mostly in Persian and Hindi. These two languages have

182 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mahfff-E-Sama consequently gained more prestige than the more recent languages of Sufi poetry, Urdu and Punjabi. Urdu, which is nowadays the cosmopolitan language of South

Asian Muslims, has been employed in the Chishti same only since the 20 h century. Naghmat-i sama , published in 1934 especially for qawwals, includes only Persian poems, and still in the early 1970s a group attempting to sing Urdu verses was made to leave the principal sama assembly of the 'urs festivities in Ajmer. As Qureshi notes , the incident was partly due to the newly invested divan's desire to demonstrate his power over his predecessor, who had allowed singing in Urdu. Nonetheless, it also reveals the dignity attached to Persian and Hindi poems.

The Persian poetry heard in Chishti sama' comprises both classics of Persian literature and more local Indian writers. The educated Muslims of South Asia have always been acquainted with poems of Sa d7, Rums, Hafiz and Jami, since their writings have been studied in the course of a typical curriculum. For this reason, the works of these poets have been aptly called "madrasa poetry". The Persian writing favourite of the Chishtis is, however, Amir Khusro. He was not only an eminent poet and musician, but also a close disciple of Khwaja Nizamuddin, which undoubtedly is behind his popularity.The poems written in sabk-i hind, `the Indian style', which developed in the 16'" and 17'" centuries, are performed by qawwals only occasionally. One reason for this is probably the complexity of this poetic style, caused by the use of classical metaphors and images in twisted and reordered ways. This is not, however, the sole reason, since Urdu poems by Mirth Asad Allah Khan Ghalib (d. 1869), who brought the Indian style to Urdu writing, are still cherished in the sama assemblies. Thus, another reason for exclusion of these poems from contemporary assemblies is the diminished acquaintance of the audiences with Persian.

183 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mahfl-E-Sama

Early Chishti masters are often considered to have written Persian poems and an entire collection of poems ascribed to Khwaja Moinuddin, Kalam-i'Irfan Taraz, is in wide circulation. The mystics have continued the tradition of writing in Persian in the present day as well. Even though the significance of Persian in education and literature has steadily diminished since the 18'a century, understanding at least a certain amount of Persian is essential to the Sufis and their literary culture. In the sama assemblies the most important Persian poets of the 19th and 201h centuries are Shah Niyaz Barelvi (d. 1831) and Hasrat Haidarabadi (d. 1962), who are famous Sufis of Chishti and Qadiri orders respectively. Muammad Amad stressed in the interview that in the sama'assemblies the usage of Persian and Hindi is a sign of sophistication and has a special aura of sanctity to it because both of these languages are closely linked to the Sufi masters of the yore.

Mystics were instrumental in making the Indian vernaculars a literary medium for Islamic literature. Urdu developed on the basis of the spoken language of Delhi region, kha Iboli. This language spread with the invading troops also to Deccan, where the Chishti master of Gulbarga, Khvaja Bandanavaz Gesudaraz (d. 1422) wrote treatises in dakkhini, `the southern language'. He is also credited for introducing Persian poetic forms ghazal and masnavi into vernacular Indian poetry. These poems are naturally cherished in the dargah of Khvaja Bandanavaz, and they are sung by the qawwals in the local sama assemblies. Most of them have not, however, entered the translocal repertoire of the qawwals.

Urdu matured into a fully developed medium of literary expression in the beginning of the 18th century. This development took place in Delhi after Auranzeb had annexed the Deccani sultanates to the Mughal Empire and Delhi had become the centre of Urdu literature. The Urdu poets of this period favoured straightforward expression that was based on the model of spoken language. Many of the early poets had close tics to Sufism. The Deccani poet to reside in Delhi,

184 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Makfil-E-Sama

Shams al-Din Vail Allah Val! (d. 1707) had close contact with Sulirawardis in Ahmedabad and Naqshbandis in Delhi. Sirnj Aurangab5dr (d. 1763), who was also of Deccani origin, was a disciple of 'Abd al-Ra man Chishti. From among the Delhi poets, Khvaja Mir Dard (d. 1785) was an heir to the mystical tradition of his father, the Naqshbandi master Muhammad Nasir 'Anbalib, Also Mir Tagi Mm's (d. 1810) father was a famous mystic. Mir's autobiography includes many references to the disciples of his father and the mystically tinged atmosphere of his home. Although Mir himself did not claim to be a mystic, many of his poems bear a mystical tone.

Since the 18'x' century Urdu has replaced Persian as the lingua franca of South Asian Muslims, and many poets have written in all the main languages used in the Chishti santa . Among them are the above mentioned Niyu and asrat. There are also Sufi poets, who have written mainly in Urdu. The most prominent among them are Bedam ShahVarisi (d. 1936) and Kamil aidarabadi (d. 1986). These writers are not first and foremost poets and consequently their writings are seldom found in the histories of Persian and Urdupoetry. In their case, the spiritual background of their poems seems to be more important reason for their popularity than purely artistic consideration, though many oC their versesare of high literary quality. Poets with Sufi background are included into the qawwali repertoire more easily than poets without mystical ties. In Surdd, for example, about 65percent of poems are written by Sufi poets, while only 35 percent are by other literary figures, mostly Urdu poets. Still, also the latter amount is fairly high considering that the collection is designed especially for qawwals. Muhammad Ahmad pointed to the reason for this by noting that the knowledge of ideas and practices of Sufism was very widespread among the educated classes. Thus, even those, who were not practising Sufis, were able to include Sufi themes into their poems.

185 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mahfil-E-Sama

Another reason for inclusion of poems by Urdu writing non-Sufi poets is the fact that Urdu poetry inherited the imagery of Persian poetry. This imagery does not in itself bear clear indications on whether the poem is a mystical one or not. The emphasised role of mystics in developing the Urdu poetry may have even accentuated this feature. The mystical tradition of early writers was continued later by the poets like Bahadur Shah Zafar(d. 1862), the last Mughal emperor and a devotee of Khvaja Qutb al-Din's (d. 1235) shrine, and Jigar Murad-abadi (d. 1960), who had close connections to the Sufi poet Asghar Gondavi. Poems of both these writers are frequently performed by qawwals. The selection of poetry to be sung in sama can also be affected by the contemporary cultural atmosphere. For example, the poems of Muhammad Igbal (d. 1938), who has posthumously become the national poet of Pakistan, are often performed by Pakistani qawwals, whereas in India they are seldom heard.

The poems are in themselves ambiguous and one may guess that mystical interpretation is primarily intended if the writer is a mystic. But what is more crucial in discussing the poetry used in Chishti sama , is the context in which a poem is used. This context is to some extend created by the musical style. Qawwali is connected to the mystical concerts of the Chishtis and the motive behind these events is experiencing mystical states. This presupposes mystical interpretation of the poems. The centrality of the musical context for interpreting a poem can be detected from the fact that the poetic repertoire of qawwali overlaps with that of certain other musical forms: many classics of Urdu poetry, notably Mir and Ghalib, are performed also by the ghazal singers like Begam Akhtar and Panda Kh5nam. Also the lyrics in humri and dadra styles of singing are very similar to the Hindi poems of qawwali repertoire. This indicates how the interpretation of poetry is connected to the context of performance. Qawwali is connectedto Sufism and spirituality, while ghazal is concerned with aesthetic refinement and even sensuousness. Thus a poem of Ghalib, Zikr us pari-vash ka

186 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Malefil-E-Suma our phir bayan apna (`Mentions of that fairy like one, and still expression is mine'), would in gawwali acquire a spiritual meaning and in ghazal a more sensuous one.

Even more crucial to the interpretation of a specific poem, is the personal interpretation of the listener. The formal regulations required from the audience of a sama assembly are not monitored by anyone. Instead, they are left to the responsibility of the listeners. Similarly, the poem becomes a mystical poem only when the listener gives it a mystical interpretation. The poems sung in Chishli sama are seldom didactic and certainly they do not aim at building a clear system of thought. On the contrary, the poems are lyrical poems with no clear indicators as to what kind of meaning is intended. This has lead to a need to intellectually analyse the poetic images and attribute them to the different qualities of God. The question of interpretation of poems and attribution of the poetic. Khwaja Nizamuddin notes that in the day of resurrection a dervish will be questioned if he really did attribute all qualities depicted in the poems to God. The shaykh also noted that he himself used to be reminded of his own master when listening to poems. The need for interpretation has manifested also in treatises discussing the poetic imagery, among them the work agn'iq-i Hindi, analysed by Francesca Orsini (2006).

Describing the nature of sama' often seems to escape the technical analysis and Sufi writers have taken shelter in poetic images in explaining it as, for example,"nourishment for the spirits" or "an ocean bird transporting lovers to the treasures that they seek". Consequently, most Sufis have not bothered themselves with prolonged treatises on interpreting poetic images. In Fava'idal-Fuld, Khwaja Nizamuddin notes that every individual should always grasp the connotation of ghazals for himself instead of following someone else's interpretation. This notion is followed by two anecdotes, featuring Baba Farid al-Din and Baha al-

187 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mahfl-E-Sama

DinZakariya respectively. In both anecdotes the master is impressed by a verse he the then repeats for an extended period of time. In neither case, however, does the master reveal what the verse denoted to him. In the end, Khwaja Nizamuddin states that no one evercame to know their experience of the verse. In the same assemblies I have observed, the shaykhs sometimes share their thoughts on some verses, like Khvaja asan Sany who often stops the qawwals' singing in order to comment on some verse. Usually, however,the responsibility of interpreting a mystical poem in a mystical way is left to individual listeners. This has been decisive in including a very wide array of poetry to the qawwali repertoire. Before entering the discussion of the themes of these poems, it is necessary to shortly consider the formal requirements of the poems written in Persian and Urdu.

Forms of Persian and Urdu poetry

In the Persian and Urdu poems the outer form of the verse is intrinsically tied to the meaning. This is even more pronounced in a musical performance. The poems of qawwali repertoire consist of verses that are bound together by the poetic meter and rhymes tructure. For this reason qawwali as a musical form is pronouncedly strophic. The most important literary form of the Persian and Urdu poems heard in sama assemblies is theghazal. The rhyme of the ghazal consists of the end rhyme, radii, which is repeated throughout the verse unchanged. The radii is preceded by gafiya, a varying rhyme word.The rhyme scheme of the ghazal is AA, BA, CA, DA etc. The first couplet establishes therhyme with its both lines. In the consequent couplets, the rhyme features only in the secondline, which also concludes the opening statement of the first line. A ghazal normally consists of five to thirteen couplets. Each verse of a ghazal is a complete and independent whole. Scott Kugle notes that this can be a great advantage: verses of a single poem can communicate various, even contradictory, shades o£, for example, love. It is more typical, however, that the verses of a ghazal are connected — in addition

188 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mahfil-E Sama to metre and rhyme — by the unity of mood. The number and order of the verses of a ghazal can vary between different manuscripts. It is not surprising that the variation is even more pronounced in a musical performance. Moreover, qawwals sometimes mix verses from different ghazals with single rhyme, meter and theme into a unified whole. Generally, only the first and last verses are without an exception sung in their respective places. The first verse, matla', is distinguishable from other verses for its repeated rhyme. A poem is also popularly referred to with its opening line. The other distinctive verse is the last verse, maqta'. This verse contains the nom-de-plume of the writer, takhallu . Except for these two verses, the qawwals are rather free to choose, which verses of a ghazal they perform, depending on the constituency and mood of the audience.

Another common poem type in gawwali repertoire is qasida, which employs the same rhyme structure as the ghazal. Qasidas written by mystics are usually poems inpraise of God, Prophet Muhammad and Islamic saints. The mystical gasidas used in thepresent day Chishti sama are approximately as long as ghazals. Sometimes the praise of the Prophet or a saint resembles the descriptions of beloved found in the more lyrical poems and the reader/listener is left to wonder, if he is encountering a miniature gasida ora lyrical poem praising the beloved's beauty. Qawwals seldom perform ghazals and gasidas without adjunct verses. The aim of these verses is to explain a verse or widen its metaphorical meaning.

Many adjunct items are individual verses from ghazals or gasidas, but they can also be shorter poetic forms. Among these shorter forms is git'a, `fragment'. It shares the rhyme structure of ghazal and gasida, except that the first couplet does not feature the repeated rhyme. Qif as are usually descriptive or they concentrate on a single topic. They often have a more personal tone than the ghazals. Another important shorter form is rubs i, a quatrain. The quatrains are mostly written in different metres than ghazals or qa idas. The metre may also be different in each of

189 Religious Discourse Code Mixing In Sidi Discourse & MaIzfil-E-Soma the four lines of a tuba i. The traditional rhyme scheme is AAXA, while more popular versesemploy also the scheme ABAB. The rhyme scheme of a quatrain is closely tied to the meaning. The first two lines build a situation, a kind of thesis. The third line offers an antithesis to it, while the third line, which returns to the original rhyme, presents asynthesis. Ruba is seldom constitute an independent song in themselves. In a rare case, when mba- I is used as the main text for a song, its textual bulk is augmented with other adjunct items. In addition, qawwals use verses from masnavis as adjunct items. An important poem type, that in itself includes both the salient text and an adjunct item, is tannin. Tazmin is a rather long poem. It is usually written on the basis of a ghazal or qasida as an explanation for it. Normally it is written using a five line verse called mukhammas, in which a couplet of the original poem constitutes the last two lines.The three explanatory lines derive their rhyme from the first line of the couplet. Thus the rhyme scheme is AAAAA, BBBBA, CCCCA etc. Besides the formal requirements of meter and rhyme, the poetry in Persian and Urdu utilises several rhetoric features. These will be noted, however, in discussing the themes of the poems.

Poems of praise

Poems in praise of God

A sama assembly opens ideally with poems in praise of the God, hamd. This category is very fluid and Surild includes only four Persian and five Urdu poems classified as amd.The small amount probably depends on the fact, that almost every poem praises Godthrough metaphors. Thus, every lyrical poem could be classified as hamd. In practice this would be problematic, since the Prophet and the saints are to be praised before performing love poetry. As a result, only poems that deal exclusively with God's majesty and unity are included in the category of hamd.

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The most common hamd is a poem that has the zikr formula a11ah hu as its refrain. This formula literally means 'God He', but it is usually understood meaning `God, He, is', as in the next verse by Zamin 'All. The theme of tau Id, unity of God, forms the basis of Islamic thought and is elaborated here.

One day Laila, her face beautiful as moon

Asked Qais: Who else is searched for, save me? "

Qais reached ecstasy and spoke thus:

"it is a mystery, listen well, o moon-faced:

Neither am I Majnun nor are you Laila

The poems often feature the ideal loving couples, like Laila and Majnun (i.e. Qais) here.The verse states that neither Laila nor Majnun really exists, but only God is. God'sessence, though, is not in the reach of a human being, but the mystic can see Him with the help of similitude. The next verse is attributed to Khwaja Mainuddin.

This kind of light that withdraw (everything] from sight in the mirror of the sculls the vision of the essence, yet I see it with the help of similitude.

The other mood often depicted in amds, as if to balance the majesty of God, is an intimate prayer for God's presence. Hasrat writes:

Become the light in my eyes, become the joy in my heart

Become eternal life, and like this come to my life.

A& heart is your abode, but .still, where are you, my dearest

W1 do you stay here and there, come to your appropriate place.

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A mystic can also pray for a more ecstatic experience, using the metaphor of intoxication. One encounters the old man of the ruins, the place for drinking, as a metaphor for God or the Sufi master, depending on the context:

0 old man of the ruins, let me have a goblet too

Let there be your charity

Until the Doomsday run your wine house like this

Let your cup go around!

Poems in praise of the Prophet

The hamds are followed by na'ts, poems praising Prophet Muhammad, who brought the conclusive revelation from God to the mankind and was the seal of the Prophets. Praising him, describing his qualities and mentioning his name is seen as establishing a spiritual bond with him, so it is only natural that his praise has occupied poets everywhere in the Islamic world. The Qur'an stresses the humanity of the Prophet and his only miracle was considered to be receiving the revelation from God. The personal qualities of Muhammad played very small or non-existent role in this process. Nonetheless, fairly early lofty attributes were connected to him, and many collections of hadith include, for instance, descriptions of his exceptional physical beauty. This has offered the poets good material for describing the Prophet as an ideal beloved. The curvedletters of the Qur'an offer a perfect way to describe the tresses and eyebrows of Muhammad:

Your eyebrows are verses of the Qur'an, your hair is the commentary of the Qur"an

0, your face is our Qur'an, and you are faith, you are faith.

This verse employs the rhetorical device of anaphora, repeating the same word, in this instance Qur'an, several times in a single verse to emphasise its meaning. In

192 Religious Discourse. Code Mining In Sufi Discourse & Mahf 6-E-Sama the same poem, Jam? describes the Prophet's beauty with comparison to the moon. And while in thcQur'an [6:50] God is understood to instruct the Prophet to say that he is not an angel, but only follows what has been revealed to him , Jami takes it not as asign of inferiority, but perceives it to demonstrate that the angels envy the Prophet, despite of his humanity.

On the earth and heaven, like the moon, you are shining, you are shining

Envied by the angels, light of God still you are a human being, you are a human being.

Although Muhammad is mentioned by name in the Qur'an only in four instances, the poets have seen signs of his beauty everywhere in the holy book. Describing the beloved with the verses of Qur'an is not in Persian and Urdu poetry limited to Muhammad alone, but still, the religious connotations of the Qur'anic verses have asironger effect when they are connected with the Prophet. In the next verse, Jami inserts two Qur'anic citations to his verse, from 53:17 and 92:1 respectively.

His two eyes are described by "His eve did not swerve"

His two locks, fragrant like amber, by 'By the night when it descends"

Inserting Qur'anic phrases in Arabic to Persian or Urdu verses, iqtibas, is a common rhetoric feature. These phrases are treated as single Persian or Urdu words, regardless of their Arabic grammar. Using the Qur'anic citations is made possible by the fact that all theMuslims read the Qur'an in the original language, and the educated audiences would understand even oblique cases of igtibas.

Sometimes love poems directed to the Prophet acquire an almost erotic tone, like in an Urdu verse of Bedam:

Gentle fragrance spread and breathless (or 0 Bedam) world of heart became fragrant

When the tresses ofMuhammad opened. God bless him and give his peace.

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The usage of the blessing formulas as radif, in this instance alla'llahu 'alayhi wa wsallam, is quite common in na'ts. If the Qur'an [33:56] tells that both God and his angels bless the Prophet; then why would not the people follow their suit? In poetry the blessing as a radii is an appropriate way to end a verse, since a blessing should always be uttered after mentioning the Prophet.

The poets have longed for Prophet Muhammad much in the same way the lovers have longed for their beloved ones:

My heart is afflicted by the wound ofyour separation, 0 Messenger of God

I carry the spring of thousand gardens in my breast, 0 messenger of God.

The situation, in which the breast of the poet is turned into a garden blooming with many red flowers, is a common way to describe the wounds caused by separation. One way to ease this separation is to send a greeting to Medina with the wind. Poems with some message to the Prophet constitute a special category of na'ts called salam. The next verseis attributed to Khwaja Nizamuddin and it is recited daily, when the doors of his dargah close. Other salams are performed in qawwali performances.

0 zephyr, turn towards Medina and recite greetingsfrom this supplicant

Go around the King of Prophets9 and recite the message with great humility.

The message of an afflicted lover is fill of bcauty gcnerated by longing and pain. Khwaja Nizamuddin asks the wind to sing with the melodies of David. In poetic tradition David,the singer of the Zabur, represents an ideal beautiful voice and melody.

Sing together with David's melody, become acquainted with lamentation and pain

Recite this ghazal by Niz6m, the dejected slave, in the assembly of the Messenger.

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As well as longing, the meeting with the Prophet is also a topic of poems sung by ga-wwals. As the whole world is illuminated by the beauty of Muhammad, a heart becomes alive through the union with him:

The world is illuminated by the beauty of Muhammad

The heart became alive through union with Muhammad.

Muhammad is not, however, the beloved of only the human beings, but also of God. Especially the night journey, isra', and ascension of Muhammad, mi'raj, have been seen in this light. The whole incident is deduced from two Qur'anic passages, 17:1 and 53:6. The first passage is understood to describe the journey from Mecca to Jerusalem and the second the ascension to the heaven by climbing the ladder or on the back of l3uraq, a mythical stead with woman's head and mule's body. During the ascension the Prophet travelled through the seven spheres and finally entered the paradise and the presence of God. Gabriel, his guide, could not enter God's presence. Only the Prophet could be asclose to God as "two bows or closer" [53:9]. To the poets, the mi'raj is a result of God'sdesire to meet his beloved.

It was a pleasant night and the world was peaceful

Attraction of the lover was affecting it.

He wanted to invite the beloved to the Throne

The eye yearned a vision, mi'raj was only an excuse.

The verse is a good example of a qit'a used in describing some event. It also functions as an introduction to a longer poem based on a verse by Sa di. The mi'raj has not been only a proof of Muhammad's high position but also a prototype of mystical experience, that transgresses the limits of time and place.

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When the Prophet returned, his bed was still warm and the tumbled pitcher had not yet leaked out. Thus, the mi'raj is an example of the mystical experience of the eternal now. Muhammad made his journey in bodily reality, while the mystics have to content themselves to journeying in the spiritual realm.

A theme with a more popular appeal in the qawwali repertoire is Muhammad's role as an intercessor in the Day of Resurrection. This intercession, shaffi at, is in full measure the prerogative of Muhammad only. Muhammad is thought to intercede especially on behalf of the most sinful people. This has been a great solace to the members of the Islamic community and has been celebrated in several poems. In sama assemblies with a wider audience, the verses like the following written by Jami, are frequently sung.

I an sinful, lam weak, lain helpless — this is the condition

D intercessor in the day ofretribution, that you are asking, you are asking.

The role of Prophet Muhammad is not limited to end of the creation, but he is present also in its beginning. In the Qur'an [33:46] he is called "a shining lamp". This has encouraged mystics to interpret the light verse [24:35] as an allusion to the Prophet. This light of Muhammad, nur-i muhammadi, or the reality of Muhammad, hagiqa muhammadiyya, was the first created thing and everything else was created through it. Every prophet preceding Muhammad is thus created from his light. Dagh, whose work is often seen only in the light of his infamous relationship with a famous courtesan (Matthews & al., 97), describes the effect of the Prophet's light in the beauty of Josef, the scent of whose shirt gave the eyesight back to Jacob:

In the beauty ofJosef was your light, 0 Light of God

The eyesight of Jacob was cured, well done!

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Ahmad Jam elaborates on the hageqa muhammadiyya:

You came as the meaning of'Ifyou had not been ", quick and swift you carne

You came from the pure world, souls are offerings to you, welcome

He mentions the well known adith qudsi "If you had not been, I would have not created the spheres." This, saying is one of the most famous proofs used in referring to the unique position of Muhammad in the process of creation. The longing forthe Prophet has also brought the souls into existence;

Longing for the Prophet has brought the soul into beingfrom, the non-existence

Where does the search for the Prophet take [my soul]?

The birth of the Prophet has been celebrated throughout the Islamic world since the Fatimid rule of Egypt. The festival is celebrated also in South Asia with recitations of na't-khvittti poetry. Some poems describing Muhammad's birth, however, have also entered the qawwali repertoire. Many of them, like the Urdu poem cited below, resemble the actual celebrations following the birth of the child current in the area. Bhakti poetry may have given an impetus to writing the next poem:

When Muammad Mutafa was born, aunt alima took him to her lap and said:

"Do light the lamps of ghee, Amina's darling was born!"

In the Heaven Aha'l1 resounds, the earth sings hymns ofpraise.

"Today Muhammad was born!" Gabriel calls out.

Today the hurls dance 'coma cam' in 'Abd Allah's courtytml.

All the prophets from Adam to Jesus came to say heartily: "Congratulations!"

Angels come reading blessings and stars twinkle 'Tim Tim'

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On the lap ofhis mother he is just like ajewel in a ring.

After the praise of the Prophet, the masters of the Sufi lineage are praised in poems called mauqabat (or in pl. managib). The Chishti lineage is traced to the Prophet through 'Ali, hisson in law. When the sama assembly follows the recitation of f itiha for the soul of asaint, the first hymn is the qaul set to music by Amir Khusro, Man kuntu mauls fa-'aliyunmaula ('Whose master I am, his master is 'Ali'). Prophet Muhammad announced this saying in the Ghadir Klmmm during his farewell pilgrimage. Some qawwals recite the complete qaul, addindg Ana madinatu'l-'ilm wa 'alIyun babuha (`I am the city ofcnowledge and 'Ali is its door') The qaul is sang by all qawwals in the same melody based on raga shuddh kalyan. It seems likely that this melody presents very old layer of qawwali tunes. The composition of Khusro includes also a tarana:

dar dil dar dil dar dani

ham turn tand nan8 natano nan8 ri

yalali yalaliyala 1d/all

yald Idla yala laic yala Ialali

A tarana is a piece of composition, which utilises meaningless words as its text. Several taranas are attributed to Khusro and they have enticed several speculations on the hidden meaning of these words. Dar and dil are Persian words and ham and turn are pronouns of Hindi/Urdu. I would nonetheless assume that no cognitive meaning is intended, but the words are suited to depict the melody the composer wants to present. Thus, they would also represent a rare example of wordless music entering the qawwali repertoire.

Since the text of the song is very short, it is often augmented with inserted verses. Qawwals have a stock of verses that can be inserted into this song. They

198 Rcligious Discourse. Code Mixing in Sufi Discourse & Mahfil-E-Sarna commonly insert verses from a qa Ida of Niyaz, which is performed as an independent item also.

Friend of/he Truth, assignee ofMutaJa, ocean ofgraces

Imam of the two worlds, gil>V of religion andfaith.

Companion in the assembly of mankind, quest in the holy assembly

Delight of the elect souls, pleasure of the pure spirits.

Another famous poem in praise of 'Ali is written by Kamil. Ilis poem describes thes piritual significance of'Ali, also known as Murtan, to the mystics:

What did I get due to the hem of Murtaa? What should I tell?

When I got 'Ali I got the Prophet, when I got the Prophet. I got God.

The way to the God goes through the Prophet, and the Prophet can be attained only through 'Ali. As the qaul mentioned above explains, 'Ali is the door to the city of knowledge, the Prophet. Another verse from the qa Ida of Kamil traces the way of the mystic to the station of patience (sabr) and satisfaction (riza), where there are signs of the mystics travelled before him:

When I arrived to the stage ofpatience and satisfaction, in your footprints, in every .step

There ivav somewhere the dust of the madmen, .somewhere blood ofthe faithfuL

If we follow the Chishti silsila, the next personage that is commonly lauded in the poems, is Khwaja Moinuddin. The fourteen masters between 'Ali and Khwaja Moinuddin are rarely met in the qawwali poetry. The only exception is Khvaja 'Usman Harani, the master of Khwaja Moinuddin, whose 'urs is celebrated in large scale in Ajmer. Khwaja Moinuddin, however, is the most widely known saint in the Indian Subcontinent, and his 'urs festivities attract hundreds of

199 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Safi Discourse & Mahfl-ESama thousands of people to Ajmer every year. He is asaint whose fame has spread all over South Asia, and it is natural that poems in praise of him are part of the common gawwali repertoire. The poems in praise of him accord him with the loftiest of attributes. The next verses are from a poem by Niyaz, who has written some of the most popular Persian manqabats:

Master ofmascers, Mo nuddin

Pride or existence and place, Moinuddin.

An explanation for the secret of the Truth, Mainuddin

A sign of the Signless, Moinuddfin.

Since Khwaja Moinuddin is the first Chisliti master to have resided in India, every subsequent saint is seen as his blessing. The next Urdu verse by an anonymous poet lists the names of the saints who followed Khwaja Moinuddin. The epithet used for Khwaja Moinuddin himself is Khvaja-yi Hindalvali, `the Saint who conquers India'. The title isapt, since whole South Asia is considered to be part of the wilayat, spiritual dominion, ofthe saint.

Due to your blessings they are all saints, Ganj-i Shakkar, beloved Sabir

The thing that makes NizBm and Khusro saints, my Khvaja, is your blessing.

0 Khvaja yi Hindalvalfl

Poetry reveals also another side of the saints. They are not only spiritual giants aloof from the world and its concerns, but they are also benefactors of the humankind. Khwaja Moinuddin is commonly called Ghanh Navaz, `Nurturer of the Poor'. Many pilgrims travel to Ajmer with the hope of solace and blessing. In understanding the reverence paid to the saints, and in this particular instance, the poetry written in their honour, it is unavoidable to take verses like the one below

200 Religious Discourse Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Maltfil-ESama into account as well. The verses are taken from an Urdu poem by Kamil, and they describe Khvaja Gharib Navaz as the shelter of those with nothing. One senses the sense of pride for having a connection with Khwaja Moinuddin in the verses.

The poor lower their glance to you doorstep

When every other shelter is shattered, 0 Khvaja!

By the bonds of affection! By the perfect (or Kamit's) connection!

You are ours, you are ours, our Khvaja!

From among Khwaja Moinuddin's followers, Khvaja Qutb al-Din is not prominent in the poems. Even Baba Farid al-Din has remained a fairly local saint, and poems extolling him are common in Punjab, but seldom heard outside the region. Baba Farid al-Din's two disciples, Khwaja Nizamuddin and 'All Amad -abir Kaliyarr have become famous throughout the Subcontinent. Especially the former and his mausoleum in Delhi have inspired many poets.

Khwaja Nizamuddin, also known as Ma bOb-i IIahT, `the Divine Beloved',was learned in tafsir and hadith, but was also sensitive to poetry and music. He also stressed sobriety in his teaching but experienced ecstatic states as well. He was by no means the only great shaykh of his times, and the role of his famous disciples was definitive in making the master's name eternal. Among them were the historian iya' al-Din Barani, who saw the high moral standards of Delhi depending on the presence of Khwaja Nizamuddin. Two poet-disciples, Amh Khusro and Amir asan Sijzi wrote panegyrics and lyrical poems with mystical tinge inspired by their master. The latter also noted down the discourses of Khwaja Nizamuddin. Later,Khwaja Nizamuddin's descendants were sponsored by the rulers and a splendid mausoleum was erected on his grave. The poems written in praise of Khwaja Nizamuddin are often of more lyrical character than those written in honour of Khwaja Moinuddin, for example. One can only guess the reason for

201 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mahfil-E-Sama this. Maybe it is Fava"id a]-Fu'ad's intimate atmosphere and gentleness, traits that are absent in the malfuzat texts of previous Chishti masters. These works were written after the death of these masters, when their memory had already been hallowed by the hagiographical processes. Or maybe the reason is his association with the greatest poets of his tine. The following verses from a famous qasida written by Niyaz exemplify this lyricism:

The bedchamber of the world becarne illuminated as in daylight

When a moon like this rose from the earth's horizon.

Because of desire for the love of the Divine Beloved I turn like this

That the painter paints my picture into the form ofa sigh.

The verses include elegant examples of mubalagha, hyperbola, one of the most frequent rhetorical features used in the Persian and Urdu poetry. In the first verse the moon is so bright, that it illuminates the world like the sun. In the second verse the lover is wasted in longing to such an extent that everything that remains of him is sighs. The theme of moon like beauty is continued in a qasida attributed to Khusro. The poem is one of the best known Persian poems in India and Pakistan, since gawwals always sing it after the 'Idprayers, when the mosques adjacent to the shrines are full of people.

Place for celebrating 'k/for its poor is your street

Joy of seeing the moon of 'Id is yourface.

The verse is as an example of tanasub or mura'at-i nazis, `the harmony of similar things'.The term refers to including several words from one sphere of meaning into one verse. In this instance, Khusro uses words connected to celebrating 'Id. The verse includes the place of celebrating ('Id-gah), the poor people (ghariban), who gather there to receive alms, and sighting the crescent moon ('Id didan) that

202 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mahftl-E-Same indicates the end of Ramadan. In Urdu verses the Indian influence is once again more discernible. Zamin Nizami, a descendant of the saint, pictures Delhi as bride of Khwaja Nizamuddin, while the entire world follows as the bridal procession, barat.

Delhi became bride and Nizamuddin Chishi is the groom

All the world is the wedding procession ofNizamuddin Chishti.

The most famous mangabats for Khwaja Nizamuddin are the ones written in Hindi and attributed to Khusro. These, however, will be discussed later, together with other Hindi poems. Moinuddin, abir'Ala' al-Din and Nizamuddin are saints who have universal following all over the Indian Subcontinent. Other saints are praised by the qawwals in the areas surrounding their dargahs. Baba Farad al-Din is praised in Punjab and Khvaja Bandanavaz Gesudaraz in Deccan. Two popular saints of qawwali poems, who are not part of the Chishti silsila, are Imam Husain and 'Abd al-Qadir Iilani.

Husain was martyred in Karbala and is mourned by the Shia community during the month of Muharram. The Chishtis do not listen to qawwali during the twelve first days of Muharram. Instead, the qawwals recite elegies, marsiyas, during those days. Inthe mystical poetry, however, Husain is not remembered with grief but as a martyr of love, a faithful lover, who offered his life in the path of God. Niyaz describes the status of Husain as the king and soul of the saints. His face reflects God's beauty and the poet takes shelter in him in the Doomsday.

0 heart, cling to the hem of the King of the Saints

Namely usain, Son of A1i, Soul of the Saints.

His countenance is a mirror for divine beauty

That face has become qibla for the faith of the saints.

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During his resurrection Niydz puts his hope on husain

The lovers ofsaints are with the saints during the resurrection.

'Abd al-Qadir Jilani is maybe the most famous saint in the Islamic world, and poems praising him are included in the gawwali repertoire. He began his career as a preacher, but his fame as a saint and intercessor spread rapidly after his death and he became immensely popular. The Qadiri order itself never became widely popular, but places where 'Abd al-Qadir is said to have meditated exist all over the Islamic world. Poems in praise of this saint often concentrate to his lofty attributes much in the same way as the poems in praise of Khwaja Moinuddin. Thefollowing verses are written by Niyaz. The first one lists the epithets by which the saint is usually known:

The Prince, the Holder of Hand, the Greatest Help, the Divine Pole

The Beloved, Prince ofthe World, what a Divine Beloved!

The angels niove in his entourage saying 'Give ivay!'

The selectedfrom among people and fins walk by his horse.

Lyrical poetry

In comparing different mahfils, one observes that the qawwals sing more lyrical poems when more high ranking Sufis are present in the audience. Obvious reason for this is that the lyrical poems are written in strongly metaphoric language devoid of obviously religious motifs. Attaching mystical meanings to lyrical poetry requires consequently thorough familiarity with the Sufi ideas. In discussing the themes of lyrical poetry I depart from the arrangement of Surud. Surud divides Persian lyrical poems into the categories of 'ishq(`love'), firaq ('separation') and 'ilm ('knowledge'). Urdu ghazals are divided in the same way with the additional category of wa dat al-wujud ('unity of existence'). The Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mahfil-E-Sama category of 'ilm is especially elusive. In Urdu it contains poems of writers not known as mystics, such as Ghalib, Jigar and Mir. This category, however, overlaps with other categories, notably 'ishq and wa dot al-wujud. In the following discussion I shall divide the poems into more illustrative groups: poems on wine, disbelief, love and wa dat al-wujud.

Poems on wine

A distinctive group of lyrical poems is khamriyyat, wine poems. Wine was very much present in the Indian courts. Qasfdas praising the rulers abound in depictions of drinking scenes. Mystics seldom touched alcohol, but it served them as a poetic metaphor for the drunkenness caused by divine love. The self-forgetfulness caused by this wine becomes the aim of the mystics who have gathered in the wine house. The wine house is the khangah ofthe Sufi master where he offers intoxicating drink. Hasrat describes drinking wine as the ritual prayer of the mystics. The ritual prayer begins with takb r, allahu akbar. Similarly, the prayer of self-forgetfulness begins with the gurgling of the flagon:

Wine drinkers; perform the prayer of sefforgetfulness

The gurgling offlagon became "God is greatest! "shout of the wine house.

The Sufi master of the khangah is the old Magus who runs the wine house. Supplications to him for more wine are the religious litanies of Ilatiz:

lam the one, whose St f lodge is the corner of the wine house

Supplication to the old magus is my litany ofmorning time.

Later in the same ghazal, Hafiz accords to the meeting with the beloved a position higher than mosque or wine house; both are only instrumental in quest for this meeting.

205 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mahfif-&Sama

Aim from my [going to the] masque and wine house is meeting with you

I have nothing except this thought, God is my witness.

Another character in the wine house is the saqi, the youthful cup bearer. He may be the Sufi master, but often he is also God himself. Saqi is endowed with the qualities of the cruel and beautiful beloved. Sarmad, an eccentric mystic who was executed by Aurangzeb for his close relations to latter's brother and rival Dara Shikoh, describes the effect of saqi's eyes. Those eyes intoxicate like wine. The ghazal, from which the Persian verse is taken, is a mubarak, congratulatory poem. Qawwals often sing this poem when a covering (cadar) is placed on the tomb of a saint during the'urs festivities.

If there is neither cup nor wine in the hand of the saqi

Then the wondering glances from drunken narcissus eyes are welcome!

The cruelty of the saqi is unlimited. After his coquettishness has killed the enamoured wine bibber, he forms a cup out of his dust. To the lover, this is of course a blessing, since his dust can feel the touch of the beloved's hands:

After death, Sagi, lam grateful

You formed a cup from my dust.

The mystics have always prided themselves on their drinking capacity. This is an indication of their capability to experience the mystical love. A verse by JamI includes a good example of mubalagha. He has drunk so much that wine comes out from his eyes, and his heart burns so intensely that smoke of roasting comes out of it. Since roasted meat (kabab) was a common snack in the drinking parties, pairing it with wine is also a nice tanasub.

lain so much drunk that wine comes out from my eyes

And from the heart full ofdesire smoke of masling comes out.

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In wine poems even ruining the abstinence is a virtue. A verse from a ghazal attributed to Khvaja 'Usman Harm extols the virtues of unrestrained drunkenness: it is piety to dance with the cloak and turban, emblems of a pious Sufi. The situation described in the verse is sometimes seen in actual soma assemblies, where a Sufi master dances intoxicated by poetry and music:

Happy the drunkenness, in which I ruin hundred abs(inences

Bravo the piety that I dance with cloak and turban.

The person who is mocked in the wine poems more than anywhere else is the ascetic or learned shaykh. He is concerned merely with bookish learning and is not able to adapt himself to the activities in the wine house.

This is a wine house and there are drunkards here, here the prayer leader is a saqi foreveryone

This is not a shrine, o venerable shaykh, here abstinence is forbidden.

Jigar Muradabadi, writer of the verse, is an excellent example on a non-mystic poet whose poems have been included in the gawwnli repertoire. No doubt, Jigar's close relation to the Sufi poet Aghar Gondavi acquainted him with mystical themes. Yet, his addiction to alcohol and gambling make him an unlikely poet to be favoured by Sufis. The intertwining levels of meaning, however, have made his poems a fresh addition to the qawwali repertoire in the 20th century. The verse includes an example of ishtigaq, using words derived from a single Arabic root in one verse. In this verse the words are `shrine' (cram) and `forbidden' (arm), both derived from the root h-r-m.

Sometimes the poets are kind enough to advice the shaykh in an exasperated tone to see the futility of asceticism and realise the value of love:

0 ascetic, listen to what Jam saying to you, for the sake of God 207 Religious Discourse, Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mahfl-E-Sama

Ascelicism passes awayin vain, drink the goblet of wine from me.

Niyaz asks the shaykh in another verse to leave the confines of the madrasa of intellect and drink the wine of annihilation and selflessness without consideration of consequences. Then radif of the poem, Jo ho so ho, is a common proverb in HindiIUrdu speaking areas. Inserting a proverb to a poem as is called irsal-i misal.

Leave the madrasa of the intellect and come to the wine house of love

Now I have drunk the goblet of annihilation and selflessness, what is to be must be.

More often than advising the shaykh, the poets are bidding him farewell. Ghalib reveals the nature of the beloved to the shaykh, who would not feel comfortable in his company anyway:

Yes, he does not worship God. Go, he is unfaithful, too

Why would he who has regard for religion and heart, go to his lane?

Also those, who loose control after drinking only few drops, are to be thrown out from the wine house. The idea that Sufism is only for those with enough capacity, is rather common. Jigar writes:

Who drank little and lostcontrol, throw him out of the wine house

Those with a narrow vision cannot spend time here, only people ofeapacity can stay.

In poetry the real drunkard of the mystical love has the privilege to enter the sacred shrine(of Mecca?) also in the night, when the common public is shut out:

Jam that drunkard, for whom the shaykh of the shrine

Has left the door of the shrine open at night.

While reading these poems, one should keep in mind that the Sufi masters have multiple roles in the society. While in a sama assembly they may be intoxicated 208 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufr Discourse & Mahfil-E-Same ecstatics, they may also be learned shaykhs, hadith scholars and theologians, and practice different ascetic exercises. The metaphors of the poems still retain their charm as inducers of mystical experiences. Even more radical than wine poetry, are poems on infidelity.

Poems on infidelity

If one is surprised by the frequency of poems praising wine and drunkenness, one may be even more so due to the several poems that describe infidelity, kufr, and are frequently heard in Chishti sama . This genre of poetry is called kufriyyat. In the poems of this genre the poet shows himself rejecting all the traditional religious inhibitions and denying the faith, usually in a very radical way. The audience of the poems encounters the conventionality of the Persian and Urdu poetry and the difference of metaphorical (majazi) and real ( agiqi) meanings. The kufr of the poems is obviously metaphorical kufr, action that would be kufr in the human realm. The real kufr, on the other hand, is something else. As has been already mentioned, most Sufis were strict followers of Islamic law. Why are they, then, charmed by the kufriyyat? One explanation may be found in the attitude that crystallises in the adage of Abu Said ibn Abi'l-Khair "Until you have become an unbeliever (kafir) in your self, you cannot become a believer (momin) in God". The kufr of poems is a metaphor for turning away from the ego (nafs) towards God. The beloved for whose sake the poet abandons Islamic faith is due to his/her beauty often called an idol (but, anam). All the infidels known to Muslims appear in the poems. Khusro's beloved is more beautiful than the idols of Azar, the idolater father of Abraham:

0 your beautiful face, envy of the idols ofAzar

Though lam praising you in every way, you are still more beautiful.

W, Religious Discourse. Coyle Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mali ii-ESema

The sign of an infidel is zunnar, the infidels girdle or, in the Indian context, the Brahmin's thread. Khusro boasts to be more infidel than the infidel himself in a fanciful mubalagha: He does not need even Brahmin's thread, since each and every of his veins has become aninfidel's thread.

I am an unbeliever of love, being Muslim is of no use tome

My every vein has become a string, so there is no need for Brahmin's thread.

Love for the idol-like beloved is the force that robs poet's religious observance. For Kamilit is not only his own religion and doctrine that were destroyed, but the entire universe was looted by one glance of the beloved.

What is soul and heart in love? Religion went, doctrine went

Due to one coquettish glance, the entire universe was looted

Several poems describe how the mystic's mind turns towards the beloved even during the Islamic rituals. The audiences hear in them also the obligation to remain concentrated on the beloved in everything they do. In the verses attributed to Khvaja Qutb al-Din, two central Islamic rituals, ritual prayer and pilgrimage to Kaba are both directed to the beloved:

In a mosque, when I take my place in the row of devotion

My heart inclines towards the arch ofyour two eyebrows.

A pilgrim goes to circumambulate the shrine ofKa'ba

But my desired Ka'ba is on your street.

A poet of Qalandari movement, Bn 'Alf Shah, continues in the same vein. To him the beloved's face is the Kaba. Bu 'Ali Shah performs the rituals of circumambulation and kissing the black rock of the Ka'ba in the wine house. The verse is an example of tanasub combining things of the same thematic sphere.

210 Religious Disco ruse. Code Mixing In Suft Discourse & Maliftl-E-Sama

Why should I eircwnambu!ate the Ka'ba,

since the face of my friend is the Ka'bal shall walk around the wine house and kiss the feet of the intoxicated.

Like in the wine poems, the ascetic is mocked also in kufriyyat. Khusro writes in the victorious tone about the ascetic, who has had to abandon the symbols of his continence, rosary and prayer mat:

Since ascetic's eyes fell on your beau (d f d face

His rosary ofcontinence is in one direction, abandoned prayer gnat in the other.

In Jami's verse the hundred years of ascetic practices are destroyed when the beloved appears in the middle of the night:

If my Friend comes out in the midnight without a veil

Ascetic of hundred years comes out from the mosque spoiled.

Shahidi advices the ascetic to abandon self-restraint and restrictions in love and worship. Otherwise both love and worship are futile. The real worship is not just bowing one's head to someone's threshold, but to make the threshold sway when

4, one bows one's head on it.

Is it love, in which there are self-restraints? Is it worship, in which there are restrictions?

In reality, 0 ascetic, only that is lift that you bow your head and the threshold sways.

According to Khusro, to speak the truth is often construed as profession of unbelief (kalma-yi kufr) in this world. Khusro's advice to keep the secrets to oneself in this world reminds the numerous verses in the end of poems, in which Rnmi exhorts silence.

Do not speak the truth, it is profession of unbelief in this world, Khusro

211 Religious Discourse, Code Mixing In SufI Discourse & Maltftl-E-Sama

Wonderful knowledge of the secret, wonderful holder of the secret.

In reality, mystics followed such recommendations as little as they followed the exhortations to drink wine and reject worship. The secrets of mystical love were revealed in numerous metaphors, that still form the core of poems heard in Chishti sama'.

Poems on love

Love has been the underlying theme of many poems discussed thus far. Many na'ts and mangabats resemble love poems rather than gasidas. Wine is a common metaphor for mystical love, and the love of the idol-like beloved causes the mystic to lose his interest irreligion and ascetic practises. In addition, actual love poems are numerous in the qawwali repertoire. As a result, majority of the poems performed in Chishti same deal with love.

Many Sufis have attempted to organise love into a system of states and stations. Carl W. Ernst notes that introduction of the word 'ishq, which denotes specifically passionate love, into Sufi terminology is attributed to 'Abd al Wahid ibn Zayd (d. 792). In the 121h century, 'Ayn al-Quat Hamadatii (d.1 131) saw love as a religious obligation (far) for the human beings. According to Ruzbihan Bagll (d. 1209), in the last stage of love all the distinction between the lover and the beloved, human being and God, disappear. Many mystics have considered the trust, amanat, to be love. God offered this trust to the heaven and mountains, but finally only man accepted it. Ibn 'Arabi notes that love is specifically a human attribute. He notes in al-Futuat al-Makkiya, that in the Qur'anic passages that mention God's love or lack of it, the objects are always the human beings. An anonymous poet elaborates on the connection of love and humanity:

If there is no throbbing in the heart, lover is not a lover

If one knows nothing about the pain, he is not a human. 212 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mahfil-E-Sama

The Sufis have often turned to writing poetry when they have wanted to discuss different aspects of love. Perhaps the best known Sufi poet is Maulana Rum , whose gigantic divan speaks of love in always new metaphors

Placing love among the stations that a mystic passes through in his way to perfection is problematic since it tends to negate the dynamism always present in love. Poetry, on the other hand, can describe separation (firaq, hijr) and union (vi al), soothing memory and burning love, without making any of them the final state. In every sama assembly, the qawwals recreate this dynamism and with a skilful selection of poems they can help the listeners in delving into the depths of mystical experience. For example, a poem on union of the lovers following a poem on separation, or a poem on kindness of the beloved after describing his cruelty, is sure to enhance the impact of the text in the listeners.

A central meditative technique of the Sufis is zikr. Zikr means both invocation and remembrance. In a widest sense, zikr comprises all the techniques that help the mystic to remember God. In qawwali poems, the power of beloved's memory is often described. The memory can be soothing, as in a qit'a written by the most notable modem Urdu poet, Faiz Ahmad Faiz. Faiz was not a Sufi and did not always even utilise the conventional imagery of Persian poetry. Still, his poems have become apart of the qawwali repertoire:

Last night your lost memory came to my heart

Like spring comes slowly to the wasteland

Like zephyr comes softly to the desert

Like a sick one gets rest, without reason.

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This memory is not a trivial thing to the poets. Poems in which the phantomor dream picture visits the poet abound in Persian and Urdu literature. The memory of the beloved can be almost as real as an actual meeting with him:

He comes close to me, but still does not call me

Is it little that he comes to me at least as a memory?

The memory is not always soothing, but it can also be passionate and consuming. It can be so faithful that even the death cannot erase it, as Pana writes:

Your memory is so faithful, that even after death it did not leave me

It was I who was erased in your memory, your memory was not erased from the heart.

In separation the lover hopes the beloved to come. In poetry the beloved shows affection to the rivals of the lover but ignores him totally. Niyaz sighs that roses may bloom in the morning breeze, but his bud of heart does not open. The innocent question of the second line is an example of tajahul-i 'arif, feigned ignorance of the poet: he does know, that affections of the cruel beloved are difficult to achieve.

Morning breeze may cause thousands ofroses to bloom

But when will he make this one bud of heart open?

The separation causes in the lover a state that resembles delirium. In this state he forgets the rules of society, and uses all his time to roam around in search of the beloved. To the outsider this roaming is just waste of time but to the lover it bears the hope of meeting with the beloved.

I do not rove around lanes and marketplaces in vain

I carry the ardent desire of a lover; I wander around in hope of meeting.

214 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mahfil-E-Sama

The lover is oblivious of his own state, sometimes crying sometimes laughing like a child in sleep.

Sometimes lam happy, sometimes sorrowful, negligent of my own state

lam crying and lam laughing like a child in sleep.

One of the consequences of madness caused by love is writing poetry. Classical example of this is Majnun, who lost his sense in love of Laila and went to live in the desert. There he dedicated his time to composing poetry. Among the Sufi poets, Rumi is the most famous to have composed poems in ecstasy. In the Indian realm, Siraj Aurangabad7 experienced a period of mystical madness, during which he composed manyof his poems. Although Siraj later gave up writing poetry in order to concentrate on mysticism, he is still remembered for his haunting verses that represent the Deccani styleof writing. He is also known tohave set many of his poems to so that they could be sung in sama' assemblies. His verse below describes the receding of intellect to the background, when a mystic experiences love and opens to the intuitional knowledge. This knowledge is achieved through a direct experience of reality. The verse utilises words connected to studying (dars `lesson', nuskha `manuscript', kitab `book'; taq'bookshelr) in a nice tanasub.

It was a peculiar moment, when Istudied the manuscript of love

The book of intellect remained on the shelf as it was placed there.

In order to experience this love, one is to loose the virtues of self-restraint and tranquillity:

Today you have to leave the hem of patience and tranquillity

Today control has to become uncontrolled.

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Not only the virtues of this world have to be abandoned, but the mystic has to give up all consideration for hell and paradise. The theme of love that desires no reward is central in Sufi poetry. The story of Rabi a, who wanted to extinguish the hell fire and bum the paradise, is may be the most famous example of this attitude. In Fava'id al-Fu'ad , Khwaja Nizamuddin explains a hadith, in which some believers are dragged to paradise in chains, to refer to the mystics, who loved God only for his sake and are reluctant to enjoy their reward. The theme is often elaborated in poems. A verse attributed to 'Al! Aniad abir sees the contentment of the beloved as the guardian angel of the Paradise, Rizvan. The verse includes an ishtigaq of the words ri a 'satisfaction' and Ri van, both derived from the root r-z-y.

Ahmad, the paradise and hell are forbidden to the lovers

Every moment, the satisfaction of the beloved has become our Ri van.

If we return to the experience of love, the most common metaphor for it is fire. Love has the power to burn not only intellect but also the whole existence of the mystic. But even when the existence is burned, the love remains under the ashes:

A spark of love burned the chattels of my existence

Under the ashes of heart, my hidden burning remains.

The most famous metaphor for burning lover is the moth that flies to the candle over and over again, fmally burning to death. The story is found already in al- allaj's Kitab al-Tawasin, and it has been retold again and again by the poets in Persian and Urdu. Kamil describes the beloved as a candle who infatuates the lover in the gathering. The central figure of the gathering is in the lndo-Muslim culture known as the candle of the gathering.

Let the gathering ofhim go on like this eternally

Who makes me a moth after becoming a candle himself.

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In the hands of the Indian writers the image of candle and moth could become twisted, as often was the case with the writers of the Indian style. 'Ulvi depicts love's burning as such a strong force that even the ocean is not able to extinguish it:

No one was saved from the burning of love

It turned even the ocean into a moth.

The beloved of the Persian lyrical poems is usually a youth, who is very conscious of his beauty. In Urdu poems the beloved may sometimes be a young unmarried woman, who is unreachable. Or she may be a courtesan, for whose attention the lovers compete. Whichever the case may be, the beauty of the beloved is one of the favourite topics of the poets, and it has incited them to depict the beloved with most fanciful metaphors. A verse by Redil offers a whole array of traditional metaphors for the beloved's beauty:

In your sidelong glance is the dawn, in your gaze magic,

in your locks is a charm, in your figure the Doomsday

In your down a violet, in your tresses a hyacinth,

in your eyes a narcissus, on your face a rose garden.

One glance at the beloved is enough to burn the lover's world, but when he smiles, he scatters sugar everywhere.

You burn the world i/it throws an amorous glance on you

You scatter sugar, ifyou just smile.

The special charm of the verse is due to its form as much as it is due to its meaning. Khusro has written the verse using tarsi', `studding with jewels'. This means that both lines of the verse have exactly parallel words.

217 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & M_alifil-E-Sama

jahun sozi agar dar ghamza ä'ï

shakkar rezi agar dar-khanda hash

Rhetorical features like this are almost impossible to convey in translation, but in a qawwali performance they are sure to make an impact on the discerning listeners. Another rhetorical feature especially suited for performance is swat o jav@b. This means that the first line of a verse includes a question and the second one answers it Jamf asks his beloved, what are the tears or sweat drops on the cheeks of the beloved. The beloved, whose cheeks are like roses, as we already learned from the verse of Bedil, answers playfully that they are rose water coming out from a rose. In the performance the first half of the second line ('He smiled and said') would be repeated several times to heighten the impact of the answer in the second half ('Rosewater comes out from a rose').

I said to him: "What are these dewdrops on the cheek?"

He smiled and said: "Rosewater comes out from a rose.'

Cruelty of the beloved often manifests as killing the lover. For Sa'di the lips of the beloved are red from the blood of lovers. The lovers lie killed everywhere and the situation reminds the plain of Karbala after Imam Husain and his troops were killed.

From your sweet lips I keep drinking blond ofdie heart

You killed the lovers; this is the plain of Karbala

The lover seeks to suffer in the hands of the beloved, since in the end suffering and shedding heart's blood may cause the beloved to appear:

J6mi, throw a drop of heart's blood into the ocean

Breast blazing, heart burning, the moon comes out from the water.

218 Religious Discourse. Code Miring In Sufi Discourse & Makfil-E-Sama

The key to disentangling this convoluted verse of Joni is the belief that pearls are formed out of rain drops that fall in to the ocean and finally find a shelter in an oyster, where they mature into pearls. This has served Sufis as a metaphor for mystic's path. The mystic matures in separation to the love of God as the water drop becomes a pearl in separation from the rain clouds. In the verse above, Jami twists the image in away that would be typical to the Indian style. If the lover sheds his hearts blood, instead of water, into the ocean, the result will not be a mere pearl but the full moon-like beloved.

Poets were not satisfied with descriptions of the unattainable beloved, but they also recognised that the beloved cannot he a beloved without the lover. Among the Sufis, a parallel thought revolved around the idea that the transcendental God is not merely an object of human being's love, but that there is a mutual relationship between the two.The Qur'anic statement that "IIe loves them and they love him" [5:541 is often quoted as a proof of this. In the Islamic thought, only similar could love similar and therefore the souls had to be of divine origin in order to love God. The thought of souls' divine origin was adapted to Islamic philosophy and mysticism from Neo-Platonic thinking. The more legally minded orthodoxy supported the gulf between the immanent soul and the transcendent God, which was also a reason to proclaim poetry and sama' illegal since both of these could easily induce an experience of a mutual love between a human being and God.

The possibility of mutual love is celebrated in many poems that describe the lovers' union.

It is again difficult to tell the difference between the lover and the beloved, which was the highest peak of love, for example, to Ruzbihan Baqli. It is impossibleto know, who is who any more:

219 Religious Discourse, Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Malifil-E-Sama

I becaure you, you became me, I became body, you became soul

So that no one will say after ibis that lam someone else, you are someone else.

The union of the lovers is not stationary. After union, the lover longs for the permanence of this meeting and mutual love. The lover derives his life from the restlessness of heart and longing in love.

The wind and sand mix in such a way that it is impossible to say whether they are united orseparated, whether the lover is annihilated in the beloved (fans') or whether he remains (baga ).

When a whirlwind rises in the desert, there is htmutt in wind and sand:

I am annihilated in you, you remain in me, you are no one else, tarn no one else.

The disappearing of the lover into the beloved brings us to the final theme of the Persian and Urdu poetry used in qawwali. This theme is wandat al-wujud, `the unity if existence'.

The mystical philosophy of Muhyi al-Din ibn at-'Arabi (d. 1240) is in India commonly referred to as falsafa yi wa dat al-wujud, 'philosophy of unity of existence', or simply aswa dat al-wujud. The term is not found in the writings of Ibn 'Arabi-, but was coined by his grand-disciple Slid al-Din Fargttani (d. c. 1300).

The philosophy of Ibn 'Arabi and his followers reached India in the 15"' century and was crystallised into the slogan hama ust, `everything is he'. The opponents of wujudi school mostly supported the idea of wa dat al-shuhud, which was compressed into the slogan hama in fist, `everything is from him'. Among the early Chishti masters there were both proponents and opponents of wandat at wujud.

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Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mahfil-E-Sama

In the 171° century the debate on wa dot a!-wujud vs. wa dat al-shuhud became heated in the writings of Shaykh Ahmad Sirhindi (d. 1624) The Nagshbandi sub- order named after him as Nagshbandiyya-Ivlujaddidiyya has overshadowed every other sub-order and consequently his thoughts have spread widely among the Nagshbandis and reform movements influenced by this particular order. In the 18`h century, Shah Val! Allah(d. 1762) attempted a reconciliation of the wujudi and shuhudi schools in his writings. Many Nagshbandi shaykhs, however, continued to adhere to the teachings of Ahmad Sirhindi. Among them were Khvajas Muhammad Nasir 'Andaliib and Mir Dard, as well as Ghvlam Yahya. In a larger scale, the synthesis of Vail Allah gave the thoughts of wujridi school certain acceptability in the intellectual life of Muslim India.

Many prominent Chishti masters have been supporters of wa dat a1-wujud since the 18" century. Subsequently many poems presenting the ideas of this philosophy have been included in the gawwali repertoire and one encounters verses on this topic even in poems written by non-Sufis. In Ibn 'Arabi's thinking the human beings and the entire creation appear in the imagination where an immutable entity ('ayn sabita) becomes an existent entity ('ayn maujuda). Even when the entity is manifest in the cosmos, it still retains its position as a pissihle thing in the knowledge of God.

Code Mixing with Hindi / Punjabi

In the midst of the Persian and Urdu poems, however, qawwals sing several poems in Hindi, which utilise indigenous Indian metres and poetic images. Significance of indigenous forms and themes. The Hindi poetry has in Chishti sama as elevated position as the Persian poetry. This is due to the close connection of the language with Amir Khusro and his master Khwaja Nizamuddin. Moreover, Hindi is not only a regional language like other vernaculars used in poetry, but it has 1 spread outside the inunediate area where it is spoken. Hindi poetry is heard

221 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mabfil-E-Sama everywhere the qawwals perform in sama' assemblies. Other vernacular poetictraditions, e.g. those in Sindhi, Kashmiri, Punjabi and Bengali are heard only in their respective areas.

The Hindi employed by the Sufi poets is not the standard Hindi of the present day, and often it is named rather vaguely as hindavi, `an Indian language'. The variants of the language are often called purabi, `the eastern language', or dakkhini, `the southern language'. The latter refers also to the dakkhini urdu, the variant of Urdu prominent in the Deccan. The beginning of Sufi literature in Hindi is popularly traced back to Amir Khusro. A verse in which he describes himself as a speaker of Hindi but not Arabic is often seen as a proof of this. Subsequently a whole corpus of Hindi poems has become ascribed to him. These poems form an integral part of the repertoire of the qawwals all over the Subcontinent. Sunil Sharma notes, however, that they began to appear in the literary sources only in the 18'" and 19'h centuries and their language is heavily tinged with the spoken language of Delhi of those days. He does not, though, outright reject the possibility that these poems could be based on some verses by Khusro. Khusro is known to have employed Hindi words in his Persian writings and his epical and historical works reveal a deep understanding of the nature and customs of India. Moreover, Khusro hailed from his mother's side from an Indian family that had converted to Islam, and he learned Hindi from his mother. The reason why there are no Hindi poems in his collections is considered to be the lesser value attached to Hindi in comparison to Persian. Consequently, Khusro would not have considered these poems worth writing down.

The early Chishti masters were connoisseurs of both music and poetry, and poems in Persian and Hindi are attributed to them. The oldest examples of Ilindi verses are found in the holy book of the Sikhs, Guru Granth Sahib. These verses are called Farid verses and their authorship is attributed to Baba Farid al-Din Ganj

222 Religious Discourse. Code Miring In Sufi Discourse & Mahfil-E-Sa na

Shakkar (d. 1265), the predecessor of Khwaja Nizamuddin. Their authenticity has been disputed in the academic circles since 1904, when the translator of the Granth, M. A. MacAuliffe challenged their authenticity. However, Carl W. Ernst has noted in discussing the discourses of a Sufi master of Khuldabad, Zain al-Din Shirazi (d. 1369), that one of Saba Farid's verses cited by him is found also in the Granth. Thus the Farld verses may well represent the oldest layer mystical Islamic poetry in Hindi.

The earliest longer Sufi work written in Hindi is probably Candayan finished in 1379. It is an allegorical metric composition written in avadhi by the Chishti master Maulana Da'ud. In the 16'h century three other allegorical works were written in this language. All these works utilise the indigenous forms and imagery of the Indian poetry. Simultaneously in Deccan the local Sufis started to write poems in the form of Hindi that had spread there from Northern India with the invading troops. In addition to indigenous forms they utilised also forms borrowed from Persian. The Chishti master of Gulbarga, Khvaja Bandanavaz Gesudaraz wrote masnavis and ghazals in Hindi.

More than Persian forms, the Sufis favoured the indigenous forms in writing Hindi poetry. The basic form is gir, 'song'. Gits are in mystical Hindi poetry as important as are the ghazals in Persian and Urdu. Git is metrically very free, lyrical poem. No uniform rhyme scheme is applied in the git, and the first line of the poem serves as a refrain throughout the poem. The most common short form is doha or dohra, a couplet. Both lines have thirteen syllables and the same rhyming word. Dohns are in the Chishti sama used much in the same way as the rubf ss and individual verses from masnavis and ghazals, as introductory or inserted verses. Dolls often paint a lyrical miniature, like the verse Khusro is said to have written after the death of his master, Khwaja Nizamuddin:

The fair beauty sleeps in the bed, hairs fallen to her face

223 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mahfil-E-Sama

Khusro, go home, evening has set in every direction.

Alternatively they may express some piece of wisdom. The next verse is also attributed to Khusro and it has his nom de plume, which in Hindi is called chap.

O Khusro, river of love flows in the opposite direction:

Who rose from it, drowned; who drowned, he got across.

In addition to this, the qawwals sometimes sing Hindi poems written in the ghazal formatusing Persian meters. It should be noted, that Hindi poems are not just a peculiarity among the Persian and Urdu poems, but they form an integral part of the poetic corpus heard in the sama' assemblies.

In addition to prevalence of indigenous meters and forms, an important characteristic of Hindi poetry is the usage of Indian poetic imagery. The greatest difference between the Persian and Hindi poetry is the way of depicting the subject of the poems. In the Arabic poetry he is a man longing for his beloved woman. In the lyrical Persian poetry the lover is usually a man, whose beloved is a youth. In the epical poetry the lover is a man while the beloved is a woman. Urdu poetry utilises these same conventions, but sometimes poems are also addressed by men to unmarried, unattainable women or courtesans. In the Hindi poetry the lover is always a young woman, who longs for her beloved. The beloved is the woman's husband, either real or imagined. In the epic poems the woman has to endure severe afflictions to attain her beloved. According to Schimmel, these afflictions are a metaphor for the path of the Sufis, who have to become clear of all impurities, which include also their ego. The Arabic word for ego or lower soul, nafs, is feminine in gender,which must have played an important role in assimilation of the conventional female voiceof the Hindi poetry. The lyrical poems often paint pictures of the heroine in varied situations during different seasons and the Hindi poems performed by qawwals resemble the songs

224 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mahfil-E-Sama performed in different festive occasions, such as marriage. Alternatively, these poems belong to the barahmasa genre, which depicts nature and festivals of different seasons.

Maybe the most intriguing question concerning Hindi poems is, why where the Sufis so eager to write in Hindi and utilise the conventions of Hindi poetry? An often repeated explanation is that the Sufis wanted to present their teachings to the common people in a language and idiom they would understand. In this theory the Sufis are conceived as missionaries: they wanted to disseminate the teachings of Islam especially to the Hindus, who were slaved by the rigid caste system. In the Indian subcontinent, the liberal middle class Muslims have lately projected their values to the Muslim saints. Consequently, the Sufi poetry has become very much favoured among them. The female heroine of the Hindi poetry has made some writers even to argue that Sufis were interested to write in Hindi and other vemaculars,because they wanted to fight the patriarchal system and social injustice directed towards women.

Such lofty, but anachronistic ideas have been challenged by several researchers. Carl W. Ernst, for example, notes that Sufism was during its early phase in the Indian Subcontinent essentially a way of deepening the basic Islamic rituals by adding an inner dimension to them. It required deep acquaintance with the basic tenets of Islam, and could hardly be described as a simplification of Islamic doctrines. In discussing the Hindi poetry, Ernst further notes, that many of the Hindi poems are devoid of any overtly Islamic themes and didactic passages, which necessitates a very developed metaphorical interpretation. Otherwise these poems could be read as any other Hindi poems with no mystical themes. Thus, the theory that vernacular poetry was used hi missionary work is hardly convincing. The reason for writing in Hindi is according to Ernst simply the fact that the Sufis lived in the Indian society and were influenced by it. They adopted from it items

225 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mohfl-E-Sama that would fit to their mystical interpretation of Islam and aesthetic taste. It is rather an example of reception of influences in the form of poems and poetic images from the culture surrounding the Indian Sufis. These poetic images are then given a new signification by the Sufis according to their own theological and mystical thoughts. In another paper she discusses the Rushd-nama of 'Abd al- Quddus Gangohl(d. 1537). The text includes parallel verses in Persian and Hindi on parallel themes, but clearly shows that the writer did not conceive a hierarchy between the Hindi and Persian writing. He did not conceive Hindi and Persian fulfilling different functions, homely vs.courtly , but are a sign of a "translated Islam" in which 'Abd al-Quddus "refracted" Sufi concepts in Indian images.

The vernacular poetry may have, though, played a role in the Islamisation of certain parts of the Indian population. The FIindi verses fix Chishti sama tightly to the Indian environment, while the Persianate poetry connects the mystical music concerts to the more cosmopolitan Persian world. Although these poems do not promote a syncretistic worldview or modem democratic values, they are significant since their imagery represent a clearly Indian component in the Chishti samaa'.

Imagery of Hindi poetry

Poems from the hand and na't categories are very few in Hindi. Surud includes no Hindi hands and only two na'ts, neither of which is often heard in the Chishti sama . On the other hand, numerous poems that praise the saints are found in the categories mangabat, rang and mubdrak The poems of praise in Hindi are often directed to the Indian saints ofthe Chishti order. The high sounding epithets met in the Persian and Urdu poems are substituted with indigenous images. It should be noted that these images do not derive from the Sanskrit aesthetics but from the folk tradition. It is customary, that poets write in Persian, Urdu and Hindi utilising the respective conventions of each poetic tradition.

226 Religious Discourse. Code Miring In Sufi Discourse & Mahfil-E-Sama

Saint's title Khvaja Gharlb Navaz has been assimilated to Hindi phonetics as Khaja Garth Navaj. The female voice is dominant already in the poems of praise. An anonymous writer describes how Khwaja Moinuddin arrives to her courtyard as a bridegroom. In the Indian wedding the bridegroom arrives to the house of the bride with a group of relatives. Often this procession is a metaphor for the initiatic line, silsila, of the Sufis. In this poem also 'Abd al-Qadir ]ilani is included among the Indian saints :

Flowers from the garden ofHusair,

Ghaus al-A'zam ordered

Khvaja Usmdn made a garland of them and brought it

Khvaja Qutab raised the flag

Shaykh Farid came in ecstasy

Nizam al-Din and abir sang..,

Moinuddin came to my courtyard, hey,

Caine, hey, came and woke up my fortune!

Among the classics known to all qawwals are the Hindi poems ascribed toAmir Khusro. His master Khwaja Nizamuddin is said to have appreciated Hindi very much. It is told that Khwaja Nizamuddin heard echoes of God's words "Am I not yourLord?" in the purabi language. (Khvaja assn Nizami in his foreword to Mu af- iBedam, ) Among the Hindi poems of Khusro is the following ga. The wife offers herself as a sacrifice to her beloved Khwaja Nizamuddin's (here Nijam), beautiful face.

If the difference between the poems of praise and lyrical poems is sometimes difficult to detect in Persian and Urdu poetry, dividing is even more difficult in

227 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufr Discourse & Mahfrl-E-Sama

Hindi poetry. A poem by Khusro found in manqabat category is actually a lyrical git on separation, virah. The motive of honour that the beloved should protect is again repeated.

Do not turn your eyes from me, I have fallen toyourfeet

As you have made meyour oxm, accordingly keep your promise

My honour is in your hands, beloved, let there be no laughing in the world

have fallen to your feet

For you there are hundreds like me, bud for me you are only one

Look with your mercy, do not see my faults

I have fallen to your feel

I forgot all due to you, do notforget me

Ifyou forget, Ishall disappear from the both worlds

I have fallen to your feet.

Although the imageries of Persian and Hindi poetry are rarely mixed in poems or qawwali performance, there are few macaronic poems that are written half in Persian and half in Hindi. The next verses are from a poem written in ghazal format. In every verse the first line is written in Persian and the second line in Hindi. The first verse forms an exception with the first half of each line in Persian and the second half in Hindi. Maybe the need to have the Hindi ending —iya as radif is behind this ordering. The poemis attributed to Khusro and it is along the

dohs (Joni sove sej par ('The fair beauty sleeps in the bed') the earliest Hindi poem of Khusro to appear in literary sources in the end of the 18th century. Mixing two languages and two imageries add the poem's appeal and its ascription to Khusro has made it a great favourite in the Chishti soma. The charm of

228 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mahftl-E-Sama macaronis verses is lost in translation, since parallel bilingual tradition is lost from the Western cultures.

The nights ofseparation long as the tresses and the day ofineeting short like the life

Offend, when I do not see my beloved, how can I endure the dark nights.

Like a burning candle, like a bewildered particle, always crying for the pleasure of thatmoon

No sleep in the eyes, no peace in the body, since you do not come, nor send letters.

Many of the Hindi poems bear traces of folk tradition, since they are written as poems to be sung, for example, during the wedding. The songs of the groom's party are always happy. The songs sung during the departure of bride from her parental home, bidai, are always sad in tone. The next verses are from the most famous mystical exemplar of this genre, once again attributed to Khusro. The poem Kdhe ko by6hZ hides re is one of the examples of Sufis' radical social attitude against child marriage and patriarchal society. They would, according to their mystical world view, interpret the poem as a metaphoric representation of, for example, turning away from the world of comfort in order to meet the beloved. Thus, they would have be been used to promulgate social reform. The otherwise noble though is marred by the fact, that the child marriage and arranged marriage have not disappeared, and the departure of bride from the childhood home is still a sad, even traumatic, occasion. This is true despite the fact that all the songs sung during the bidai repeat the same motives of lamentation, with or without the hope of joyous meeting with the husband.

Why do I have to marry outside the village

0 my watchingfather

To my brothers you are to give one palace, two palaces

229 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mahfil-E-Sama

To me you gave aforeign land

O my watchingfather.

When I raised the curtain of the palanquin and looked out

I had arrived to the strange land

0 my ivatchingfather.

Also daily chores are part of the imagery. Fetching the water was, and in many places still is, a daily task that took time. In the next poem by Amir Khusro, prankish Khwaja Nizamuddin breaks the earthen pot of the girl. Panda 'AII Nizami suggested(personal communication) that the water is a metaphor for all intellectual knowledge.

A particular type of gets is barahmasa poetry. Biirahmasa means twelve months, and this poetic genre describes events and moods of the heroine in different seasons. The rainy season, savan, is one of the favourite seasons of poets. The rainy season is conceived as a romantic period. But it can also be a period of intense separation. If the beloved husband was not present in the beginning of the savan, it was likely that he would not come home before the end of the rains, since travelling during the monsoon was usually impossible. The following poem by an anonymous poet describes also the adornments of the married women, which are described in greater detail in the poetic genre called nakh sikh varnan, `description from toe nails to hair locks'. The gaiety of the poem is enhanced through contrasting with the situation of a lonely wife who has to spend savan alone. In such a situation even the rainy season is scorched by the fire of separation.

O friend my beloved has come home!

He makes this courtyardfortunate

I stood there full of hope 230 Religious Discourse Code Mixing In Sttfi Discourse & Mahfel-E-Same

Having adorned the parting ofmy hair with henna andjasmine.

Seeing the form ofmy beloved

Ilost my body and soul.

O friend, my beloved has come home!

Whose Savan passes with the beloved

That bride will enjoy the wedding night.

Whose beloved is not home in the Savan

Her Savan will catch fire.

Offend, my beloved has come home!

The other central theme of barahmzsa poems is spring, which after the cool winter of Northern India is welcomed with joy. The colours connected with spring are yellow and orange in their different hues. These happen to be also the colours of the Chishti order, and many masters sport at least a cap or scarf in some of these colours as apart of their attire. In the nature the mustard flower gives the yellow colour to the spring. The Chishtis celebrate in January-February a festival adapted from the Hindu calendar, vasant pancam7. The beginnings of vasant pancami are traced back to Khwaja Nizamuddin, and during this festival people wear yellow scarves and take earthen pots with mustard flowers to the dargahs. During vasant pancami the qawwals sing poems written in celebration of the spring. The next poem attributed to Khusro is among them:

The mustard is blooming in everyforest

Flame of the forest is blooming in my courtyard

The koyals sing

231 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mahfil-E-Soma

And fair beauty decorates herself

Flower seller woman brought a vessel

In everyforest them ustard is blooming

Many kinds of/lowers she arranged

Took the vessel into her hand and came

To the door ofNUdm al-Din

The colourful lover told her to come

And many years passedin everyforest the mustard is blooming.

The Hindu festival half has also found its way to the barahtnasa poems written by Sufis. During hell people throw powdered colours and dyed water at each other.As has been noted, only two poems have a special place at Chishti sama . The other of them is Rang, `Colour'. The poem describes the holI and its colours. It also describes the joy produced by the connection with the Sufi master. When the Rang is sung during the'urs festivities, it acquires very strong metaphoric value in describing how the blessings of the saint spread over the participants in the same manner as the colours of hot! spread onthe people celebrating the festival. The reference of Qur'an [2:138] to being dyed withGod's colour may have prompted Sufis to use this imagery. Rang is attributed to AmirKhusro.

Today there is colour, 0 mother, there is colour, hey!

There is colour in the house ofmy beloved!

Take me to the beloved, congratulate

There is colour in this courtyard today

O mother, there is colour!

232 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mahfil-E-Soma

Ifound my master, Nam al-Din Auliya'

Whenever I look, he is with me

Nam al-Din Auliy6' ilium males the world

Whenever I look, he is with me

0 mother, there is colour!

I have not .seen another colour like this, Njam al-Din

I have strolled searching in my own country and abroad

Your colour pleases my heart.

In the Hindu tradition holI is especially connected to Krishna. This can also be heard in some Sufi poems, like in the verse of Bedam. Chishtis, play holi! He has come in the form of Khaja Nij"am.

The description of Khwaja Nizamuddin wearing a crown and having a syringe for sprouting water in the hand reminds the depictions of Krishna. One may be surprised to encounter poems on Krishna among the poems sung by the qawwals. This must have attracted the attention of groups unsympathetic to Sufis, as Francesca Orsini notes in discussing the work of 'AM al-Void Bilgraml (d. 1608), aqa iq-i Hind.

Poems on wa dat al-wujud have also been written in Hindi. It is common for modem writers to consider wa dat al-wujud identical with the Vedantic views of the Upanishads. Hindi poems on wa dat al-wujud, however, do not utilise philosophical concepts of the Upanishads, but are firmly rooted in the lyrical poetic tradition. The imagery used in the first line of the next verse could well be from a Persian or Urdu poem. The yellow colour of mustards, which spreads in the eyes, is a metaphor for joy and love.

233 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mahfil-E-Sawa

Every single drop I recognize as the ocean, Every atom the sun

Bravo Guruji, well you made me understand, mustard bloomed in the eyes.

notable SuB with special connection to the saint acts as the ink-i mahfil while _her notables sit in the front rows. These mahfils often begin with recitation from he Qur'an orwith a fatiha and end with du'a by the my-i mahfil. Kenneth S. Avery notes that framing the sama assembly by Qur'anic recitation in order to emphasise the devotional atmosphere is mentioned already in the writings of Ahmad al-Ghazall (d. 1126). During the 'urs festivities, these mahfils may take place directly in front of the shrine but more often they are organised in the more intimate locations, such as the Khvaja Hall built next to the tomb of Khvaja asan Nizam7 in Delhi or the khangahs of different Sufi masters. There are also special rooms around the shrines that are used especially for mahfils. Often these spaces are considered to have a special atmosphere conducive to listening samA'. Such places are Taq-i Buzurg in Delhi and been Gate in Gulbarga. The cilla-gahs of Baba Fund Ganj Shakkar and Khvaja Usman Harum in Delhi and Ajmer respectively are favoured as well. Some dargahs have special halls, called mahfil- khana or sama -khan, for listening music. Perhaps the most formal assemblies take place in the mahfil-khana of Ajmer. There the divan, a hereditary official whose post was established by emperor Akbar (d. 1605), supervises the occasion from a throne, while attendants dressed in Mughal outfit and armed with staffs carry the monetary offerings, nazar, to the singers. A more open mahfil is held in the 'urs ma al of Delhi during the 'urs festivities at the Nizamuddin Dargah. These programs are presided over by Pir Amad Nizarri and they are broadcasted live by the All India Radio.

In addition to common and special assemblies, qawwals sing during certain occasions connected to the rituals of the shrines. Among these rituals is the closing of the doors in the shrine of Khwaja Moinuddin. At this time the qawwals sing a

234 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Suft Discourse & Mqlrft!-E-Sama hymn in the local dialect of Rajasthan. In Delhi the local qawwals sing a salam hymn written by Khwaja Nizamuddin, when the door curtain of the shrine is lowered in the night. In both occasions only holak or daff, a framed drum, is used for the accompaniment. When acadar is brought to the shrine during the 'urs festivities, the procession is accompanied by qawwals singing mubaraks, congratulatory songs. During the twelve days in the beginning of Muharram, the music is generally not heard in the Chishti dargahs. Instead, the qawwals sing marsiyas, elegies commemorating the martyrdom of Imam Husain.

Selection of poetry in sama I qawwali varies. It seems, however, that the more selected the audience, the more prevalent are poems in Persian and Hindi. Also the theme of mystical love dominates in the assemblies with selected audience.

In a sama assembly this order is a potential way to enhance the impact of poems. The poems of praise inspire respect and replicate the Sufi lineage, silsila, through which the divine knowledge and love is transmitted from God through Prophet Muhammad and saints to the listeners. Paying respect to these personages in mahfil-i sama is obligatory, as it is obligatory for a mystic to become connected with a Sufi master. In choosing lyrical poems, qawwals may, for example, sing poems on separation (firaq) before singing poems on joyous union with the beloved (visal) in order to increase the latter's impact. Finishing a performance with the theme of via dot a)-wujud would be an effective ending. The full range of themes is, however, covered with individual poems only in assemblies where there is no more than one qawwali group performing.

The tazmin is written in Urdu though the main poem is in Persian. It is the lover's prayer that the beloved would be kind, protect the honour o$he lover at least in some way and would come with the bounty. The Persian part then changes the mood and makes the lover declare that he would like to make the beloved his guest and is ready to offer his soul and heart to the beloved. These moods are

235 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mahf+l-E-Sama reflected inthe music, and the qawwals sing the Urdu lines in gentle tones until finally they arrive atthe first line of the Persian poem, which they sing with full force.

Arid daram is part of the common repertoire of the qawwals in the Indian subcontinent, but Muammad Amad is especially famous for performing it and he knows several tazmins to introduce the poem. His rendering of the poem usually induces immediate response from the listeners

Inserted Verses

Not only are verses used to introduce a poem, but they are also inserted in between its verses. This is called girah lagana, `to tie a knot'. The usual form for tazmin poems is mukhammas, T am tempted to think that the last two lines were the original text on which the three lines have been written to explain the meaning. The reason for inserting a verse of a more didactic kind into a love poem is the culmination of the girah verse in the words kaj kulah-e. In the song the qawwals stress this climax by singing the last words of the verse together. They also return to the asthayi register while repeating the last line three times until the group leader returns to the main poem. The song is in fast tempo which reflects the rindana, or intoxicated character of the poem. Also the girah verse with the theme of worshiping the beloved fits into this theme.

This is an example of a more elaborate girah. The last inserted verse, again in Urdu, brings the series of girahs into a climax by revealing the identity of the beloved. The Persian verse made face of the beloved the source of beauty and this verse reveals that such a beloved is no one else than Khwaja Nizamuddin, the Divine Beloved. And the incomparable colour is the colour of Khwaja Nizamuddin, which spreads over the devotees during the 'urs. The thematic sequencing of the girah verses is rather subtle and employs less known verses.

236 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mahfrl-E-Sams

Extensive takrar is also employed with several units of the Persian insert. The inserts should not be too long in order not to interrupt the concentration on the main poem. In this particular instance the rupture is prevented by the continuity in both the musical and poetic metre. Every verse is in raml musaddas metre also known as masnavi metre and they are sung in the same melody. This is in direct contrast with a conventional girah, which is sung in recitative while the rhythm recedes to the background. The poem itself, 'Id-gah-i ma ghariban ku-yiro, is written by Amir Khusro, and it describes the lane of the beloved as the place where the lovers may obtain similar bounty that the beggars obtain close to the 'Id- gahs during the 'Id prayers. Qawwals favour this poem when they sing after the 'Id prayers in the Chishti dargahs. Thus, the poem is very familiar to the audiences. Before the qawwals begun singing the main poem, they had performed two introductory verses, in Persian and Urdu respectively. The verses are modelled after the example of Maulana Rumi's Masnavi. They are often connected to this particular poem, either as a rubs i or a girah. This connection is due to the same metre and radif, but also to the thematic connection. Both verses describe the relationship of the poor, ghariban or muflisan, with the lane of the beloved.

M: un kre

A: kuca: mi gaya our di sad-a

un k kuca: mx gaya

un k®e kcure ma; gaya

A: un ka: kUca: mk gaya our di sada

M: kasa-yi

A: dil hath mae beta gays

237 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mehfil-E-Sama

kasa-yi dil hath mte leta gays

a... bath mie...

A: kasa-yi dil hath me leta gaga

M: cup he

A: cup he main ne un se yih kaha

These lines contextualize the Persian verse and could be considered a tazmin . In this insert the Persian verse is turned into the words of a supplicant who has gone to the alley of the beloved. The verse explores the imagery connected to the beggars. The beggars are usually attached to some street or area, and while they go around they call out to attach people's attention. The beggar also has the begging bowl (kasa) in hand, and finally he humbly says to the beloved that his beggars have arrived. Takrar is employed even in this insert of an insert, except in the last line which leads back to the Persian verse.

A: muflisnn-em amada dar ku-yi to

muflisan-em amada dar

muflisan-em amada dar ku-yi to

shc"n'an allah azjamal-i ru-yi to

2"d: rfl-yito

A: sha'n 'an allah

sha n'an allah

238 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mahfil-E-vama

sha'n ' an allah az jamal-i ru-yi to

sba'n'an allah azjamal-i ru-yi to

2"a: muflisan-em

A: amada dar ku-yi to

2"a: amada

A: muflisan-em amada dar ku-yi to

sha'n 'an allah az jamal-i rG-yi to

The qawwals employ extensive takrar with the words sha'n 'an allah of the second line of the girah verse, because it indicates that the affairs of God are seen from the face of the beloved.

The ambivalent imagery of Persian and Urdu poems has, nonetheless, facilitated performing poems by these writers in sama assemblies. To a degree, this ambivalence is changed into mystical interpretation when the poems are performed inmystical context, in sama' assembly and in qawwali style, which already associates with the mystical experience. In practice, the responsibility of interpreting poems on wine or infidelity in the Sufi context is left to the listeners, who are even encouraged to discover the connotations of poems for themselves.

In addition to Persian and Urdu, qawwals also sing poems in Hindi. Perhaps surprisingly, Hindi enjoys more prestige than Urdu as a language of mystical poetry. This is due to the common association of Hindi with the early Chishti masters, whereas Urdu fully matured into a medium of poetry only in the 18`s century. The Hindi poems, however,are often rather simple and bear traces of folk tradition and oral transmission. The indigenous images and forms of Hindi poetry

239 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mahfl-E-Sama can be difficult to conceive as parts of the same poetic tradition as the more rigid and high-sounding Persian poetry or even the Urdu poetry which is based on Persian models. Some scholars have admitted Hindi poetry only instrumental value as a way to preach simplified Sufi message to Hindu masses. Alternatively, the female voice of Hindi poetry has been considered to propagate social change in the patriarchal society. In a similar vein, qawwali is largely explained as a tool for proselytising music loving Hindus. The explanation for the use of music and Hindi poetry, as well as for listening to poems by non-mystic writers, is not, I believe, this far-fetched. Rather, all of these are employed by the Chishtis for practical reasons: Sufis of theChishti order conceive them beneficial for their spiritual practice.

Despite the textual orientation of Chishti sama , the poems are always set into music and performed by qawwals. The textual orientation is, however, discernible in the musical idiom of qawwali, both in modification of the musical grammar of classical Hindustani music and in its acoustic features. The musical conventions of, for example, upper and lower registers and rhythmical cycles are in qawwali used to accentuate the textual message, and through this enhance the text's impact on listeners. This is the most marked contrast in comparison with classical Hindustani music, in which the text is employed only sparingly and even when it is employed, the delivery of its meaning is of little importance.

Qawwali lives in many forms. The form, which is in the widest circulation, is recorded popular qawwali. It differs from the traditional qawwali of sama assemblies, not only musically but also, in an even more pronounced way, in the level of the text. The texts of receded qawwali are mostly devotional and devoid of themes elaborated in lyrical poems, such as wine, infidelity and love. Obvious reason for this is the desire to give recorded qawwali distinctively Islamic stamp, so that no danger of potentially immoral interpretation remains. The wide

240 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse A Mahfil-R-Same

circulation of recorded qawwali has also resulted in the simplification of the language of the poems and total exclusion of Persian poems that are not widely understood anymore.

The concert version of qawwali resembles sama I qawwali in relation to its musical idiom and textual content. In musical level, the most important difference is the emphasis on the musical traits, which are sometimes favoured in the cost of textual delivery. The repertoire of concert qawwali overlaps largely with that of sam'a'i qawwali, though simpler poems with no morally suspicious themes are favoured. The aim of concert qawwali is aesthetic refinement and pleasure. The levels of aesthetic and mystical experience can never be fully separated in qawwali, but the focus of concert qawwali ismore on the aesthetic side while sama 7 qawwali concentrates on the mystical side. Assemblies of sama r qawwali are also characterised with a more strict behavioural code, edab, than musical concerts. The adab of sama assemblies aims at underlining thereligious context by connecting sama to the Islamic prayer ritual and also at facilitating undisturbed listening.

The different techniques of manipulating the text are employed in their full measure only in same i qawwali in order to intensify the impact of the text. Many of these techniques are directly connected with the inducement of mystical states, an aspect which is absent from other forms of qawwali. In the more general level, the poems to be performed should be organised so as to proceed from poems of praise to love poems. Replicating the Sufi silsila in poems of praise contributes to the mystical interpretation of lyrical poems. The lyrical poems, again, can be so arranged that they proceed from poems on separation to poems on union and unity of existence. Although the thematic order is a potential way to increase the impact of the poems, it is followed only rarely in actual sam i assemblies and intensification of a text is achieved in the level of individual poems.

241 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mahfrl-E-Sama

I have distinguished between three respective techniques in manipulating the text of an individual poem, each of which is tied to the living performance context. This has lead to their exclusion from recorded versions of qawwali. These three techniques are:

1.use of introductory verses

2. use of inserted verses and

3. extensive repetitions.

Each-of these techniques has dual function. The first function is connected to the role of qawwals as musicians who earn their living by providing the mystical music in sama assemblies of the Chishti order. In their role as professional musicians, the qawwals need to examine the audience in the course of performing in order to detect the hints on which text causes the most favourable reaction in the listeners. Accordingly, through the introductory verses the qawwals can test, what the audience would like to hear, whereas inserted verses and repetitions help in prolonging the enthusiasm of the listeners. One manifestation of enthusiasm is offering nazar to the mTr-i ma flu, which provides for the qawwals.

The second function intertwines with the first one but is more closely connected with experiencing mystical states through listening to qawwali. Introductory verses and inserted verses expand the metaphorical nets of individual verses of the main poem and help the listeners in delving into the depths of the text. Poetic sensitivity is as important as the musical skills for qawwals, since they have to be able to combine verses from different poems into a unified whole. This can be very difficult in case they want to mix verses in Hindi with Persian and Urdu verses, since these traditions employ very different poetic images. The introductory and inserted verses are elemental in inducing mystical states in the listeners, whereas repetition is instrumental in sustaining them. The qawwals

242 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mahfrl-E Sama should repeat the textual unit, length of which varies from one word to an entire verse, as long as some listener is engrossed in a mystical state. Thus, the reason behind the different techniques of manipulating the text in sama 7 qawwali is not motivated by aesthetic reasons but by the desire to enable the Sufi listeners to experience the divine reality.

One aspect of the textual content of Chishti sama', which has been only briefly touched upon in this study, is the relation of the poems to the social and religious atmosphere at different periods of time. The gawwals have always been dependent on the patronage of Sufis, and consequently the poems they have performed mirror the attitudesof their patrons. Thus, the contextual analysis of the poems would contribute greatly to the ideological history of Islamic South Asia.

Code Mixing with Punjabi

The Sufis of the Panjab, like the Sufis of other parts of India, wrote for centuries together in the Persian language. They copied the phraseology, the similes, and, in fact, the whole system of Persian prosody and rhetoric in its entirety. Later on, the Sufis began to write in Urdu. But this Urdu looked for guidance to Persia and was so much overlaid by Persian vocabulary, phraseology, and jeux de mots, that it was really Persian diluted by an Indian language. The national culture was thus paralyzed, and national sentiments and thoughts were allotted a secondary place in their compositions. It was only in the middle of the fifteenth century that the initiative to write in the language of the people, i.e. Panjabi, was taken by a saint of the Cishti order of the Sufis. This initiator was Shaikh Ibrahim Farid, a descendant of Faridu'ddin Ganj-i-Shakar of Pak Patan. His example was followed by many, of whom Lal Husain, Sultan Bahu, Bullhe Shah, Ali Haidar, and Hashim are the outstanding and well-known figures. A considerable amount of fragmentary Panjabi Sufi poetry, of various authorship, has also been found. A

243 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In SufI Discourse & Mahfl-E-Sama few of these poems contain the names of the writers, but not much more. We will speak of this poetry elsewhere.

The ideal of the Panjabi mystic poet was to find God in all His creation and thus attain union with Him. Thus union or annihilation in God was to be fully achieved after death, but in some cases it was gained while living. The Panjabi Sufi, like any other mystic in the world, calls God his Beloved. But the Beloved, who in Islamic countries was both masculine and feminine, here became masculine.

In Panjabi Sufi poetry, therefore, God isthe Beloved and the Sufi, or the human soul, the woman separated from her lover by illusion or mays. The Sufisoul at times wails, then cries and yearns for union with the Beloved. The Sufi poet in the Panjab generally refers to three stories of perfect love in his poetry. They are the love tales of Hir Ranjha, Sassi Punnu, and Sohni Mahival, These tales of perfect love which end tragically are popular with all Panjabis.

In all the three, the heroines, Hir, Sassi and Solmi, who spent their lives in sorrow, always yearning to meet their respective lovers, were united with them in death. For a Sufi these tales have a spiritual significance. The heroines stand for the Sufi (the soul) and the heroes for God (the Beloved sought), After the Sufi has attained union with God he is no more Hu but becomes Ranjha, because for him all differences vanish away and he sees Ranjha (God) as much in his own self as in the external world. The Sufi poetry consequently is full of poems, songs, and hymns praising the Beloved, describing the pain and sorrow inflicted by separation, and ultimately the joy, peace and knowledge attained in the union.

244 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mahfel-E-Soma

The principal forms of Panjabi Still Verse

Kafi

This name is borrowed from the Persian kafiya (meaning rhyme), and is applied to Panjabi Sufi poetry generally. Usually it is a poem on the divine attributes and sometimes on different Sufi beliefs. Kafia are found in different chandas, mostly prakrit, and in the ragas of the Panjabi musical system.

Bara mah

Bara mah is an account of the twelve months of the I'anjabi year. The poet describes the pangs of divine separation in each of these months. At the end of the —, twelfth month he relates the ultimate union with the Almighty. Almost all Sufi poets have composed a bara rnah.

Athvara

Athvara or a description of eight days. For seven days the seeker waits anxiously for God. Then when the last hope is fading he finds himself in the divine embrace on the eighth day.

SiharfI

Siharfi is an acrostic on the alphabet. It is not found in any other Indian language. As it is not of Persian or Arabic origin we conclude that it is a Panjabi form. The oldest verse of this kind is found in the Adi Granth of the Sikhs and was composed by Arjuna Dev. Later on it appears to have become a popular verse-form of the Sufis. Some of them wrote more than two or three siharfis. Siharfi precisely, is not a short poem but is a collection of short poems. The letters of the alphabet are taken consecutively, and words whose initials they form are employed to give metrical expression to the poet's ideas.

245 Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mahfil-E-Sama

As a rule a siharfr is written in praise of the Beloved (God) and his attributes, but sometimes it is written to relate some legend, historical or imaginary. In Sufi literature, however, we have found only one such siharfi.

The siharfis of the Muhammadans are on Arabic or Persian alphabets. They did not compose any on the nagari or Panjabi alphabets, though Hindus of different sects have written siharfis on the Arabic and Persian alphabets.

Qissa

Qissa is another form of Sufi verse. It is generally a tragic story of two young people who Love each other madly. They are separated by parents and cruel social conventions to which they pay little attention and disregarding them try to meet each other. This disregard brings misfortune and so they die, ultimately to be united in death for eternity. Some qissas are composed on the siharfi principle; others are composed of baits, sometimes called slokas

Bait

Bait is the corrupted form of the Arabic word bait 13 It is a sort of couplet poem, has very few rules and therefore has a good deal of variety. It is very popular with the Panjabis of all classes.

Dohra

Dohra is another form of Suft verse. It is not the Hindi doha but resembles closely the chand. It has four tukks, all rhyming in the same manner. This was the favorite verse form of Hashim.

There is another form of verse common to all Panjabi religious poetry, called var. Originally var meant a dirge (var) for the brave slain in battle. But then it began to be employed in songs composed in praise of the Almighty God or some great

246 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In St f Discourse & Mahfil-E-Sama religious personage. it is composed of various stanzas called pauris, literally `steps', which are sung by minstrels at religious shrines.

Punjabi Sull poets

Bullhe Shah is universally admitted to have been the greatest of the Panjabi mystics. No Panjabi mystic poet enjoys a wider celebrity and a greater reputation. His kafis have gained unique popularity. In truth he is one of the greatest Sufis of the world and his thought equals that of Jalal-ud-din Rumi and Shams Tabriz of Persia. As a poet Bullhe Shah is different from the other Sufi poets of the Panjab, and represents that strong and living pious nature of Panjabi character which is more reasonable than emotional or passionate.

The superiority of Bullha's pantheistic conception of Godhead lies in the fact that he broke all shackles of country, religion, convention andsect. The integrity of the universal soul and His omnipresence so deeply convinced him that no differences existed for him. He became one with Him, the divine, and experienced that cosmopolitan joy which knows no limits and divisions. He says:

BuIlha kijana mai kaun

na mai woman vicc masita, na mai vicc kufar dia rita

no mai paka vice palita, na mai musa na phiraun

huliha kijana mat kaun

no mai andar vaid kataha, na vice bhanga na shaeaba

Na vice rinda mast kharaba, na viccjagan navicc sawn

bullha kijana mai kaun

na vice shadi no gamnaki, na mai vice paliti paki

247 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mahfil-E-Sama

no mai abi na mai khaki, na mai atish na mai pawn

bullha ki jana mai kaun

no mai arbi as tahauri, na mai hindi shahir nagauri

na mai hinds lurk pashori, na mai rahinda vice nadaun

bullha kijana mai kaun

na mai hhed mazhab da pals, na mai adam hava jaia

no mai apna nam dhoraia, no vice baithan no vice bhaun

bullha ki,jana mai kaun

avval akhar ap mijana, na koi dula hor pachana

maieho hor na koi siana, Bullha shahu khara hat kaun.

bullha kiJana mai kaun.

Bullha, what do I know who I am? Neither am I a Muslim in the mosque nor am I in the ways of paganism, nor among the pure or sinM, nor am I Moses or the Pharaoh; Bullha, what do I know who Iam? Neither in the books of doctors I, nor indulged I in bhan and wine, nor in the wine-house in the company of the bad, neither awake nor asleep. Bupha, what do I know who I am?Neither in happiness nor in or-row, nor in sin or purity nor of water nor of earth, nor in fire nor in air. Bullha, what do I know who I am? I am not of Arabia nor of Lahore, nor an Indian nor of the city of Nagaur, neither a Hindu nor a Muslim of Peshawar, nor do I live in Nadaun. Bullha, what do I know who I am? Neither have I found the secret of religion, nor of Adam and Eve am I born, neither have 1 taken a name, my life is neither settled nor unsettled. Bullha, what do I know who I am? Myself know as the first and the last, none else as second do I recognize, none else is wiser than!. Bullha, who is the true master?

248 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mahftl-E-Sama

Bullhe Shah stands forthe, unity for human welfare, of the followers of different religions and sects. He bases his argument on the fact that he sees God installed in the heart of each individual, no matter to what religion he belongs. The expression of the sentiment is simple, impressive, and beautiful.

Hindu na nahi musalman, behie nlnjhan taj ablraman

Sunni na nahi ham shia, sulk kul ka marag lia

Bhukkhe na nahi ham raffe, nange na 'nahi ham kajje

Rode no nahi ham hassde, niare na nahi ham vassde

Papi na sudharmi na, pap pun ki rah na /a

Bullha shahu har citlage hindu hn k do Jan tiage.

Neither Hindu nor Mussulman let us sit to spin, abandoning pride (of religion). Neither a sunni nor a shi'a, thave taken the path of complete peace and unity. Neither am Ihungry (poor) nor satisfied (rich), nor naked I nor covered.Neither am I weeping nor Laughing, nor deserted nor settled. Neither a sinner, I, nor a pure one, I am not walking in the way of either sin or virtue. Bullha, in all hearts I feel the Lord, (therefore) Hindu and Mussulmans both have I abandoned.

Bullha's adoration and respect for his guru are profound. He finds no difference between God and his hadi, and sings to him in the same strain as to God:

Pahili pauri prem di pulsarate dera

Haji ma/the hajj karn mai mukh dekha (era

Al inayat qadiri hatch pakri mera

Mai udika kar rahi kadi a liar dera

Dhund shahir sabh bhalia kasad ghalla kehra

249 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mahfil-E-Sama

Carpi a doll prem di dil dharke mera

Ac' inayat gadiriji cape in era.

The first step of love (on the ladder of love) is (like) being on the pulsarat. Pilgrims may perform hajj but Ilook to your face. Come, Inayat Qadiri, and hold my hand (be mysupport). I am waiting, corn, some time and make a stay. I have searched the whole town, what messenger shall Isend? Having mounted the palanquin of love my heart (now) palpitates; come, Inayat Qadiri, my heart desires you.

But Bulleh showed great love and reverence for his master and did not pay any heed to this objection.

bulleh nu samjhawan a:inan bhainan to bharjaian

man ne bidhya soda kahna chad de pally rain: n

a: (-e nabi aulad-e nabi nun loon kion leekan tninan

jehra san con syed sadde dozakh milan sazaiaan

Jo koi sanoon raeen aakhe bhishteen peengan paia:n

raeen saeen gab/ii thaeen rab dian be parwa.:ian

sohnian pare hataian ne to kof1dan le gal la: ian

je to loreen ba:gh baba: ran chakar hoja raeean

hulhe shah di za: t ki puchna-en shakar ho raza•ian

To counsel Bulleh, his sisters and sisters in law have come

Pay heed to us and give up mixing with the low caste Araeen

You are a scion of Ali, the Prophet, why must you shame our fair clime.

250 Religious Discom Code Mixing In Sail Discourse & Mahfl-E-Sama

Those who call me Syed, are destined to hell made for them

Those who call me Aracen, have the swings in heaven laid for them

The low caste and the high caste, are created by God who cares not for family

He regards the beautiful and cherishes the not so comely.

If you wish to enjoy the glory of the Garden, go and serve the Araeen

Why bother about Bulleh's caste? Obey the command that comes from Saeen.

Ab to jaag Musaf r pyare

Raeen gayi hake (aare

Kar le aj karni da weera

Mod na ho si aawen (era

Awake, dear traveller, you've got to move on. Trailing its stars, the night is gone. Do what you have to do, do it today. You will never be back this way.

Another Sufi Madholal Husain was originally from Kayastha zhindus who embraced Islam in the time of Perez Shah. His Sufism was of a peculiar type and presented a curious medley of Persian and Indian Sufiism. In his mystic ideas and beliefs he was more Indian than anything else, but in his daily life he followed the style of the Persian Sufis.

Par is kasabe de vice bahute alai: phazal hoai

Par shah husain kabir Jo aye dargah ja khaloai.

Though in this profession many learned ones had been, yet Shah

251 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mahfrt-ESama

Husain and Kabir who came (in the profession) went and stood at the door (of God).

His verse is written in simple Panjabi, slightly overlaid with Persian and Arabic words. It excels in expression of thought and has a clear flow. In its simplicity and effectiveness it is superior to Ibrahim Farid's Panjabi. It lacks the brilliancy of Urdu poetry but is remarkable for its just proportion of words and powerful sense of rhyme. His versification is smoother, his similes more relevant, and his words simpler but more effective than those of Ibrahim. His poetry is of a less orthodox type but is not as saturated with Indian thought as would be the poetry of Bullhe Shah. Like his character, his poetry is a curious mixture of Sufi, Indian, and foreign thought. The essential feature of his poetry which strikes the reader is that it is highly pathetic and, piercing the heart, creates a mystic feeling.

Dunia to mar javana vats na avana

Jo kith kitta bura bhala to kitta apnapavana.

From the world one parts as dead not to return again; whatever actions wrought (be) right or wrong, according to them he shall obtain.

Tari sal Rabba vernal augan hart

Sabh saiya gunvaniia, tart sai rabba ve mai but bisari

Bheji si jis bat nu piari ri sot mai bat bisari

Rai mil saiya daj rangaya piari ri mai rahi kuari

Mai sal to parbat dar de, piari ri mai kaun vicar!

Kahe Husain sahelio ni amala bajh khuari.

Save, 0 master God, me full of faults; all friends possess quail-ties (good karmas), save me, full of faults. The object for which (I) was sent, 0 dear that alone I

252 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Malifil-E-Sama ignored; gathering together (for spinning) my friends, 0 dear, have had their trousseaux dyed (for marriage); I am left unmarried (for not possessing a dowry). Of my master (God) the mountains are afraid, poor creature, what am I? Husain says, 0 friends, without qualities there is but disaster.

Sufis like Fard Faqir generally known as Peril Fakir for him Punjabi was Hindi as it was the language of the Hindustanis or the Indians. Whatever the name he gave to his mother-tongue, the above indicates that he was accustomed to write in Persian prose. His Panjabi verse is more or less rustic in expression but lacks that sweet flavour which rustics impart to it.

Yara sat trat satth barsa sari nabi da oya

eh rasala kamil hoya hum am durao aya.

The eleven hundred and sixty-third year of the Prophet's era has come, and this journal is complete according to the order that had come from the start.

Hokim ho be bain galice bauhta zulam kamade

mehantia nu kami akkhan khun uhna do khade

phar vagary lai lai javan khaufkhuda nahi

ford fakira dard manda dia ikk din pausan abi

kasabia nu maihar mukaddam jabran cacti pade

bhar gariba da sir bike ape dozakh jade.

Being rulers they sit on carpets and practise tyranny; artisans. They call meniali and drink their blood. By force they take them to work without fearing God, Fard the sufferer's sighs will fall on them one day. The artisans have (to pay) the firs tax and they have to suffer this loss. Carrying the load of the poor an their head! they (rulers) themselves go to hell. 25: Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mahfil-E-Sama

In the following he speaks like a free Sufi:

Sin sunaye khalak nu kar kar masale roz

Loka de nasihata andar tere cor

Ki hoya je laddia godha Id/abo nal

Farad lekha taisia rabb kadirjul jalal.

Sin: you preach to the public, treating problem after problems each day, (you) give instructions to others and inside you is the thief; what avails it if the ass is loaded with books? Fard, the mighty, radiant and glorious God will take account. .

Zal zikar khuday da nakarzahir khalak dikhay

Andar kart tun bundgi bahar parda pay

Mu/na veci i/am nu na kar kisse saval

Farad lekha laisia rabb kadirjuljulal.

Zal: discuss not God openly showing to the public; inside (in the heart) you should pray to Him and outside put the veil ; do not in the least sell your knowledge nor question any person. Fard, the mighty, radiant and glorious God will take account.

Jo koi kindu ayke how musalman

inai na ghannan os c/a na kar bura guman

kald na karna karat bht adios iman

bajho hujat shara de dyo no azar.

Any Hindu who comes and becomes a Mussulman, do not take away his wealth nor harbour evil thought, do not imprison or slay him, for faith has brought him (to Islam); without the permit of the shari'at do not give (him) trouble.

254 Religious Discourse. Code Mixing In Sufi Discourse & Mabfil-E-Soma

A good number of Panjabi Sufi poets made attempts to create friendly feelings between the different communities by harmonizing the opposing systems. For this reason their poetry became clear to all sections of the Panjabi people. Besides, from the literary point of view also it deserved and was allotted a very high place. It retains the favor of both Hindus and Mussulmans and circulates among the masses in the form of songs, proverbs, and hymns even to this day. In short, without this strain, Panjabi literature would be poor and devoid of a good deal of its beauty and literary charm. Summary and Conclusion

CHAPTER - V

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION

SUMMARY

The thesis begins with an introductory chapter which gives the brief discussion on "code-mixing" and "code-switching" interchangeably, especially in studies of syntax, morphology, and other formal aspects of language. Study examines the purpose of code switching and how CS is used as a communicative strategy between Persian- Urdu and Panjabi bilinguals. It describes the possibilities that code switching in Sufi discourse setting provides a resource for assisting communication and boding cultural identity across generations.

The second chapter has been devoted to Languages of South Asia. This chapter describes South Asia which is often called the "Indian Subcontinent", which comprises of the sub-Himalayan countries and, for some authorities, also includes the adjoining countries to the west and the east. South Asia is a rich and fascinating linguistic area, its many hundreds of languages from four major language families representing the distinctions of caste, class, profession, religion, and region. It talks about the languages in India and also describes about the language family present in India (Indo Aryan, Dravadian, Austro Asiatic,"fibeto Burma and Andamenese). Dozens of languages are spoken in South Asia. These languages share many characteristics such as grammatical structure and vocabulary, but they are also distinctly different.

The third chapter starts with the background information about Sufism, and traces the origin and its historical development. Sufism has come to mean a wide range of beliefs that center on the quest for personal enlightenment in the union with God. Sufis are sometimes described as the mystics of Islam, but Sufism fits

256 Summary and Conclusion awkwardly in the categories of religions. Technically Sufism is a denomination of Islam, however there are many Sufis that are not Muslims and there are many Muslims that are reluctant to consider Sufism part of Islam. One of the few concepts that Sufis seem to agree on is that all religions offer a path to salvation or enlightenment and that true God realization, no matter how it is achieved, transcends the limitations and classification of any religion. Basically, a saint in any religion is equal to a saint in any other religion because they are inspired by the same Divine source. Initially the term Sufi referred only to those who bad achieved God realization, but it has since come to be applied to anyone who follows that particular spiritual path. The name Sufi comes from "Suf," the Arabic word for wool or "Saf," the Persian word for pure. The dervishes or advanced students of Sufism wore inexpensive wool clothes as part of their life of renunciation. It describes the Sufi Formalization of Doctrines, and also gives a brief about Sufi practices with its different stages. This chapter also discusses different Sufi orders in South Asia; it also gives a shape of other Sufi Orders which are practiced besides the major four orders in India (Azimiyya, Ba- Alawiyya, Idrisiyya, Kubrawiya, Qalandariyya, Uwaisi etc). Kubrawiya order is the main of these which is followed by a huge ratio in India as it is embraced with Shia Muslims in sub-content. It mainly concentrates on Indian Sufi Traditions of South Indian and North India Sufis.

This chapter starts with the Introduction of religious discourse. It describes code mixing in Mehfil-a-Satna in South Asian languages and includes brief account about Sarno in India, which starts when Ghaznavid Empire held sway over Punjab in 11th century. Founder of Chishti Order in India (d.1236) arrived in India ghurid conquest and Sama was a central feature of the shaikh's order but it was criticized by many ulmas and a good example of the criticism is a book "Qawwali and Islam"(1994) by Muhammad Ashfaq Hussain. Chapter is based on the history of qawwali, which begins creating a musical form traced by Khawaja Muinuddin, it

257 Summary and Conclusion often stated reason for his institutionalizing sama as to preach Islam among music loving Hindus. Code mixing gave birth when authors of different forms of literature realize that it will be a beautiful charm to our writings if we use words of other languages. By this two different languages whether Urdu & Punjabi, Urdu & Hindi or Persian consequently gained more prestige than the old one.

ek din qais se laila yi mah-ru

boll mere sivfi kfs ki hai justujv

vajd ma a-ke ki qais ne guflu

raz ki bat hai khair sun mah-rD

na to majnu hit mai our na lafld hai to allah hu allah hu Summary and Conclusion

CONCLUSION

Fifth the last chapter summarizes the thesis and end up with the conclusion. The present study has discussed the importance of code mixing in Sufi folk Literature of Urdu and Punjabi. The Sufi poetry, which is a great part of Sufism, played a vital role in preaching Islam throughout the world. When the Sufi poetry included the remembrance of Allah and spiritual thoughts of Islamic doctrines, it was most attractive to people and the spectators of Islam and Sufism. Through the Sufi poetry, they could know the real meaning of Sufism and the real love for almighty Aliah.There are many words of Urdu and Punjabi which are now used in the reciprocal order of these languages. Meanings of loan words (Majlis, Qawali, Sufi, Zakat, Halal) are almost similar in both languages (Urdu & Punjabi). So it is further strengthened that a new variety of Language is used in Sufi Mehfil's. Mixing of two languages and two imageries add the poem appeal because the charm of macaronic verses lost in translation. This tradition is based on the indigenous Indian forms and meters and it utilizes conspicuously Indian imagery. The main reason of change of vocabulary is the contact of one language with other languages including Urdu and Punjabi.

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