Epitome of the Formula of Concord
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Robert D. Hawkins
LEX OR A NDI LEX CREDENDI THE CON F ESSION al INDI ff ERENCE TO AL TITUDE Robert D. Hawkins t astounds me that, in the twenty-two years I have shared Catholics, as the Ritualists were known, formed the Church Iresponsibility for the liturgical formation of seminarians, of England Protection Society (1859), renamed the English I have heard Lutherans invoke the terms “high church” Church Union (1860), to challenge the authority of English and “low church” as if they actually describe with clar- civil law to determine ecclesiastical and liturgical practice.1 ity ministerial positions regarding worship. It is assumed The Church Association (1865) was formed to prosecute in that I am “high church” because I teach worship and know civil court the “catholic innovations.” Five Anglo-Catholic how to fire up a censer. On occasion I hear acquaintances priests were jailed following the 1874 enactment of the mutter vituperatively about “low church” types, apparently Public Worship Regulation Act for refusing to abide by civil ecclesiological life forms not far removed from amoebae. court injunctions regarding liturgical practices. Such prac- On the other hand, a history of the South Carolina Synod tices included the use of altar crosses, candlesticks, stoles included a passing remark about liturgical matters which with embroidered crosses, bowing, genuflecting, or the use historically had been looked upon in the region with no lit- of the sign of the cross in blessing their congregations.2 tle suspicion. It was feared upon my appointment, I sense, For readers whose ecclesiological sense is formed by that my supposed “high churchmanship” would distract notions about the separation of church and state, such the seminarians from the rigors of pastoral ministry into prosecution seems mind-boggling, if not ludicrous. -
The Book of Concord FAQ God's Word
would be no objective way to make sure that there is faithful teaching and preaching of The Book of Concord FAQ God's Word. Everything would depend on each pastor's private opinions, subjective Confessional Lutherans for Christ’s Commission interpretations, and personal feelings, rather than on objective truth as set forth in the By permission of Rev. Paul T. McCain Lutheran Confessions. What is the Book of Concord? Do all Lutheran churches have the same view of the Book of Concord? The Book of Concord is a book published in 1580 that contains the Lutheran No. Many Lutheran churches in the world today have been thoroughly influenced by the Confessions. liberal theology that has taken over most so-called "mainline" Protestant denominations in North America and the large Protestant state churches in Europe, Scandinavia, and elsewhere. The foundation of much of modern theology is the view that the words of What are the Lutheran Confessions? the Bible are not actually God's words but merely human opinions and reflections of the The Lutheran Confessions are ten statements of faith that Lutherans use as official ex- personal feelings of those who wrote the words. Consequently, confessions that claim planations and summaries of what they believe, teach, and confess. They remain to this to be true explanations of God's Word are now regarded more as historically day the definitive standard of what Lutheranism is. conditioned human opinions, rather than as objective statements of truth. This would explain why some Lutheran churches enter into fellowship arrangements with What does Concord mean? non-Lutheran churches teaching things in direct conflict with the Holy Scriptures and the Concord means "harmony." The word is derived from two Latin words and is translated Lutheran Confessions. -
The Case of the Lost Luther Reference
1 CONCORDIA 1 THEOLOGICAL QUARTERLY I Volume 43 Number 4 OCTOBER I979 .4nnouncement: -1 hird Annual Sq.mposium on the Lutheran Confessions ........................................... 271 Rabbinical LVritings of the Earl! Christian Centuries and Keu. Testament interpretation ....... Ravmond F. Surbi~rg273 I God's h,linisters. Their Calls. and Their Relationship to Each Other ................ Vetnon H. Harley 286 qar-ne W. Teigen 295 i The Case of the Lost Luther Reference ... The State of Evangelibrn in the i l,ut heran Church-Missouri SJ nod ............ E~Rin J. Kolb 3 10 I An .Application of Case Grammar to Two I New Testament Passages ..................... Theodore Mueller 330 A Reformation Hymn ............................... Douglas Judisch 326 > 3 Opinion of the Department of' Systematic Theolog~............ >2I Homiletical Studies .............................................................. 338 Book Reviews ........................................................................ 773 The Case of the Lost Luther Reference Bjarne W. Teigen The authors of the Formula of Concord appeal especially to Luther to cast further light on what they are expounding. They speak of him as "This highly enlightened man" (SD VII, 28), and call him the "chief teacher of the Augsburg Confession" (SD VII, 34). They particularly appeal to his writings on the Sacrament of the Altar in connection with Article VII and VIII of the Solid Declaration. A careful reading of the Formula of Concord shows that the confessors wanted to confess compIetely the doctrine -
Defending Faith
Spätmittelalter, Humanismus, Reformation Studies in the Late Middle Ages, Humanism and the Reformation herausgegeben von Volker Leppin (Tübingen) in Verbindung mit Amy Nelson Burnett (Lincoln, NE), Berndt Hamm (Erlangen) Johannes Helmrath (Berlin), Matthias Pohlig (Münster) Eva Schlotheuber (Düsseldorf) 65 Timothy J. Wengert Defending Faith Lutheran Responses to Andreas Osiander’s Doctrine of Justification, 1551– 1559 Mohr Siebeck Timothy J. Wengert, born 1950; studied at the University of Michigan (Ann Arbor), Luther Seminary (St. Paul, MN), Duke University; 1984 received Ph. D. in Religion; since 1989 professor of Church History at The Lutheran Theological Seminary at Philadelphia. ISBN 978-3-16-151798-3 ISSN 1865-2840 (Spätmittelalter, Humanismus, Reformation) Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliographie; detailed bibliographic data is available in the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de. © 2012 by Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen, Germany. This book may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, in any form (beyond that permitted by copyright law) without the publisher’s written permission. This applies particularly to reproduc- tions, translations, microfilms and storage and processing in electronic systems. The book was typeset by Martin Fischer in Tübingen using Minion typeface, printed by Gulde- Druck in Tübingen on non-aging paper and bound Buchbinderei Spinner in Ottersweier. Printed in Germany. Acknowledgements Thanks is due especially to Bernd Hamm for accepting this manuscript into the series, “Spätmittelalter, Humanismus und Reformation.” A special debt of grati- tude is also owed to Robert Kolb, my dear friend and colleague, whose advice and corrections to the manuscript have made every aspect of it better and also to my doctoral student and Flacius expert, Luka Ilic, for help in tracking down every last publication by Matthias Flacius. -
Philip Melanchthon the Protestant Preceptor of Germany 14971560
PHILIP MELANC HTHON C H A PT ER I BI RTH AN D EAR LY Y EARS — — — Bretten Cl au s Schwar tze rd His S ons Philip S chwartzerd Born S — F choo —ohn U n e r—De ath His Brothe r and iste rs His irs t S l J g ’ — — in Pfor h eim o f Philip s Father and Grandfathe r R eu chl z — n e d Stu di e s G re e k N am e Cha g . C B EAR arlsruhe , the capital of aden , in the beautiful valley of the Kraichg au , is the little B . city of retten , with five thousand inhabitants Four hu n dred years ag o it belong ed to the Palat inat e m b m , and nu ered three hundred fa ilies as the s u m Fo r total of its population . a town so small it m enjoyed uch intercourse with the outside world , since throu gh its principal street passed a large part of the m erchandise carried from Italy to the lower B Rhine . u t the inhabitants of the town lived m ostly from the produce of their fertile fields . They m were simple in their anners , upright in their lives, and r o warmly attached to the Church . Their elig Phil ip Mel a nchth o n [ 1 497 ious faith was sincere ; but it was colo ured by the i n superstitions of the times , since that little Pala 1 0 tine city so late as 5 4 , five persons were convicted H of witchcraft and burned to death . -
[Formula of Concord]
[Formula of Concord] Editors‘ Introduction to the Formula of Concord Every movement has a period in which its adherents attempt to sort out and organize the fundamental principles on which the founder or founders of the movement had based its new paradigm and proposal for public life. This was true of the Lutheran Reformation. In the late 1520s one of Luther‘s early students, John Agricola, challenged first the conception of God‘s law expressed by Luther‘s close associate and colleague, Philip Melanchthon, and, a decade later, Luther‘s own doctrine of the law. This began the disputes over the proper interpretation of Luther‘s doctrinal legacy. In the 1530s and 1540s Melanchthon and a former Wittenberg colleague, Nicholas von Amsdorf, privately disagreed on the role of good works in salvation, the bondage or freedom of the human will in relationship to God‘s grace, the relationship of the Lutheran reform to the papacy, its relationship to government, and the real presence of Christ‘s body and blood in the Lord‘s Supper. The contention between the two foreshadowed a series of disputes that divided the followers of Luther and Melanchthon in the period after Luther‘s death, in which political developments in the empire fashioned an arena for these disputes. In the months after Luther‘s death on 18 February 1546, Emperor Charles V finally was able to marshal forces to attempt the imposition of his will on his defiant Lutheran subjects and to execute the Edict of Worms of 1521, which had outlawed Luther and his followers. -
Life of Philip Melanchthon
NYPL RESEARCH LIBRARIES 3 3433 08235070 7 Life of MELANciTHON m M \ \ . A V. Phu^ji' Mklanchthon. LIFE PHILIP MELAXCHTHOX. Rev. JOSEPH STUMP. A.M., WITH AN IXTKCDCCTIOS BY Rev. G. F. SPIEKER. D.D., /V<jri-iVi.»r .-.-" Cj:»r.-i ~':'sT:.'>y r* sAt LtttkiT^itJt TianiJgiir^ Smtimtry at /LLirSTRATED. Secoxp Epitiox. PILGER PUBLISHING HOUSE READING, PA. XEW YORK. I S g ;. TEE MEW YORK P'REFACE. The life of so distinguished a servant of God as Me- lanchthon deserves to be better known to the general reader than it actually is. In the great Reformation of the sixteenth century, his work stands second to that of Luther alone. Yet his life is comparatively unknown to many intelligent Christians. In view of the approaching four hundredth anni- versary of Melanchthon's birth, this humble tribute to his memory is respectfully offered to the public. It is the design of these pages, by the presentation of the known facts in Melanchthon's career and of suitable extracts from his writings, to give a truthful picture of his life, character and work. In the preparation of this book, the author has made use of a number of r^ biographies of ]\Ielanchthon by German authors, and of such other sources of information as were accessi- ble to him. His aim has been to prepare a brief but sufficiently comprehensive life of Melanchthon, in such a form as would interest the people. To what extent he has succeeded in his undertaking, others must judge. (V) That these pages may, in some measure at least, ac- complish their purpose, and make the Christian reader more familiar with the work and merit of the man of God whom they endeavor to portray, is the sincere wish of Thern Author.A CONTENTS, PAGE Introduction ix CHAPTER I. -
Calvin's Doctrine of the Lord's Supper
Perichoresis Volume 10. Issue 2 (2012): 137-163 DOI 10.2478/v10297-012-0007-3 CALVIN’S DOCTRINE OF THE LORD’S SUPPER * WIM JANSE Free University of Amsterdam ABSTRACT. In order to pinpoint its proprium , it is necessary to understand John Calvin’s Eu- charistic theology within the wider context of the intra-Protestant debates of his time. As a se- cond-generation Reformer, Calvin developed his ideas explicitly in reaction to and as a middle way between the Lutheran and Swiss Reformed discussions of the 1520’s. To that end this es- say first focuses on the main developments from the Middle Ages onwards, and then presents Calvin from the perspective of the positions taken up by some of his contemporaries, in parti- cular Philipp Melanchthon. Next, some representative texts written by Calvin himself are ana- lysed. Although Calvin’s Eucharistic views were not from the beginning a coherent and unified doctrine but developed only gradually, they may be described in a systematic-synthetic way. With respect to the matter of closed, open, and frequent communion, it is observed that for Calvin a regular celebration is essential to the deepening of the believer’s union with Christ. KEY WORDS: John Calvin, the Lord’s Supper, Eucharistic theology, Reformed sacramentolo- gy, communion Introduction Calvin’s doctrine of the Lord’s Supper is not just any chapter from Calvin’s theology. 1 In his Eucharistic theology we touch upon the core of Calvin’s thought. This is true not only for Calvin, but for all major sixteenth-century * WIM JANSE is professor of historical theology and dean of the Faculty of Theology wi- thin the Free University of Amsterdam. -
The Formula of Concord and Contemporary Anabaptists, Spiritualists, and Anti-Trinitarians by R K
The Formula of Concord and Contemporary Anabaptists, Spiritualists, and Anti-trinitarians by R K n his monumental study, The Radical Reformation (), George IHunston Williams grouped together three disparate kinds of ‘‘out- siders’’ from the Reformation era; he labeled them Anabaptists, Spiritualists, and Anti-Trinitarians.1 Interestingly, and probably co- incidentally, descendants of these ways of thought—or more re- cently arisen parallel religious phenomena—have become prominent in twentieth-century Anglo-American religion although these three dissimilar groups commanded relatively little popular support in the sixteenth century. Indeed, they did elicit a good deal of negative reaction from the reformers, more than appropriate for their numbers, because they called into question fundamental ele- ments of the catholic tradition and Reformation theology. At two points one of these theological systems or another had rejected the central legal definition of Christian orthodoxy as legislated in the Justinian Code (), belief in the Trinity and in infant baptism.2 In re-introducing his comprehensive overview of these dissident traditions to the public in its third edition in , Williams ob- served that in ‘‘our own times,’’ with the disestablishment of Eu- ropean ‘‘state churches,’’ the reorganization of North American churches, and the challenge to Asian and African Christianity by renascent ethnic religions and Marxism, ‘‘Christians of many de- nominations are finding themselves constitutionally and in certain other ways closer to the descendants of the despised sectaries of the Reformation Era than to the classical defenders of a reformed corpus christianum.’’3 With this assessment, Williams challenges Lu- therans to re-examine why the confessors at Augsburg in and the Concordists of the s distinguished their own faith and teaching so sharply from that of the Anabaptists, Spiritualists, and Anti-Trinitarians. -
The Formula of Concord As a Model for Discourse in the Church
21st Conference of the International Lutheran Council Berlin, Germany August 27 – September 2, 2005 The Formula of Concord as a Model for Discourse in the Church Robert Kolb The appellation „Formula of Concord“ has designated the last of the symbolic or confessional writings of the Lutheran church almost from the time of its composition. This document was indeed a formulation aimed at bringing harmony to strife-ridden churches in the search for a proper expression of the faith that Luther had proclaimed and his colleagues and followers had confessed as a liberating message for both church and society fifty years earlier. This document is a formula, a written document that gives not even the slightest hint that it should be conveyed to human ears instead of human eyes. The Augsburg Confession had been written to be read: to the emperor, to the estates of the German nation, to the waiting crowds outside the hall of the diet in Augsburg. The Apology of the Augsburg Confession, it is quite clear from recent research,1 followed the oral form of judicial argument as Melanchthon presented his case for the Lutheran confession to a mythically yet neutral emperor; the Apology was created at the yet not carefully defined border between oral and written cultures. The Large Catechism reads like the sermons from which it was composed, and the Small Catechism reminds every reader that it was written to be recited and repeated aloud. The Formula of Concord as a „Binding Summary“ of Christian Teaching In contrast, the „Formula of Concord“ is written for readers, a carefully- crafted formulation for the theologians and educated lay people of German Lutheran churches to ponder and study. -
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INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI film s the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough* substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely afreet reproductioiL In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these wül be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Each original is also photographed in one exposure and is included in reduced form at the back of the book. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6" x 9" black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. UMI University Microfilms International A Bell & Howell Information Company 300 North Zeeb Road. Ann Arbor. Ml 48106-1346 USA 313/761-4700 800/521-0600 Order Nnsaber 9816176 ‘‘Ordo et lîbertas”: Church discipline and the makers of church order in sixteenth century North Germany Jaynes, JefiErey Philip, Ph.D. -
In the Lutheran Confessions: Dialogue Within the Reformation Spirit Oscar Cole-Arnal
Consensus Volume 7 | Issue 3 Article 1 7-1-1981 Concordia' and 'unitas' in the Lutheran confessions: dialogue within the Reformation spirit Oscar Cole-Arnal Follow this and additional works at: http://scholars.wlu.ca/consensus Recommended Citation Cole-Arnal, Oscar (1981) "Concordia' and 'unitas' in the Lutheran confessions: dialogue within the Reformation spirit," Consensus: Vol. 7 : Iss. 3 , Article 1. Available at: http://scholars.wlu.ca/consensus/vol7/iss3/1 This Articles is brought to you for free and open access by Scholars Commons @ Laurier. It has been accepted for inclusion in Consensus by an authorized editor of Scholars Commons @ Laurier. For more information, please contact [email protected]. “CONCORDIA” AND “UNITAS” IN THE LUTHERAN CONFESSIONS Dialogue Within the Reformation Spirit Oscar L. Arnal Within the process of determining the criteria for fellowship among Canadian Lutherans, this symposium has been assigned the specific task of analyzing the re- lationship between concordia and unitas in the Lutheran Confessions. With that end in mind, I propose a comparison of two sets of our symbolic documents, namely the Augsburg Confession and the Book and Formula of Concord. By employing such a method, it is hoped that our historical roots may be utilized in the service of our re- sponsibility to critique and affirm each other. Before one can engage in this dialogue with the past, it becomes necessary to come to terms with our own presuppositions and initial assumptions. All our asser- tions, even our historical and doctrinal convictions, are rooted within the reality of our biological and sociological environments. We speak out of experiences which are our own both individually and collectively.