Social Life of Energy in Kampala, U Ganda
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Social Life of Energy in Kampala, U ganda Policy and Practice Wendel Iwema Master Thesis International Development Studies, Rural Development Sociology Student: Wendel Iwema Student number: 850509-383-100 Supervisors: Michiel Kohne and Paul Hebinck Table of Contents List of Figures ……………………………………………………………………………………………..3 Introduction …………………………………………………………………………………………….….4 Chapter 1 Theory ……………………………………………………………………………………..…6 The Social Life of Things and Understanding their Politics …………………………..…7 The Actor Oriented Approach ………………………………………………………….………..8 Thesis ……………………………………………………………………………………………….….11 Policy Theory ………………………………………………………………………………………..12 Theoretical Approach ……………………………………………………………………………..13 Methods and Techniques …………………………………………………………………………15 Chapter 2 Energy Policy ……………………………………………………………………….…..17 A Short History of Ruling Powers, Policy Processes, and Energy ……………………17 Energy Policies Nowadays ……………………………………………………………………….19 Energy Actors ……………………………………………………………………………………….25 Analysis ………………………………………………………………………………………………..41 Chapter 3 Social Life of Energy in the Slums of Kampala ……………………….44 Actors in the Slums of Kampala ……………………………………………………………….44 Charcoal Sellers, Stove Sellers and Manufacturers, and Energy Sellers …………..48 Energy in the Slums ……………………………………………………………………………….53 Health and Environment ………………………………………………………………………...54 Analysis ……………………………………………………………………………………………….55 Chapter 4 Analysis ……………………………………………………………………………………58 Social Field of the Government ………………………………………………………………..58 Social Field of the Germans ……………………………………………………………….……59 Social Field of Small Local Organisations and an Italian Stove Builder ……….….59 Social Field of the Slums ………………………………………………………………………...60 Conclusion …………………………………………………………………………………………...61 Literature …………………………………………………………………………………………………63 2 List of Figures Figure 1. World of actors ………………………………………………………………………14 Figure 2. Multiple Realities Through Actor Oriented Approach ……………………...15 Figure 3. Reality………………………………………………………………………………….15 Figure 4. Clay stoves in Kisenyi……………………………………………………………...51 Figure 5. Metal stoves in a house in Kampala…………………………………………..…51 Figure 6. Electric cooking device……………………………………………………….……52 Figure 7. View over Kisenyi I………………………………………………………………...52 Figure 8. One of the slums kitchens………………………………………………………....54 Figure 9. Another kitchen……………………………………………………………………...54 Figure 10. Map of Uganda…………………………………………………………………….67 3 Introduction Everyone uses energy but the way in which energy is used, the feeling that people have with energy, and the value that people give to energy can be very different, although the physical thing is the same. For example, in the Netherlands charcoal, a type of energy, is used during warm summer nights to light the barbecue and enjoy some meat with family or friends. It is almost a luxury. In Uganda charcoal is used every day, by everyone to lighten their stoves and cook their daily meals. Charcoal is a necessity. Something that we, in the West, associate with luxury and cosiness can have a different value in the context of Uganda. People give different meanings and values to commodities that look the same and are able to do the same, because of the context they live in. The differences in value and meaning of commodities are also visible within Uganda. This thesis discusses the meanings and values of energy and the interfaces that are a consequence of these differences. One of these interfaces shows itself when the energy policy process and the energy use in the slums of Kampala are discussed. In order to understand the process of value giving to a product/thing/commodity, we first need to understand how value giving works and why this process works in a certain way and where it happens. Only after this understanding research in the field is possible. Chapter 1 discusses the theories of Arjun Appadurai, Igor Kopytoff, Norman Long and Rosemary McGee. All of them have address the question of how social processes work. Appadurai and Kopytoff delve into the social life of things since they believe that a thing does not only have an economic value but also have a social value that influence the use of a thing or the non-use of a thing in a social arena. A thing needs to meet the commodity requirements that are set by the social arena they are in, before they can call themselves a commodity. Igor Kopytoff adds that this social life, the social and cultural biography of a thing, shows us the structure and cultural resources of a society. Norman Long discusses this further; he explains how this social life on the one hand is structured through realities of actors and how this social life on the other hand structures the realities of actors in social arenas. These realities are constructed of different understandings, interests, values, livelihood strategies, cultural interests and political trajectories. The places where these different realities and thus different ways of knowing the world meet are called ‘battlefields of knowledge’ by Long. This moment is called an interface, a moment when social arenas or social systems meet. These interfaces show where the differences in understandings, interests, values, livelihood strategies, cultural interests and political trajectories exist and how they differ. This thesis discusses two of these social arenas: ‘the energy policy process of Uganda’ and ‘the energy in the slums of Kampala’. 4 To understand the policy process I have read the theory of Rosemary McGee. She unpacks the context in which the interaction of the policy process exists and she explains how this knowledge of this interaction can be helpful in research. She distinguishes three layers of a cake: knowledge, actors, and space. These are influenced by and influence power, culture, political economy, and knowledge. Because she takes a vertical slice of this cake, she can address all the different influences and factors of the policy process instead of seeing as a linear process. I have combined this theory with the theories of Long, Appadurai, and Kopytoff and developed a approach that makes it possible to develop a holistic picture of the two social arenas and their ‘battlefields of knowledge’ and ‘interfaces’. Chapter two and three describe the different social field through the theory, by addressing the different actors that are active in the social fields. Chapter two discusses ‘the energy policy process’ arena, and discusses actors of the government, NGO’s and private companies with their understandings, interests, values, livelihood strategies, cultural interests and political trajectories. It focuses on who the actors in the policy process are and what their discourse of energy is and of policy in Uganda. Further a short history of energy policy is given to address the history aspect that McGee brought to attention, since this history is influencing the policy targets at the moment. Chapter three does the same for the slums of Kampala. I have interviewed several slum inhabitants about their energy use, their knowledge and meaning of energy, and their other interests and struggles in life. Those slum inhabitants were, sometimes, also energy sellers, stove sellers, or NGO worker. In chapter four the two social fields are brought together and the differences in realities are discusses as well as the consequences. Goal is to explain the interfaces and their backgrounds and reasons of existing. The discussion of these interfaces might help policy makers and slum inhabitants to understand each other’s realities and to discuss these. This can eventually help to find solutions for problems that are caused by these differences and to make those arenas better connect. 5 Chapter 1 Theory To understand the meaning and value of energy and to make this meaning and value researchable, is only possible when one understands how things like energy acquire meaning and value in a certain context. The anthropologist Arjun Appadurai describes the process of value giving and value obtaining by discussing the social life of a thing. (Appadurai, 1986) He explains that, for example charcoal is not by definition a commodity, but that this thing needs to obtain this commodity status by meeting the criteria that its social context has set for a thing, before it could be called a commodity. Igor Kopytoff (1986) calls this process of status generation the ‘cultural biography’ of a thing. Through the study of this ‘cultural biography’ the structures and resources of a social context become clear. The value of a thing can be explained by its ‘cultural biography’ and by its ‘social life’. These theories of Appadurai and Kopytoff are further explained in this chapter. The theory of Norman Long are also described in this chapters, because it clarifies how actors and their realities influence each other and their social arenas, where these things exist in. The place where these different realities of actors and of social arenas meet each other are called ‘battlefields of knowledge’. These ‘battlefields of knowledge’ make it possible to show the differences between the realities and the struggles; ‘interfaces’. Also the policy tool of Rosemary McGee is discussed in this chapter in order to understand the energy policy process. To answer questions about value shaping in a policy process in Uganda, it should first be clear what the policy process and where the policy process can take place. McGee ‘unpacked’ the policy process and concluded that this process is one of interaction. This interaction takes place between and within actors,