Jihadist Organizations
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Afghanistan, 1989-1996: Between the Soviets and the Taliban
Afghanistan, 1989-1996: Between the Soviets and the Taliban A thesis submitted to the Miami University Honors Program in partial fulfillment of the Requirements for University Honors with Distinction by, Brandon Smith May 2005 Oxford, OH ABSTRACT AFGHANISTAN, 1989-1996: BETWEEN THE SOVIETS AND THE TALIBAN by, BRANDON SMITH This paper examines why the Afghan resistance fighters from the war against the Soviets, the mujahideen, were unable to establish a government in the time period between the withdrawal of the Soviet army from Afghanistan in 1989 and the consolidation of power by the Taliban in 1996. A number of conflicting explanations exist regarding Afghanistan’s instability during this time period. This paper argues that the developments in Afghanistan from 1989 to 1996 can be linked to the influence of actors outside Afghanistan, but not to the extent that the choices and actions of individual actors can be overlooked or ignored. Further, the choices and actions of individual actors need not be explained in terms of ancient animosities or historic tendencies, but rather were calculated moves to secure power. In support of this argument, international, national, and individual level factors are examined. ii Afghanistan, 1989-1996: Between the Soviets and the Taliban by, Brandon Smith Approved by: _________________________, Advisor Karen L. Dawisha _________________________, Reader John M. Rothgeb, Jr. _________________________, Reader Homayun Sidky Accepted by: ________________________, Director, University Honors Program iii Thanks to Karen Dawisha for her guidance and willingness to help on her year off, and to John Rothgeb and Homayun Sidky for taking the time to read the final draft and offer their feedback. -
SALAFI- JIHADISM in AFRICA BRIEF / 12 June 2021
SALAFI- JIHADISM IN AFRICA BRIEF / 12 June 2021 A winning strategy by SERIES Giovanni Faleg* Senior Analyst, EUISS Katariina Mustasilta Postdoctoral Fellow, Finnish Institute of International Affairs Summary › Violent extremism has become a grow- ing threat throughout the African conti- INTRODUCTION nent: all sub-regions have experienced the emergence of groups active across state Violent extremism keeps spreading in Africa, showing boundaries. notable resilience despite years of counter-extremism › Today, armed actors engaging in violent and prevention efforts by governments and interna- extremism in the continent are mainly af- tional actors (1)*. In addition to killing thousands, it filiated with Islamist militant groups and costs the affected regions an estimated $97 billion in particularly Salafi-jihadist ideology. lost informal economic activity each year (2). › The spread of Salafi-jihadism in Africa is Today, armed actors engaging in violent extremism fuelled by a combination of localised griev- in the continent are mainly affiliated with Islamist ances and transnational ambitions, while militant groups and organisations and particularly tactical and strategic flexibility has in- Salafi-jihadist ideology (3). Recent data indicates a creased the resilience of insurgent groups. dangerous expansion of Salafi-jihadist armed groups › Once it has emerged as a potent force, de- — often simply labelled as violent extremist or ter- feating Salafi-jihadism on the battlefield rorist organisations (4) — beyond the traditional hot- proves very difficult as groups show enor- spots in the Sahel, Lake Chad Basin and the Horn of mous resilience, even when facing tacti- Africa to West Africa’s coastal states and Central and cal defeats. Southern Africa. -
Three Generations of Jihadism in Iraqi Kurdistan
Notes de l’Ifri Three Generations of Jihadism in Iraqi Kurdistan Adel BAKAWAN July 2017 Turkey/ Middle East Program In France, the French Institute of International Relations (Ifri) is the leading independent research, information and debate centre on major international issues. Ifri was founded in 1979 by Thierry Montbrial, and is an officially recognised non-profit organisation (Law of 1901). It is not subject to any government supervision, freely defines its own research agenda and regularly publishes its work. Using an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together international policy-makers and experts through its research and debates Along with its office in Brussels (Ifri-Brussels), Ifri is one of the few French think tanks to position itself at the very heart of European debate. The opinions expressed in this article are the author’s alone and do not reflect the official views of their institutions. ISBN: 978-2-36567-743-1 © All right reserved, Ifri, 2017 Cover: © padchas/Shutterstock.com How to quote this publication: Adel Bakawan, “Three Generations of Jihadism in Iraqi Kurdistan”, Notes de l’Ifri, Ifri, July 2017. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15 – FRANCE Tel.: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 – Fax: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Ifri-Bruxelles Rue Marie-Thérèse, 21 1000 – Brussels – BELGIUM Tel.: +32 (0)2 238 51 10 – Fax: +32 (0)2 238 51 15 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Author Adel Bakawan is a sociologist, associate researcher at the School for Advanced Studies in the Social Sciences (EHESS, in French) in Paris, and the Centre for Sociological Analysis and Intervention (CADIS, in French). -
Good Muslim, Bad Muslim: a Political Perspective on Culture and Terrorism
MAHMOOD MAMDANI Good Muslim, Bad Muslim: A Political Perspective on Culture and Terrorism ABSTRACT The link between Islam and terrorism became a central media concern following September 11, resulting in new rounds of "culture talk. This talk has turned religious experience into a political category, differentiating 'good Muslims" from "bad Mus- lims, rather than terrorists from civilians. The implication is undisguised: Whether in Afghanistan, Palestine, or Pakistan, Islam must be quarantined and the devil must be exorcized from it by a civil war between good Muslims and bad Muslims. This article suggests that we lift the quarantine and turn the cultural theory of politics on its head. Beyond the simple but radical suggestion that if there are good Muslims and bad Muslims, there must also be good Westerners and bad Westerners, I question the very tendency to read Islamist poli- tics as an effect of Islamic civilization—whether good or bad—and Western power as an effect of Western civilization. Both those poli- tics and that power are born of an encounter, and neither can be understood outside of the history of that encounter. Cultural explanations of political outcomes tend to avoid history and issues. Thinking of individuals from "traditional" cultures in authentic and original terms, culture talk dehistoricizes the construction of political identities. This article places the terror of September 11 in a his- torical and political context. Rather than a residue of a premodern culture in modern politics, terrorism is best understood as a modern construction. Even when it harnesses one or another aspect of tradition and culture, the result is a modern ensemble at the service of a modern project. -
Jihadi-Salafism in Afghanistan— Beyond Taliban, Al-Qaeda and Daesh
\ POLICY BRIEF 6 \ 2017 Jihadi-Salafism in Afghanistan— Beyond Taliban, Al-Qaeda and Daesh Options for German foreign and development policy Katja Mielke\ BICC Nick Miszak\ TLO Recommendations \ Urge the government of the Islamic \ Provide support for Afghanistan’s Republic of Afghanistan (GoIRA) to future generations formulate an effective policy on religious An estimated 46 per cent of the Afghan population institutions and curricula is under 15 years of age. Given the deteriorated Any new initiative at Islamic education sector reform security situation in many parts of the country since must be preceded by a critical analysis of why previous 2009, religious education is often the only option reform attempts did not succeed, and religious scholars to learn. With the increasing influence of Salafi did not engage. The GoIRA should change budgeting madrassas and mosques, a growing share of youth priorities and consider allocating more resources to the gets exposed to potentially radical thoughts through construction and financing of community mosques and basic education. Thus, it is of utmost importance to religious schools (madrassas) so that the field is not expand and improve technical and financial support left to Wahhabi- and Salafi-inspired donors. External for non-partisan basic education, vocational training influences and funding for religious institutions and high-quality secondary and higher education for regardless of sect should be cut off. Afghanistan’s youth. \ Support debates about the role of \ Capture lessons learned to prevent religion and ideology in Afghan society the spread of violent extremism and The notion of Islam has increasingly become contested (co-)radicalization in Afghanistan due to the fragmentation of the political Critically review German foreign and development and religious landscape over the last decades. -
Sayyid Qutb: an Historical and Contextual Analysis of Jihadist Theory Joseph D
Grand Valley State University ScholarWorks@GVSU Masters Theses Graduate Research and Creative Practice 4-7-2008 Sayyid Qutb: An Historical and Contextual Analysis of Jihadist Theory Joseph D. Bozek Grand Valley State University Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/theses Recommended Citation Bozek, Joseph D., "Sayyid Qutb: An Historical and Contextual Analysis of Jihadist Theory" (2008). Masters Theses. 672. http://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/theses/672 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate Research and Creative Practice at ScholarWorks@GVSU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Masters Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@GVSU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Sayyid Qutb: An Historical and Contextual Analysis of Jihadist Theory By Joseph D. Bozek School of Criminal Justice Grand Valley State University Sayyid Qutb: An Historical and Contextual Analysis of Jihadist Theory By Joseph D. Bozek August 7, 2008 THESIS Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master’s of Science in Criminal Justice in the School of Criminal Justice of Grand Valley State University Grand Rapids, Ml Thesis Committee Dr. Jonathan White (Chair) Dr. William Crawley Dr. Frank Hughes Acknowledgements To the faculty and staff of Grand Valley State University’s School of Criminal Justice to whom I am truly grateful for all of the support and guidance both inside and outside of the classroom. I hope I can one day impact someone’s life in the same way you have impacted mine. 11 Abstract The purpose of this research is to provide a comprehensive analysis of a salient jihadist philosopher by the name of Sayyid Qutb. -
Violent Jihad in the Netherlands
Violent Jihad in the Netherlands Current trends in the Islamist terrorist threat Violent Jihad in the Netherlands Current trends in the Islamist terrorist threat 2 Contents Foreword 5 Introduction 7 The murder of Theo van Gogh: consequences and effects 7 General trends in the development of jihadism 9 Framework of terms and definitions 10 1 From exogenous threat to home-grown terrorism 13 1.1 What is a jihadist network? 13 1.2 Historical development of network formation 15 1.2.1 The traditional phase: migration of jihadists 15 1.2.2 The proliferation phase: recruitment 16 1.2.3 The ‘home-grown’ phase: radicalisation and jihadisation 17 1.3 Three types of jihadist networks 17 2 Decentralisation and local implantation of international jihad19 2.1Al-Qaeda: from ‘network of gynetworks’ 19 to trademark and ideolo 2.2 Ideology of global violent jihad 21 2.3 Decentralisation of international jihad 22 2.4 Local implantation of international jihad 26 3 Radicalisation and the emergence of local networks 29 3.1Radicalisation, recruitment and jihadisation 29 3.2 The religious context of radicalisation 30 3.3 The socio-political context of radicalisation 33 3.4 The cultural and socio-psychological context of radicalisation 35 3.5 Emergence of local autonomous cells and networks 37 3.6 Backgrounds and functioning of local autonomous networks 38 3.7 The significance of the Hofstad network 39 4 Virtualisation of jihad 43 4.1The Internet as a propulsion of the jihad movement 43 4.2 Al-Qaeda as a virtual database (top-down) 44 4.3 The virtual umma (grass -
Abu Mus`Ab Al-Suri's Critique of Hard Line Salafists in the Jihadist Current
DECEMBER 2007 . VOL 1 . ISSUE 1 Abu Mus`ab al-Suri’s Salafism identify contemporary jihadists as While the term Salafism is historically simply radicalized elements within, or Critique of Hard Line associated with a late 19th and early as by-products of, a broader Salafist Salafists in the Jihadist 20th century Islamic reformist phenomenon. Instead, it may be more Current movement, today’s Salafists are very fruitful to speak of Salafism as one of different. Their main characteristic is several competing ideological strands By Brynjar Lia their strict emulation of the practices within the jihadist current. Furthermore, of the Prophet Muhammad and his one may identify a spectrum, or a the recent scholarly literature companions at the pristine Islamic continuum, of positions within the on al-Qa`ida has focused on studying age, and hence an abhorrence of any contemporary Salafi-jihadism, defined internal divisions and ideological later “innovation” (bid`a) in belief and by two extreme positions. schisms in the global jihadist current.1 religious practice, an obsession with This literature has uncovered important God’s oneness (tawhid), a rejection On the one extreme are hard line Salafist fault lines with regard to al-Qa`ida’s of human rationality and an extreme purists for whom doctrinal purity is of priorities on issues such as media and exclusiveness, even hatred, toward quintessential importance, even if it 3 propaganda efforts versus military other Islamic schools and tendencies. means fighting side battles, alienating organization. Differences over the Even if only a small segment of today’s allies and shattering any semblance of primacy of religious-theological purity Salafists support al-Qa`ida, the term a common front against the “Zionist- versus military-strategic effectiveness “Salafi-jihadism” has nevertheless been Crusader” enemy. -
The Battle Between Secularism and Islam in Algeria's Quest for Democracy
Pluralism Betrayed: The Battle Between Secularism and Islam in Algeria's Quest for Democracy Peter A. Samuelsont I. INTRODUCTION ...................................................... 309 f1. BACKGROUND TO THE ELECTIONS AND THE COUP ................................ 311 A. Algeria's Economic Crisis ......................................... 311 B. Algeria's FirstMultiparty Elections in 1990 for Local Offices ................ 313 C. The FIS Victory in the 1991 ParliamentaryElections ...................... 314 D. The Coup dt& tat ................................................ 318 E. Western Response to the Coup ...................................... 322 III. EVALUATING THE LEGITIMACY OF THE COUP ................................ 325 A. Problems Presented by Pluralism .................................... 326 B. Balancing Majority Rights Against Minority Rights ........................ 327 C. The Role of Religion in Society ...................................... 329 D. Islamic Jurisprudence ............................................ 336 1. Islamic Views of Democracy and Pluralism ......................... 337 2. Islam and Human Rights ...................................... 339 IV. PROBABLE ACTIONS OF AN FIS PARLIAMENTARY MAJORITY ........................ 340 A. The FIS Agenda ................................................ 342 1. Trends Within the FIS ........................................ 342 2. The Process of Democracy: The Allocation of Power .................. 345 a. Indicationsof DemocraticPotential .......................... 346 -
Containing the Taliban: Path to Peace in Afghanistan
CONTAINING THE TALIBAN: PATH TO PEACE IN AFGHANISTAN ISHTIAQ AHMAD Dr Ishtiaq Ahmad is Associate Professor of International Relations at the Eastern Mediterranean University, Gazima¤usa, Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. He reported on the rise of Taliban for the Pakistani newspaper the Nation. Taliban, the Islamic warriors of Afghanistan, live up to their words. "Taliban victory will set a model for other Muslim nations to follow," Maulvi Wakil Ahmad Mutawakil, the Taliban Foreign Minister, told me in an interview in Kandahar in February 1995. The Taliban had by then captured only one- third of Afghanistan and their victory in the rest of the country was far from certain. But what was increasingly visible was the expansionist ambitions of the Islamic student militia: "We will go and fight for our Muslim brethren elsewhere in the world, in Bosnia and Chechnya," said Maulvi Amir Khan Muttaqi, the former Information Minister, recently appointed as the Taliban Emissary for Peace.1 Now, six years later, the Taliban control around 90 percent of Afghanistan, and their rival United Front, led by the Afghan-Tajik commander, Ahmad Shah Masood, is struggling to survive in the north-eastern regions of the country. The extent of the Taliban success in exporting Islamic extremism into regions bordering Afghanistan and beyond - from Chechnya in Russia to Kashmir in India to Xinjiang in China - can be gauged from the fact that it has forced the emergence of an alliance of world powers and regional states to contain the regional and international spill over of Islamic extremism and terrorism from Afghanistan. -
Leveraging the Taliban's Quest for International Recognition
Leveraging the Taliban’s Quest for International Recognition Afghan Peace Process Issues Paper March 2021 By Barnett R. Rubin Summary: As the United States tries to orchestrate a political settlement in conjunction with its eventual military withdrawal from Afghanistan, it has overestimated the role of military pressure or presence and underestimated the leverage that the Taliban’s quest for sanctions relief, recognition and international assistance provides. As the U.S. government decides on how and when to withdraw its troops, it and other international powers retain control over some of the Taliban’s main objectives — the removal of both bilateral and United Nations Security Council sanctions and, eventually, recognition of and assistance to an Afghan government that includes the Taliban. Making the most of this leverage will require coordination with the Security Council and with Afghanistan’s key neighbors, including Security Council members China, Russia and India, as well as Pakistan and Iran. In April 2017, in a meeting with an interagency team on board a military aircraft en route to Afghanistan, U.S. President Donald J. Trump’s new national security advisor, retired Army Lt. Gen. H.R. McMaster, dismissed the ongoing effort to negotiate a settlement with the Taliban: “The first step, the national security adviser said, was to turn around the trajectory of the conflict. The United States had to stop the Taliban’s advance on the battlefield and force them to agree to concessions in the process .... US talks with the Taliban would only succeed when the United States returned to a position of strength on the battlefield and was ‘winning’ against the insurgency.”1 1 Donati, Jessica. -
Pakistan-Christians-Converts.V4.0
Country Policy and Information Note Pakistan: Christians and Christian converts Version 4.0 February 2021 Preface Purpose This note provides country of origin information (COI) and analysis of COI for use by Home Office decision makers handling particular types of protection and human rights claims (as set out in the Introduction section). It is not intended to be an exhaustive survey of a particular subject or theme. It is split into two main sections: (1) analysis and assessment of COI and other evidence; and (2) COI. These are explained in more detail below. Assessment This section analyses the evidence relevant to this note – i.e. the COI section; refugee/human rights laws and policies; and applicable caselaw – by describing this and its inter-relationships, and provides an assessment of, in general, whether one or more of the following applies: x A person is reasonably likely to face a real risk of persecution or serious harm x The general humanitarian situation is so severe as to breach Article 15(b) of European Council Directive 2004/83/EC (the Qualification Directive) / Article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights as transposed in paragraph 339C and 339CA(iii) of the Immigration Rules x The security situation presents a real risk to a civilian’s life or person such that it would breach Article 15(c) of the Qualification Directive as transposed in paragraph 339C and 339CA(iv) of the Immigration Rules x A person is able to obtain protection from the state (or quasi state bodies) x A person is reasonably able to relocate within a country or territory x A claim is likely to justify granting asylum, humanitarian protection or other form of leave, and x If a claim is refused, it is likely or unlikely to be certifiable as ‘clearly unfounded’ under section 94 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002.