Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 41 (2016) 196–212

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Journal of Anthropological Archaeology

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The genesis of monuments: Resisting outsiders in the contested landscapes of southern Brazil

a, b a a Jonas Gregorio De Souza ⇑, Rafael Corteletti , Mark Robinson , José Iriarte a Department of Archaeology, University of Exeter, Laver Building, North Park Road, Exeter EX4 4QE, United Kingdom b Departamento de Antropologia, Universidade Federal do Paraná, Rua General Carneiro, 460 – 6o andar, Curitiba, Paraná 80.060-150, Brazil article info abstract

Article history: In this article, we examine the emergence of the funerary mound and enclosure complexes of the southern Received 13 September 2015 Brazilian highlands during the last 1000 years in relation to processes of population expansion, contact, Revision received 7 January 2016 conflict and the establishment of frontiers. We test the hypothesis that such monuments emerged among the local southern proto-Jê peoples as a response to the migration of a foreign group, the Tupi-Guarani. We compared the spatio-temporal distribution of mound and enclosure complexes in respect to sites of Keywords: interaction between the two groups. The results indicate that the rise of funerary architecture coincides Southern Brazilian highlands with the first incursions of the Tupi-Guarani to the southern proto-Jê heartland, and that mounds are Southern proto-Jê concentrated in areas devoid of interaction. We conclude that highly monumentalized landscapes Mound and enclosure complexes Tupi-Guarani emerged in areas where local groups chose not to interact with the Tupi-Guarani, showing that funerary Crisis cult monuments were an important component in the establishment of impermeable frontiers to resist Costly signaling outsiders. Ó 2016 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

1. Introduction et al., 1968; Menghin, 1957; Naue et al., 1989; Ribeiro and Ribeiro, 1985; Rohr, 1971), only recently have archaeologists With the advantage that we are no longer bound to the essen- shifted their focus in the study of southern proto-Jê earthworks tialist approaches of culture history, archaeologists are once again from more descriptive approaches to the investigation of ritual recognizing that the movement of peoples and ideas occurred fre- practices, the degree of political complexity and territoriality quently in the past and had major consequences for trajectories of (Copé et al., 2002; De Masi, 2009; De Souza, 2012; De Souza and ethnogenesis (Heckenberger, 2005, 2011; Politis and Bonomo, Copé, 2010; Iriarte et al., 2013, 2008, 2010; Saldanha, 2008). Inter- 2012). Under novel theoretical approaches, we are now assessing estingly, renewed archaeological work in the Rio de la Plata basin is the impact of migrations in the congealment of ethnicities, the cre- beginning to provide a broader picture, showing that the southern ation of political landscapes, and the invention of traditions in the proto-Jê monuments developed over the last 1000 years amidst a past (Bernardini, 2005a, 2005b, 2011; Hornborg, 2005; Pauketat, regional mosaic of migrations, increased population densities and 2005, 2007, 2010; Pauketat and Loren, 2005; Sassaman, 2005, intensifying interaction (Bonomo et al., 2015, 2011; Iriarte et al., 2010; Whitehead, 1994). Of prime importance to archaeology are in press, 2008; Politis and Bonomo, 2012; Politis et al., 2011). How- the material expressions of those processes; one phenomenon that ever, the role of such an ethnic mosaic in the rise of a novel archi- is repeatedly observed during periods of intense cultural interac- tectural tradition in the southern Brazilian highlands has never tion, hand in hand with the establishment of frontier zones, is been assessed. the rise of novel architectural expressions that materialize and In this article, we test the hypothesis that the appearance of shape the formation of new identities (Dillehay, 2007; Pauketat, southern proto-Jê mound and enclosure complexes over the last 2007; Sassaman, 2005). 1000 years is related to the largest population expansion in low- The monumental funerary earthworks of the southern proto-Jê land South America in recent times, that of the Tupi-Guarani lan- groups in the southern Brazilian highlands are a case in question. guage family (Bonomo et al., 2015). We hypothesize that the Despite more than six decades of research (Chmyz, 1968; Chmyz rapid advance of the Tupi-Guarani along major river routes led to the circumscription of some southern proto-Jê groups in the high- lands. Specifically, a core area of the southern proto-Jê groups in Corresponding author. the Canoas–Pelotas river basins chose not to interact with the ⇑ E-mail address: [email protected] (J.G. De Souza). http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jaa.2016.01.003 0278-4165/Ó 2016 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved. J.G. De Souza et al. / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 41 (2016) 196–212 197 outsiders, establishing an impermeable social frontier. This is religious developments that constitute a ‘‘ritual reaction” by a where the earliest funerary monuments were raised. We propose society undergoing stress, and it has been noticed that they often that these groups reacted to the Tupi-Guarani advance by design- appear in contexts of increased ethnic contact (Driessen, 2001; La ing an unprecedented political landscape, dotted by funerary mon- Barre, 1971). uments dedicated to chiefly lines as a powerful statement of Another major question is why the situations of migrations, resistance to the outsiders. invasions and conflict that can lead to the formation of crisis cults also favors the expression of those rites by means of new monu- mental architectural traditions. In many of the cases reviewed 2. Monuments, frontiers and identities above, the new ceremonial architecture that emerges in situations of ethnic conflict also materialize new forms of authority that The emergence of monumental architectural expressions, appear during turbulent periods (Dillehay, 2007; Pauketat, 2007). especially with a public character, during moments of rapid Monuments have the potential of testifying to the ability of power- socio-political change and cultural interaction (or conflict) is a phe- ful individuals or groups to deploy labor and resources; to para- nomenon observed in many parts of the world and time periods. phrase Trigger (1990), monuments do not only make power Migrations are particularly prone to triggering this process, as local visible, they also become power. Therefore, the construction of and long-distance relocation of groups leads to the juxtaposition of highly monumentalized landscapes needs to be understood as crit- identities, resulting in novel socio-political arrangements and tra- ical to the constitution of authority: built environments are not ditions that are ultimately projected on the landscape (Pauketat, merely a reflection of the course of historical events, but also help 2007; Pauketat and Loren, 2005). The role of population displace- to shape them (Smith, 2003). ments, multi-ethnic formations and the negotiation of identities Finally, the emergence of monuments has also been revisited by in the rise of new architectural traditions has been extensively archaeologists working under an evolutionary perspective. They debated by North American archaeologists, from the Archaic per- argue that behaviors such as conspicuous consumption and waste- iod earthworks and exchange network of Poverty Point ful spending (for instance, in the construction of monuments) can (Sassaman, 2005) to the Mississippian period shaping of authority be used to enhance social prestige because they are a form of in the elite mounds of Cahokia (Pauketat, 2005, 2007), and to the ‘‘smart advertising” of the competitive abilities of leaders southwestern Puebloan communities (Bernardini, 2005a, 2005b). (Neiman, 1997). From an evolutionary point of view, the wasteful In South America, one of the clearest examples comes from the behavior represented by monument building can be considered archaeology and ethnohistory of the Araucanians of Chile. Dillehay as a form of ‘‘costly signaling”, that is, a display of wealth that (2007) has provided a detailed account of how Araucanian leaders advertises a hidden quality of the sender (Ames, 2010; Boone, expanded their power through the sponsorship of ceremonies and 2000). One corollary is that the proliferation of monuments in situ- mound building, creating a ceremonial mounded landscape and ations of inter-ethnic conflict can be understood as a form of adver- uniting a previously decentralized population in order to resist tising to outsiders that they will not be met without resistance. In outsiders. The peaks in mound-building activity coincide with peri- that sense, the high visibility of monuments makes them a good ods of invasion of Araucanian territory by foreign powers, first by candidate for the overt, intentional and assertive demarcation of the Inka, later by the Spanish. Dillehay (2007) argues that the con- territories (O’Shea and Milner, 2002). tact with outsiders led the Araucanians to a world of awareness, manifested in the proliferation of chiefly burial mounds that cre- ated a ‘‘landscape of lineage” connecting people to places. In other 3. The southern Brazilian highlands as a contested landscape words, the threat of invasion by outsiders led to the emergence of a constructed political landscape (Smith, 2003). During the last 2000 years, southern Brazil was part of a regio- This phenomenon is not without parallels in the old world. For nal mosaic of archaeological cultures, where a range of local tradi- example, Sherratt (1990) offers a similar interpretation for the tions and migratory waves met, competed and interacted (Bonomo emergence of megaliths in Northwestern Europe during the Neo- et al., 2015, 2011; Iriarte et al., in press, 2008; Politis and Bonomo, lithic – a period for which the role of local invention versus foreign 2012; Politis et al., 2011; Rogge, 2005). influences has been widely debated. He suggests that megalithic In the temperate highlands, the local Taquara/Itararé Tradition sites developed as an essential part of the interaction between has long been recognized as representing the material correlate local groups and newcomers. The migratory waves that undoubt- of speakers of the southern branch of the Jê linguistic family edly were part of the Neolithic scenario would have provided an (Noelli, 2005). The depth of regional linguistic diversity within initial stimulus that gave rise to a complex reaction and interaction the Jê family points to the central Brazilian savannas as their likely process. Sherratt (1990) argues that these foreign incursions coin- homeland (Urban, 1992). The continuity between the archaeologi- cided with the development of novel forms of megalithic architec- cal Taquara/Itararé Tradition and the historical southern Jê peoples, ture, in themselves the apparatus of new forms of cult, which as argued by archaeologists (Noelli, 2005), anthropologists (Da Sherratt sees as a sort of ‘‘revivalistic religious movement”. The Silva, 2001) and historians (Dias, 2005) is the reason why we refer European Neolithic has also been examined under a similar per- to them as the southern proto-Jê groups. spective by Vandkilde (2007), who appropriately labelled it an ‘‘ex- At the same time that the southern Brazilian highlands were tra hot” period, a transitory moment when the spread of new ideas settled by the southern proto-Jê groups, the warm subtropical and peoples led to fundamental changes of local identities. Periods deciduous forests along the major rivers of the Rio de la Plata basin such as these are called by Vandkilde (2007) ‘‘macro-regional were occupied by the Tupiguarani Tradition (Bonomo et al., 2015; phases of conjuncture”, a concept that can be extended to the Milheira and DeBlasis, 2014). It is a consensus that this tradition aforementioned cases. represents the ancestors of historical speakers of the Tupi- The question that naturally emerges is why a new ceremonial Guarani language family, whose internal diversity points to a apparatus, often in the form of monumental burial facilities and southwestern Amazonian origin (Noelli, 1998, 2008; Rodrigues funerary rites, should so frequently develop in situations of intensi- and Cabral, 2012; Urban, 1992). fied cross-cultural interaction and conflict. Perhaps part of the We present now a brief overview of southern proto-Jê and Tupi- answer lies with the phenomenon of crisis cults long known to Guarani archaeology, before examining the cases of interaction and anthropology (La Barre, 1971). Crisis cults are defined as punctuated resistance. Because the focus of this article is those two archaeo- 198 J.G. De Souza et al. / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 41 (2016) 196–212 logical traditions we will not mention other traditions of the Rio de lithics and ceramics on the surface, accompanied by anthropogenic la Plata basin, but the reader must be aware of the rich cultural dark earth, are especially common in the southern escarpments of diversity of this region during the last 2000 years (Bonomo et al., the Highlands (Miller, 1967), in Paraná state (Chmyz et al., 1999; 2015, 2011; Iriarte et al., in press, 2008; Politis and Bonomo, Parellada, 2004) and in the coast of Santa Catarina (Da Silva 2012; Politis et al., 2011). et al., 1990). Although it was long sustained that the southern proto-Jê peo- 3.1. The southern proto-Jê ples were mobile and depended more on hunting and gathering than on horticulture, recent microbotanical studies have changed Historical accounts depict the southern Jê groups as regionally that scenario. The consumption of manioc (Manihot esculenta organized, politically complex societies. In the 19th century, the Crantz), beans (Phaseolus sp.) and possibly yams (cf. Dioscorea Kaingang were divided in a number of chiefdoms with two tiers sp.), in addition to maize (Zea mays L.) and squash (Cucurbita sp.), of hierarchy, with a paramount chief presiding over subordinate has recently been documented through phytolith and starch grains local chiefs (Becker, 1976; Fernandes, 2004; Mabilde, 1897, 1899, analysis from a pit house context (Corteletti et al., 2015). These 1983). Paramount chiefs enjoyed a number of privileges, including results confirmed that southern proto-Jê groups subsisted on a the right to polygyny and to lavish burial ceremonies that ended variety of cultivated plants, calling into question long-held models with the raising of a funerary mound. They waged constant war hypothesizing that southern proto-Jê people where highly mobile. against rebel sub-chiefs and enemy groups, determined the loca- It also suggested that food production may have allowed popula- tion of settlements, and divided the Araucaria (Paraná pine) forests tions to settle in the southern Brazilian highlands year-round with- amongst their subordinates (Mabilde, 1897, 1899, 1983). Southern out the need for seasonal movements to the lowlands to procure Jê groups were semi-sedentary and practised a mixed economy food (Corteletti et al., 2015). combining small-scale cultivation, hunting and gathering of the pinhão, the nutritious seed of the Araucaria, which was stored to 3.1.1. Mound and enclosure complexes last for the winter. However, some Kaingang tribes and all of the Although the southern proto-Jê groups were established in the Xokleng had abandoned agriculture in favor of the mobility southern Brazilian highlands since at least 2000 B.P., it was only granted by hunting and gathering, partly as a response to the Euro- in the last 1000 years that they began to create a distinctive range pean conquest (Henry, 1941). Traditionally, southern Jê groups of monuments characterized by mound and enclosure complexes were divided into patrilineal exogamous moieties, further subdi- (Corteletti, 2012; Iriarte et al., 2008)(Fig. 1). vided into moieties of ritual significance (Da Silva, 2001; These sites are characterized by circular, elliptical, rectangular, Nimuendajú, 1993; Veiga, 1994). and keyhole-shaped earthworks whose rims are 30–100 cm tall, The Taquara/Itararé Tradition, which is the material correlate of 1–6 m wide, and 10–180 m in diameter. They may exhibit or lack the southern proto-Jê groups, dates back to ca. 2220 B.P. and mounds and associated ringlets. Mounds are generally circular extends to the colonial period. It was originally characterized by but can be rectangular platforms (De Masi, 2009). In some regions, its diagnostic small ceramics with thin walls. Surface treatments mound and enclosure complexes occur together in groups, forming include black burnishing and a variety of plastic decorations – a dense ceremonial landscape (Copé, 2007; Iriarte et al., 2013; punctations, fingernail impressions, incisions with various geomet- Saldanha, 2005, 2008)(Fig. 2). Although they are preferably located ric motifs, basketry and chord impressions. Beyond the ceramics, on the top of prominent hills that today exhibit wide viewsheds, we now recognize other traits characteristic of this broadly dis- these funerary and ceremonial structures can sometimes be found persed tradition, such as the construction of domestic and ceremo- in lower positions in the landscape (Corteletti, 2012; Corteletti nial earthworks (e.g. Araujo, 2007; Beber, 2005; De Masi, 2009; et al., 2015). In areas which have been intensely surveyed, mound Iriarte et al., 2013; Noelli, 2005; Ribeiro, 1999; Schmitz, 1999). and enclosure complexes form part of a highly structured land- Domestic earthworks are represented by pit houses. Although scape, always found in the vicinity of pit house clusters, suggesting many of them appear isolated or in small groups, some clusters that these funerary and ceremonial structures were associated of pit houses appear to constitute large, well-planned settlements, with specific local groups (Copé, 2007; Iriarte et al., 2013; with the structures linked by a series of defined track-ways, indi- Saldanha, 2005, 2008). cating carefully controlled directions of movement at these sites As previously noted by other researchers working in the region (Iriarte et al., 2013). These settlements are also defined by artificial (De Masi, 2009; De Souza and Copé, 2010), mound and enclosure low terraces on their downhill slopes (see also Saldanha, 2005). In complexes appear to be divided in two size categories. Smaller the largest settlements, which can count up to 107 houses, the rings have a diameter ranging between 10 and 40 m, are far more structures are not randomly dispersed, but organized in discrete numerous, are generally arranged in pairs, exhibit low and narrow neighborhoods and accompanied by mounds. Clusters of houses rims, and most of them contain a shallow central mound or a pair can have a linear or semi-circular layout, sometimes surrounding of mounds. They exhibit a dual architecture arranged in a general a mound (Schmitz et al., 2013b). SW–NE alignment, with larger structures located in the western Most of the pit houses do not surpass 5 m diameter. However, section; these latter are always located in a slightly topographically some structures have diameters of up to 25 m and depths that higher position than the smaller structure (Iriarte et al., 2013). Lar- may reach 7 m (Copé, 2006; Reis, 1980; Schmitz et al., 2010, ger rings, between 60 and 180 m diameter, are fewer and exhibit 2013a). These oversized pit houses in some instances appear as higher, wider and easily visible rims up to 1 m in height. Some of part of clusters where they are surrounded by smaller pits, and the large rings are more complex than a simple circular layout, often are accompanied by large mounds (Copé, 2006; Kern et al., including entry avenues and associated attached ringlets (Iriarte 1989; Schmitz et al., 1988). It is not yet clear whether oversized et al., 2008, 2010; Reis, 1980). pit houses represent habitations of extended families, high status It has been suggested that those distinctions in size and archi- individuals, or communal facilities similar to men’s houses and tecture might be related to different functions and scales of those kivas (Copé, 2006; Reis, 1980; Schmitz et al., 2010, 2013a). monuments. Small mound and enclosure complexes have been Pit houses are only one type of southern proto-Jê site. They are interpreted as low-level integrative facilities (sensu Adler and common above 800 m of elevation (Beber, 2005; Panek Jr. and Wilshusen, 1990) built and visited by the inhabitants of nearby Noelli, 2006), but in regions of lower altitudes settlements without pit house villages, where they undertook secondary inhumations earthen architecture are the norm. Sites with concentrations of and participated in collective funerary rites, reinforcing commu- J.G. De Souza et al. / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 41 (2016) 196–212 199

Fig. 1. Abreu & Garcia mound and enclosure complex, Campo Belo do Sul, Santa Catarina, Brazil, showing 2014 excavations.

Fig. 2. The densest ceremonial landscape of the highlands, Pinhal da Serra (Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil), with some examples of the architectural variability of mound and enclosure complexes. Based on Iriarte et al. (2013).

nity ties (De Souza and Copé, 2010; Saldanha, 2005, 2008). In con- earthworks, detailed topographical survey and excavations have trast, it has been proposed that large enclosures were ceremonial demonstrated a move from circular to rectilinear architectural centers whose construction mobilized the labor of different com- forms by the addition of rectangular annexes, representing a move- munities dispersed across a region, and whose use was destined ment toward more complex and diverse forms of architecture over for a larger public to perform other ceremonies beyond burials, time (Iriarte et al., 2013). therefore constituting high-level integrative facilities (De Masi, A diversity of funerary practices is documented from the exca- 2009; De Souza and Copé, 2010). In the case of keyhole-shaped vations of the central mounds of mound and enclosure complexes. 200 J.G. De Souza et al. / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 41 (2016) 196–212

These practices include the cremation of single or multiple individ- The mortuary and ceremonial practices at the mound and uals within off-mound pyres, and subsequent redeposition of cre- enclosure complexes are one of the domains where the connection mated bones within the mound structure (Copé and Saldanha, between archaeology and ethnography are clearer. In fact, the 2002; De Masi, 2009; De Souza and Copé, 2010; Müller, 2008; southern Brazilian highlands is one of the few regions in the Amer- Müller and Mendonça de Souza, 2011). Small ceramic cups and icas where mortuary rituals associated with mound-building have dishes are usually found associated with the interments, possibly been recorded in early European accounts during the 17th–19th representing food and drink offerings. centuries and investigated by ethnographers during the 20th cen- Phytolith analysis from charred residues of ceramic sherds asso- tury (e.g. Baldus, 1937; Becker, 1976; Crépeau, 1994; De Paula, ciated with earth ovens at the base of the ring of site PM 01 in Eldo- 1924; Henry, 1941; Maniser, 1930; Métraux, 1946; Veiga, 2006). rado, Misiones, suggests that these ceramics were used to drink Historical southern Jê groups exhibited a dual social organization maize-based beverages during post-mortuary feasting ceremonies characterized by exogamic, patrilineal moieties. As mentioned in (Iriarte et al., 2008, 2010). Site PM 01 is the largest and most com- the previous paragraph, in the case of the Kaingang, the moieties plex set of mound and enclosure earthworks so far recorded. A cen- are complementary, but also asymmetrical, and the ethnohistoric tral mound, 20 m in diameter and 3 m high, faces a smaller mound records suggest the presence of sizeable, regionally organized, (10 m diameter), and this pair of mounds is encircled by a 180 m hierarchical polities (e.g. Crépeau, 1994; Fernandes, 2004). Impor- diameter ring, connected to a 400 m long entrance avenue framed tantly, funerary and post-funerary rituals are reported to be their by earthen banks. A further three ringlets (35–130 m diameter) single most important ceremony when the entire tribe gathered were attached to the main ring. Iriarte et al. (2008) interpret the together showing their dual organization. These events included earth ovens and evidences for drinking maize-based beverages at the burial of important chiefs, secondary burials, the inheritance the site as representing periodical post-mortuary festivals, epi- of the chiefly office by the eldest son of the deceased chief, initia- sodes of conspicuous consumption sponsored by the lineage of tion rites, name-giving ceremonies, performance and re-creation of the chief buried in the central mound. the cosmogony myth, and feasting (e.g. Da Silva, 2001; Iriarte et al., Data from mound and enclosure sites such as PM 01 have fig- 2013, 2008; Maniser, 1930; Métraux, 1946; Veiga, 2006). Despite ured in recent discussions about the social complexity of southern the fact that the mound and enclosure complexes from the first proto-Jê groups. Another example, in the state of Santa Catarina, half of the second millennium A.D. and the circumstances in which Brazil, is site SC-AG-12, which contained a pair of rings 30 m and they arose are very different from the ones reported during the 60 m in diameter (De Masi, 2009). The central mound of the larger 17th–20th centuries, there appears to be many subjacent struc- circle contained the cremated burial of an adult and an infant tures that endured during historic times associated with the asym- accompanied by offerings including ceramic vessels, lip plugs and metrical dual organization of these societies, the spatial ceramic figurines, whereas the central mound of the smaller circle segregation of ritual space, and the alignment of burial mounds contained six cremated burials, along with a few ceramics which and enclosures (see Iriarte et al., 2013 for more details). did not appear to be associated with any specific individual. In the interior of the larger circle, facing the central mound, discrete stone ovens were excavated. In summary, the two individuals 3.2. The Tupi-Guarani interred in the large circle received a more exclusive treatment, and were buried in a ceremonial space whose construction and At the same time that the southern Brazilian highlands were use probably involved a wider audience. The inner plaza was a settled by the southern proto-Jê groups, a different tradition space for feasting, as evidenced by the numerous stone ovens that started colonizing the low altitude, warm subtropical forests along faced the central mound. It is possible that, similar to the site PM the major rivers of the Rio de la Plata basin. These are the Tupi- 01, the plaza of the large ring at SC-AG-12 was the stage for Guarani groups, and their expansion along some 5000 km of the regional-level ceremonies focused on the burials of the central Atlantic coast and through the major rivers in the hinterland dur- mound. Based on this evidence, De Masi (2009) argues that the ing the last 2000 years represents one of the major population two individuals buried in the mound of the larger ring had a higher expansion processes of lowland South America (Bonomo et al., social status with regards to the six individuals buried collectively 2015; Brochado, 1984; Noelli, 1998). in the smaller ring. Archaeologists refer to the material correlates of the Tupi- Furthermore, Iriarte et al. (2013) point to a hierarchical ritual Guarani groups by the name of Tupiguarani Tradition (without separation of space in paired funerary structures, where usually the hyphen). This tradition was originally defined by a package one of the rings is larger, representing a dual ranked opposition of co-occurring traits which included polychrome (red and/or black attested in the historic southern Jê moiety cemeteries (Crépeau, on white and/or red slip), corrugated and brushed pottery, the 1994, 2002; Da Silva, 2001; Veiga, 2000). Historic cemeteries were practice of secondary burials in urns, polished stone axes, and divided conceptually and spatially according to the moieties of the the use of lip plugs (Brochado et al., 1969; Chmyz, 1976; Prous, Kaingang society: the dead of the Kamé moiety were buried in 1992). higher topographic positions, and those of the Kainru moiety were Ethnographic and ethnohistorical data show that the Tupi- interred in lower elevations. Interestingly, the east–west division Guarani lived in large palisade villages composed of many that permeates the Kaingang moiety system is in this case replaced extended family longhouses. Colonial sources and a few published by a distinction between upper and lower places, mirroring the site plans suggest the longhouses were disposed around an open asymmetrical relationship that has been noted to underlie the moi- plaza which, amongst other functions, served as a funerary area ety division, as the Kamé are considered superior in the spiritual (Noelli, 1993). Larger confederacies of villages were recorded in plan (Crépeau, 1994, 2002). The close proximity of the funerary the historical period, which could have attained up to 40 allied vil- mound and enclosure complexes to specific settlements, the evi- lages under the influence of a prominent political or spiritual lea- dences of differential treatment of the dead, the hierarchical struc- der (Milheira and DeBlasis, 2014; Noelli, 1993). War, motivated ture of space and the reduced number of individuals buried in by frontier expansion or revenge, as well as the subsequent ritual those structures lead us to follow Iriarte et al. (2013) in interpret- anthropophagic feasts, had a large social significance as a means ing them as cemeteries for important persona of each moiety, of status acquisition (Milheira and DeBlasis, 2014). Anthro- where potential leaders were incorporated into the landscape pophagic feasts were described in numerous colonial sources, and transformed into ancestors. and a state of endemic warfare and strong warrior ideology J.G. De Souza et al. / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 41 (2016) 196–212 201 persisted among modern Tupi-Guarani tribes (Fausto, 2012; 3.3. The impact of the Tupi-Guarani expansion Viveiros de Castro, 1992). Interestingly, the anthropophagic rituals so intimately con- For a long time it was thought that the arrival of the Tupi- nected to the warfare ideology attested in the historical records Guarani to the south, bringing with them tropical cultigens and have recently been assessed by stylistic analyses of Tupiguarani the practice of slash-and-burn agriculture from their homeland pottery. Prous (2005, 2010) observes that elaborate polychrome in SW Amazon, would have triggered a Neolithization process that painting was primarily associated with ritual contexts, such as led to the adoption of agriculture by local foragers (Otonello and the vessels for fermenting beverages for drinking during the Lorandi, 1987; Rodríguez, 1992; Schmitz, 1991; Schmitz and anthropophagic feast and possibly vessels for serving the sacrificed Becker, 1991; Schmitz et al., 1991). enemy’s flesh. He argues that many of the geometrical designs on We now know that cultivated plants were available to the these vessels are stylized representations of human faces, bodies, groups of the Rio de la Plata basin long before the Tupi-Guarani bones and entrails (Prous, 2005, 2010). Similarly, the designs on settled in the area (e.g. Iriarte, 2006; Iriarte et al., 2004). Further- elaborate polychrome pottery in funerary contexts from Rio de more, plants such as manioc (Shock et al., 2013) and maize Janeiro have been interpreted as stylized representations of skele- (Prous et al., 1991; Resende and Prous, 1991) were present in Cen- tal or visceral patterns (Buarque, 2010). tral Brazil since at least 4000 B.P., and therefore must have been Since the seminal work of Brochado (1984), all authors agree available to the proto-Jê groups before they started their expansion that the Tupi-Guarani advance throughout the South American to the south. lowlands represents a process of expansion rather than a migration However, although agricultural practices were not unknown in the strict sense, that is, new daughter villages branched out of before their arrival, the Tupi-Guarani expansion does mark the overpopulated old ones, but maintained interaction and social ties widespread adoption of agriculture in southeastern South America, with them in such a way that old territories were never aban- bringing with them 13 varieties of maize, 15 varieties of beans, 21 doned. This process resulted in an expanding radius of village net- varieties of sweet potato, among many other cultivated plants works through gradual population waves (Bonomo et al., 2015; (Noelli, 1993). Brochado, 1984; Milheira and DeBlasis, 2014; Noelli, 1993). Major The pace of expansion of the Tupi-Guarani is also worthy of waterways were the primary corridors for the Tupi-Guarani expan- notice: based on the dates available for southern Brazil and the dis- sion, and nearly all their sites are located along rivers. Following tances involved, Rogge (2005) calculates an expansion rate of 0.8– this argument, Noelli (1993) proposed that the initial Tupi- 1 km per year, which he considers similar to that of the Neolithic in Guarani advance was restricted to the major forested river flood- Europe and tentatively associates with a wave-of-advance model plains. After the consolidation of their territories and associated (sensu Ammerman and Cavalli-Sforza, 2014). Recently, Bonomo managed forest areas in these preferred environments, the et al. (2015) have suggested varying paces of expansion in different Tupi-Guarani would start colonizing smaller tributaries with gal- periods: (1) a rapid spread of 750 km2 from 0 to 300 A.D., (2) a per- lery forests. In general, this model has been recently confirmed iod of territorial stabilization with a slower dispersion of 110 km2 by the latest review of Tupi-Guarani dates in the Rio de la Plata per year from 300 to 1000 A.D., and (3) a rapid new wave of expan- basin by Bonomo et al. (2015). This process has been observed in sion of 500 km2 per year after 1000 A.D. It is estimated that, by the more detail by Ribeiro (1991) in the Pardo River valley, Rio Grande time of the European contact, the Tupi-Guarani speakers num- do Sul. In his study, he showed how the earliest and larger sites bered around 4 million (Rodrigues, 1986). The demographic conse- occupy the fertile floodplain, whereas the latest sites are smaller quences of this process of expansion must be taken into account. and located in higher elevation zones. Several authors have envisioned the typical Tupi-Guarani set- 3.4. Dealing with outsiders: interaction and resistance tlement pattern as consisting of concentric circles radiating out from the village (located close to a permanent water source) Conflict with pre-established populations was long postulated and extending into home gardens, slash-and-burn plots, the for- as a major consequence of the Tupi-Guarani territorial expansion est, and other villages linked by roads (Assis, 1995; Milheira (Brochado, 1984; Noelli, 1993). Archaeologists working in southern and DeBlasis, 2014; Noelli, 1993). Noelli (1993) proposes that Brazil and surrounding areas have recognized that the rapid Tupi- the catchment area of a village or cluster of dispersed home- Guarani spread led to the progressive circumscription of local steads could reach 50 km radius. As indicated by recent groups – for example, pushing and restricting the southern palaeobotanical research, the forest around Tupi-Guarani settle- proto-Jê groups to the upper elevations of the highlands (Noelli, ments was likely secondary forest resulting from managed old 1999b, 2004). In the southernmost limits of the Tupi-Guarani fallows in different states of succession (Scheel-Ybert et al., expansion, the Paraná River delta, Loponte (2008) concluded that 2014). the Tupi-Guarani arrival circumscribed local hunter-gatherer Historically recorded Tupi-Guarani groups were tropical horti- groups, leading to a period of increased competition and emer- culturalists that practiced agroforestry polyculture. They slashed gence of more complex forms of political organization among the forest with stone axes and managed old fallows (Brochado, them. Interestingly, nearly 3500 km north, in the central Amazon, 1984; Noelli, 1993). Nearly all of the cultivated products were the arrival of polychrome pottery, interpreted by many Amazonian of tropical origin, including manioc (Manihot esculenta), peanuts archaeologists as representing the advance of Tupi-Guarani speak- (Arachis hypogea), beans (Phaseolus sp.), potato (Solanum tubero- ers (Brochado, 1984; Neves, 2010; Rebellato and Woods, 2012), sum), yam (Dioscorea sp.), sweet potato (Ipomoea batatas), maize marks a period of destabilization of local groups and intensified (Zea mays) and squashes (Cucurbita spp.). Maize pollen has been conflict visible in the construction of defensive structures and documented in regions located in the vicinity of Tupi-Guarani rapid abandonment of pre-existing settlements (Moraes and sites since ca. 1810 B.P. (Behling et al., 2005, 2007). In the Neves, 2012). Paraná Delta, stable isotope analysis by Loponte and Acosta In fact, many traditional models adhere to the idea that the (2007, 2013) demonstrates that skeletons from Tupi-Guarani Tupi-Guarani would have rapidly advanced over forested areas burial contexts had an enriched average d13C content in compar- along rivers, easily conquering new territories and expelling previ- ison with skeletons from hunter-gatherer sites from the same ously settled groups (Brochado, 1984; Noelli, 1993). Another region, confirming the consumption of maize by the Tupi- assumption that is frequently made is that Tupi-Guarani groups Guarani. were adapted to a specific ecological niche, preventing, or at least 202 J.G. De Souza et al. / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 41 (2016) 196–212 discouraging them from expanding to environments where forest typical shapes of the tradition, had paste and decoration identical farming was not viable (Rogge, 1996, 2005; Schmitz, 1991). to the Tupiguarani ones. More recently, Volcov (2011) demon- It is undeniable that the Tupi-Guarani expansion was rapid and strated an inverse situation in the Upper Iguazu where Tupiguarani that forested river floodplains were by far their preferred environ- ceramic assemblages incorporate typical Taquara/Itararé shapes. ment. However, the intricacies of the process of colonizing new He believes that women of southern proto-Jê origin played the role areas and interacting with local groups were more complex than of intermediates, through marriage, during the contact with the a simple ecological niche model would lead us to believe. For Tupi-Guarani. These women would have moved to the newcomers’ example, in the only recent synthesis about prehistoric interac- villages, but continued to manufacture their traditional ceramics, tions in southern Brazil, Rogge (2005) makes the important point although adopting some stylistic attributes from the Tupi-Guarani. that warfare and the creation of impermeable frontiers (a strategy Copé (2006) has observed a similar situation in Bom Jesus, Rio of perimeter defense sensu Cashdan, 1983) were important only Grande do Sul state, where Tupiguarani vessels were found inside during the initial stages of Tupi-Guarani expansion into the major southern proto-Jê pit houses. In order to ascertain the provenance river valleys. As population grew and was pushed out of the sub- of those ceramics, Copé (2006) performed X-ray diffraction analy- tropical deciduous forest toward less favored environments, such sis, concluding that both the Tupiguarani and the Taquara/Itararé as the borders with Araucaria forest occupied by southern proto- vessels were manufactured from the same clay sources that are Jê groups, the violent strategy of warfare became too risky and widespread around the site. She believes the Tupiguarani ceramics costly, since these areas were densely occupied by rival groups. originally came to the highlands as containers for products Instead, Rogge (2005) argues that later expansions into those envi- exchanged between the Tupi-Guarani and the southern proto-Jê ronments would have established a permeable social frontier groups, and the styles were eventually adopted by the later due (sensu Dennell, 1985). The circulation of objects, individuals and to the superiority of their forms for storage and transportation. information across the frontier would have facilitated access to Copé (2006) does not believe that Tupi-Guarani women would be various ecological niches both by the Tupi-Guarani and by the pre- living in pit house sites, otherwise a greater diversity of Tupiguar- viously established groups. ani vessels would have been produced, whereas only storage ves- Archaeological evidences of such flux of people and information sels were found. She suggests that the Tupiguarani ceramics in abound. In many parts of the escarpment of the southern Brazilian the highland pit house sites would constitute prestige artefacts highlands, in zones of transition between subtropical deciduous and would only appear in some special sites – perhaps upper status forests and the Araucaria forest, the Tupi-Guarani actively inter- dwellings, or hubs in an exchange network. acted with southern proto-Jê groups. This is evidenced by the pres- Similarly, Tupiguarani ceramics have been found inside pit ence of intrusive Tupi-Guarani ceramics in southern proto-Jê sites, houses and in other southern proto-Jê contexts in Caxias do Sul, sometimes forming true enclaves, suggesting that entire house- Rio Grande do Sul, closer to the escarpment of the highlands holds of Tupi-Guarani origin were living side by side with southern (Corteletti, 2008; Schmitz et al., 1988). In this region, besides the proto-Jê groups in the same village (De Masi and Artusi, 1985; ceramic vessels, an isolated Tupiguarani urn burial has been iden- Ribeiro, 1991; Rogge, 2005; Schmitz et al., 1987). tified. The burial was that of an infant, and was located close to the This situation has been noticed in the Uruguay River, around the Caí River, which naturally connects the highlands with the low- city of Itapiranga, Santa Catarina state. The settlement patterns for lands. Corteletti (2008) suggests the child could have died during the two traditions were very distinctive: whereas the Tupi-Guarani a Tupi-Guarani incursion into the Jê hinterland. occupied the river floodplain, the southern proto-Jê were estab- Finally, in the northern coast of Rio Grande do Sul, where sites lished in upper elevation zones (Piazza, 1969). The contact of the two traditions appear to be smaller and represent ephemeral between them was evidenced by the juxtaposition of residential occupations, Rogge (2005) finds evidence of contact only in the lar- units of both traditions in the same settlement, although no mixing gest settlements. These are located in intermediate areas between of ceramic styles occurred (De Masi and Artusi, 1985; Schmitz and the forest, freshwater lagoons and the sea, providing access to a Becker, 1968). Interestingly, the influence seems to have been uni- variety of resources. Although he finds no evidence of mixed cera- directional, with Tupi-Guarani households moving to southern mic styles, Rogge (2005) suggests, based on the recent dates for the proto-Jê villages, but never the other way around (De Masi and region, that the Tupi-Guarani and the southern proto-Jê were Artusi, 1985). There are no absolute dates for the sites in question, already in contact in the hinterland before they moved to the coast but it is estimated that the contact would have occurred between where they would only make seasonal incursions. A.D. 1000 and 1200 based on the ceramic relative chronologies. Rogge (2005) believes that, after colonizing the lowland fertile In the Pardo River basin, Rio Grande do Sul state, Ribeiro (1991) floodplains, the Tupi-Guarani would have sought to complement and Schmitz et al. (1987) observed a similar situation. Intrusive their economy with the exploitation of upland areas of Araucaria Tupi-Guarani ceramics formed enclaves in southern proto-Jê sites, forest – but these were under the domain of the southern proto- interpreted as foreign households, but in this case there was some Jê. Following Cashdan (1983) and Dennell (1985), he argues that, mixing of ceramic styles. Schmitz et al. (1987) believe this to be instead of promoting a perimeter-defense strategy and establish- evidence of intentional, structured contact between the two peo- ing impermeable frontiers, in such a situation it would be of ples, not of occasional interactions. Again, the influence was unidi- mutual benefit to both groups to adopt a social frontier defense rectional, with Taquara/Itararé ceramics adopting shapes and strategy, i.e. controlling the circulation of individuals and informa- decorations inspired in the Tupiguarani Tradition, but not the other tion across a permeable social border. This would ensure access to way around (Ribeiro, 1991). The contact was estimated to have the same resources for individuals of both traditions, as the Tupi- occurred after A.D. 1000. Guarani would be able to exploit the uplands and the southern In the Paranapanema valley, Paraná state, Chmyz (1971) found proto-Jê would not be deprived of the floodplain forest resources. a somewhat diverse scenario: not only were the southern proto-Jê However, an ecological explanation is insufficient to account for groups occupying the same riverine environment as the Tupi- all the cases where interaction or resistance have been docu- Guarani, but the ceramics of the first were found in the sites of mented. Although the Tupi-Guarani preferably settled in low alti- the later, showing a reverse direction of influence from the previ- tude subtropical warm forests, this was not the only ous cases. Chmyz (1971) also observed evidences of interaction environment where they were established. Tupiguarani sites occur in the Upper Iguazu River, Paraná state, and the coast of Santa frequently in high altitudes of the plateau of Paraná state in a Catarina, where Taquara/Itararé vessels, though maintaining the region of grasslands and mixed forests that were also densely J.G. De Souza et al. / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 41 (2016) 196–212 203 inhabited by southern proto-Jê groups (Volcov, 2011). From ethno- As can be seen in Table 3, the density maps produced with var- historical accounts, we know that the Tupi-Guarani groups living ious search radii and the distinct cell sizes of the sampling grids all in the proximities of the southern Brazilian highlands were resulted in significant negative correlation coefficients for the two exploiting resources of that environment, such as the Araucaria datasets. Larger search radii and cell sizes tend to produce weaker pine seeds (Noelli, 1993). Therefore, the higher altitudes and mixed correlations due to the more generalized nature of these maps, but forests do not seem to have represented a barrier per se for the the results are still significant. The results support the conclusion Tupi-Guarani expansion. that highly monumentalized landscapes emerged in locations At the same time, some areas of low altitude deciduous forests where the southern proto-Jê established impermeable boundaries along large rivers, such as the lower Iguazu in the state of Paraná, and chose not to maintain contact with foreign groups. Similarly, are virtually devoid of Tupiguarani sites (Chmyz, 1981; Parellada, in areas of intense exchange between Tupi-Guarani and southern 2005) even though sites are found further down or upstream. We proto-Jê groups, monumental burial sites did not form a part of believe that other reasons, of a social and political nature, were the social landscape. more important in influencing which areas were going to be settled by the new wave of migrants. Of prime concern must have been 4.2. Chronology how densely populated was an area by the previously established groups, how territorial these groups were, and how willing were We compiled all the radiocarbon dates for southern proto-Jê they to interact peacefully. Our hypothesis is that, in some parts mound and enclosure complexes from published sources, unpub- of the southern Brazilian highlands, the Tupi-Guarani could not lished reports and dissertations, in addition to dates from our advance over southern proto-Jê territory because the local groups own fieldwork, totaling 32 dates for 16 sites (Table 4). chose to resist the outsiders and to establish a perimeter defense The examination of the chronology shows that the earliest dates strategy. However, beyond the ‘‘absence of evidence”, i.e. the lack for the southern proto-Jê mound and enclosure complexes come of Tupi-Guarani sites, ceramics or influence in ceramic styles, is from the basins of the Canoas and the Pelotas Rivers in the border there any positive evidence of the establishment of impermeable between the states of Santa Catarina and Rio Grande do Sul. These frontiers by the southern proto-Jê groups? two rivers join to form the Uruguay River, and the earliest mound Given the potential of monuments to act as overt territorial and enclosure complexes are located very close to this confluence markers (O’Shea and Milner, 2002) and as a form of ‘‘smart adver- zone. tising” to warn outsiders (Ames, 2010; Boone, 2000; Neiman, If the geographical origin of mound and enclosure complexes is 1997), we hypothesize that the areas where southern proto-Jê to be found near the confluence of the Canoas and Pelotas Rivers, groups established impermeable social borders and chose a strat- we can hypothesize that their emergence was specifically related egy of perimeter defense against the invading Tupi-Guarani groups to Tupi-Guarani incursions toward that area. To test this hypothe- could potentially be recognized by an increase in the construction sis, we compared the chronology of mound and enclosure com- of mound and enclosure complexes. To test this hypothesis, we plexes in the Canoas–Pelotas basin with recent published gathered spatial and chronological data for all mound and enclo- syntheses of the Tupi-Guarani dated sites (Bonomo et al., 2015). sure complexes and compared them with areas where interaction Although the Tupi-Guarani were established in the Rio de la is documented to have taken place between southern proto-Jê and Plata basin since at least ca. 2000 years B.P., they were mostly Tupi-Guarani groups (Fig. 3). restricted to the larger rivers such as the Paraná and the Paraguay. The available dates show that only after ca. A.D. 1000 they began to move up the Uruguay River into the southern proto-Jê heartland 4. Methods and results (Bonomo et al., 2015). This date precisely coincides with the moment when the first mound and enclosure complexes started 4.1. Spatial analysis to be built. The earliest Tupiguarani site in the Upper Uruguay is dated 1070 ± 100 B.P., Cal A.D. 770–1215, contemporary with the We compiled spatial information for two distinct datasets: (i) earliest southern proto-Jê mound and enclosure complex, dated mound and enclosure complexes, totaling 52 sites (Table 1), and 1070 ± 40 B.P., Cal A.D. 895–1150. Table 5 shows the dates of Tupi- (ii) locations with documented interaction between southern guarani sites in the upper course of the Uruguay River. Fig. 5 shows proto-Jê and Tupi-Guarani groups, totaling 42 sites (Table 2). the range of calibrated dates for the southern proto-Jê mound and The data were compiled from published papers, as well as unpub- enclosure complexes in the Canoas–Pelotas region, compared to lished reports, dissertations and site record files, to which we the dates for Tupiguarani sites in the Upper Uruguay. The coinci- added information from our field work in Campo Belo do Sul, dence between the appearance of the earliest mound and enclo- Santa Catarina state. To test the hypothesis that the establish- sure complexes and the first incursions of the Tupi-Guarani in ment of monumental landscapes by the southern proto-Jê groups the upper course of the Uruguay River is remarkable. was a form of resisting the outsiders through an overt demarca- tion of territories, we followed the methodology proposed by Winter-Livneh et al. (2012) in order to compare the two datasets. 5. Discussion We produced kernel density maps for mound and enclosure com- plexes and for interaction sites using different search radii. Given Our analysis shows that the emergence of a new form of archi- the area of these datasets, comprising all of southern Brazil and tecture among the southern proto-Jê groups, represented by the its adjacencies (400,000 km2), and the average distance between funerary mound and enclosure complexes, must be understood the sites, the search radii were rather large (20, 30 and 40 km). within the context of wider population displacements, ethnic con- The density maps were then sampled with grids of different cell tacts, and the forging of new identities in the south of Brazil and its sizes – 20 20, 30 30 and 40 40 km – to obtain a mean den- adjacencies during the last 1000 years. We propose that a highly    sity of each site type through zonal statistics (Fig. 4). Finally, a monumentalized landscape was built as a response to the Tupi- correlation test was performed on these results after the exclu- Guarani expansion into the southern Brazilian highlands, by local sion of cells with zero value for both datasets (i.e. areas devoid groups who chose to establish an impermeable frontier against of sites). All the analyses were performed with ArcGIS 10.2 and the outsiders, and assertively demarcated their territories through IBM SPSS 22. the proliferation of funerary earthworks. 204 J.G. De Souza et al. / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 41 (2016) 196–212

Fig. 3. Areas occupied by the southern proto-Jê and Tupi-Guarani, with the location of mound and enclosure complexes and sites with documented interaction between the two traditions as discussed in the text.

As the results of the spatial analysis demonstrate, the highest But why would those groups impose such a resistance instead density of funerary mound and enclosure complexes occurs in of establishing exchange relationships with the outsiders as did areas that are devoid of interaction between southern proto-Jê their western neighbors? There is mounting evidence that, unlike and Tupi-Guarani groups, namely the basin of the Canoas and Pelo- the groups living downstream, those established upstream from tas rivers to the east of the confluence where these two rivers meet the Canoas–Pelotas confluence constituted regionally organized, to form the Uruguay River (Fig. 6). The Uruguay River, bordered by sedentary, highly territorial polities, as evidenced by the sites’ fertile deciduous forest floodplains and navigable along most of its dimensions, architectural complexity and settlement patterns in course, was a major waterway for the Tupi-Guarani incursions into this region (Iriarte et al., 2013; Schmitz et al., 2013a, 2013b). Some the highlands, but their expansion stopped at the confluence zone. of the earliest dates for dense pit house villages, attaining the 7th We argue that the confluence represented an ultimate frontier that century A.D., come from this area, pointing to a long history of the Tupi-Guarani did not dare to cross, not because of an ecological southern proto-Jê developments (Schmitz and Rogge, 2011). It barrier, but due to the resistance imposed by southern proto-Jê comes as no surprise that it is in this core area for the southern groups living beyond that border. proto-Jê groups that we find the densest concentrations of mound J.G. De Souza et al. / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 41 (2016) 196–212 205

Table 1 Table 2 Southern proto-Jê Mound and enclosure complexes recorded to the present. Sites with evidence of interaction between Tupi-Guarani and southern proto-Jê groups. Site name State Long Lat Reference Site name State Long Lat Reference Abdon Batista 1 SC 51.137 27.548 This work À À Abdon Batista 2 SC 51.048 27.577 This work BAM-06 RS 49.792 29.321 Wagner (2004) À À À À Abreu & Garcia SC 50.742 27.670 This work Cambará Phase PR 50.018 22.992 Chmyz (1971) À À À À Andre da Rocha 1 RS 51.574 28.630 Beber (2005) Cambará Phase PR 49.759 23.483 Chmyz (1971) À À À À Bom Retiro 11 SC 49.488 27.799 Rohr (1971) Cambará Phase PR 51.840 23.702 Chmyz (1971) À À À À Bom Retiro 14 SC 49.488 27.799 Rohr (1971) Cambará Phase PR 50.213 22.953 Chmyz (1971) À À À À Bom Retiro 7 SC 49.488 27.799 Rohr (1971) Cambará Phase PR 50.526 22.939 Chmyz (1971) À À À À Bom Sucesso SC 49.777 28.061 Rohr (1971) Condor Phase PR 53.126 23.383 Chmyz (1971) À À À À Campo Belo 1 SC 50.820 27.671 This work Condor Phase PR 52.765 23.444 Chmyz (1971) À À À À Campo Belo 2 SC 50.803 27.734 This work Condor Phase PR 52.595 23.309 Chmyz (1971) À À À À Carneiro 2 RS 51.160 27.828 Iriarte et al. (2013) Condor Phase PR 52.774 23.279 Chmyz (1971) À À À À Duarte 2 RS 51.138 27.838 Iriarte et al. (2013) Itapiranga Phase SC 53.724 27.123 De Masi and Artusi (1985) À À À À Ernani Garcia SC 50.758 27.671 This work Itapiranga Phase SC 53.698 27.115 De Masi and Artusi (1985) À À À À Fidencio RS 51.158 27.855 Iriarte et al. (2013) Itapiranga Phase SC 53.669 27.119 De Masi and Artusi (1985) À À À À Gine RS 51.165 27.829 Iriarte et al. (2013) Itapiranga Phase SC 53.619 27.120 De Masi and Artusi (1985) À À À À Lino SC 50.777 27.711 This work Itapiranga Phase SC 53.601 27.138 De Masi and Artusi (1985) À À À À Petrolandia 2 SC 49.698 27.534 Rohr (1971) LAA-01 RS 50.239 29.834 Wagner (2004) À À À À Pinhal da Serra 1 RS 51.312 27.773 Ribeiro and Ribeiro (1985) LII-04 RS 49.927 29.461 Wagner (2004) À À À À PM01 MIS 54.596 26.358 Iriarte et al. (2008) LII-07 RS 49.806 29.399 Wagner (2004) À À À À Posto Fiscal RS 51.185 27.834 Iriarte et al. (2013) LLE-02 RS 50.227 29.869 Wagner (2004) À À À À PR UV 11 PR 51.631 26.110 Chmyz (1968) LQQ-01 RS 50.171 29.740 Wagner (2004) À À À À Reni Camargo SC 50.752 27.737 This work Praia da Tapera SC 48.570 27.688 Da Silva et al. (1990) À À À À Riacho 6 SC 49.585 28.020 Corteletti (2012) PR-CT-08 PR 50.088 25.525 Volcov (2011) À À À À RS-PE-21 RS 51.179 27.823 Copé et al. (2002) PR-CT-23 PR 50.038 25.567 Volcov (2011) À À À À RS-PE-29 RS 51.191 27.830 De Souza and Copé (2010) PR-CT-29 PR 50.033 25.541 Volcov (2011) À À À À RS-PE-31 RS 51.178 27.843 Ribeiro and Ribeiro (1985) Rio Pardo 01 RS 52.540 29.760 Ribeiro (1991) À À À À SC-AB-96 SC 51.049 27.632 De Masi (2005) Rio Pardo 06 RS 52.676 29.560 Ribeiro (1991) À À À À SC-AG-100 SC 51.180 27.762 Müller (2008) Rio Pardo 11 RS 52.646 29.556 Ribeiro (1991) À À À À SC-AG-108 SC 51.118 27.717 Müller (2008) Rio Pardo 14 RS 52.568 29.489 Ribeiro (1991) À À À À SC-AG-112 SC 51.111 27.696 Herberts and Müller Rio Pardo 20 RS 52.538 29.484 Ribeiro (1991) À À À À (2007) Rio Pardo 23 RS 52.507 29.318 Ribeiro (1991) À À SC-AG-114 SC 51.109 27.717 Herberts and Müller Rio Pardo 25 RS 52.476 29.303 Ribeiro (1991) À À À À (2007) Rio Pardo 47 RS 52.522 29.408 Ribeiro (1991) À À SC-AG-116 SC 51.119 27.706 Herberts and Müller Rio Pardo 55 RS 52.553 29.637 Ribeiro (1991) À À À À (2007) RS-37/127 RS 50.995 29.207 Schmitz et al. (1988) À À SC-AG-12 SC 51.023 27.662 De Masi (2005) RS-AN-03 RS 50.424 28.673 Copé (2006) À À À À SC-AG-75 SC 51.066 27.660 De Masi (2005) RS-LC-80 RS 50.330 30.383 Rogge (2005) À À À À SC-AG-77 SC 51.086 27.638 De Masi (2005) RS-LC-81 RS 50.332 30.383 Rogge (2005) À À À À SC-AG-95 SC 51.174 27.768 Müller (2008) RS-LC-82 RS 50.335 30.388 Rogge (2005) À À À À SC-AG-98 SC 51.179 27.761 Müller (2008) RS-LN-16 RS 50.221 29.921 Wagner (2004) À À À À SC-AG-99 SC 51.169 27.761 Müller (2008) RS-LN-295 RS 49.840 29.466 Rogge and Schmitz (2010) À À À À SC-CL-37 SC 50.388 27.471 Reis (1980) Tamboara Phase PR 51.389 23.909 Chmyz (1971) À À À À SC-CL-74 SC 50.643 27.565 Beber (2013) Xaxim Phase SC 51.958 27.352 Piazza (1969) À À À À SC-CL-88 SC 50.684 27.499 Beber (2013) À À SC-CL-9 SC 50.103 27.858 Reis (1980) Abbreviations: RS = Rio Grande do Sul; SC = Santa Catarina; PR = Paraná; SP = São À À SC-CL-94 SC 50.591 27.645 Schmitz et al. (2010) Paulo; MIS = Misiones, Argentina. À À SC-CL-95 SC 50.709 27.475 Beber (2013) À À SC-CR-06 SC 51.206 27.643 De Masi (2005) À À 770–1215) they began their expansion upstream, settling around SC-UP-414 SC 51.005 27.412 Naue et al. (1989) À À the modern municipality of Itapiranga, where extensive exchange SC-UP-441 SC 51.126 27.650 Naue et al. (1989) À À SC-UP-446 SC 51.019 27.843 Naue et al. (1989) of individuals, objects and information occurred with the pre- À À SP-IP-8 SP 49.606 23.266 Chmyz (1969) established southern proto-Jê groups. By 900 ± 50 B.P. (Cal A.D. À À Urubici 21 SC 49.577 27.990 Corteletti (2012) À À 1045–1220), the Tupi-Guarani were already settled less than Usina Velha SC 51.168 27.539 Rohr (1981) À À 30 km from the confluence of the Canoas and Pelotas rivers. Using Warmeling 2 SC 49.514 28.019 Corteletti (2012) À À the median of the dates as a proxy, we can estimate that the Tupi- Abbreviations: RS = Rio Grande do Sul; SC = Santa Catarina; PR = Paraná; SP = São Guarani expansion along the Upper Uruguay occurred at a rate of Paulo; MIS = Misiones, Argentina. 1 km per year. The southern proto-Jê groups established upstream from the confluence that forms the Uruguay River might have per- ceived such a wave of advance as potentially threatening, and and enclosure complexes with the most elaborate architecture and chose not to interact with the outsiders, unlike their downstream the earliest dates. Last, but not least, we would like to call attention neighbors. We suggest that, in this agitated social scenario, a crisis to the fact that river confluences were important stages for novel cult (La Barre, 1971) emerged focused on the burial rites of moiety cultural developments, multi-ethnic social formations, and the leaders, and having as its material correlate the new ceremonial forging of new identities across the globe and throughout prehis- apparatus represented by funerary mound and enclosure com- tory (Bernardini, 2004; Bradley, 1998, 2000; Pauketat, 2007; plexes. At the same time, the cremation rites, funerary and post- Ruby et al., 2005). funerary feasting events, and unprecedented collective effort We argue that the rapid expansion of the Tupi-Guarani along involved in the raising of the monuments can also be interpreted the upper course of the Uruguay River – after a millennium of sta- as forms of lavish displays that signaled the capacity of labor mobi- sis in its lower course – was an event of major consequences for lization of the local groups to the outsiders (Ames, 2010; Boone, the southern proto-Jê groups established to the east of the conflu- 2000; Neiman, 1997). Borrowing the words of Tom Dillehay ence zone. The dates of Tupi-Guarani sites show a rapid pace of (1992), we can say that mound and enclosure complexes sent a expansion along the Upper Uruguay: by 1070 ± 100 B.P. (Cal A.D. powerful message to ‘‘keep outsiders out”. 206 J.G. De Souza et al. / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 41 (2016) 196–212

Fig. 4. Kernel density map of mound and enclosure complexes (MECs) and sites with evidences of interaction between southern proto-Jê and Tupi-Guarani groups, using a search radius of 30 km. Also shown is the sampling grid of 30 30 km cells. 3D view shown on the right. Â

Table 3 (Becker, 1976; Fernandes, 2004; Mabilde, 1897, 1899; Spearmann correlation coefficients for density of mound and enclosure complexes Tommasino, 1995), and sheds light on many of the features of and density of interaction sites. All results are significant at the 0.01 level. the historical chiefdoms. Particularly in the case of the Kaingang, Sampling grid cell size mounds were an important component of the political landscape: 20 20 km 30 30 km 40 40 km hereditary chiefs were still buried in mounds until the 19th cen- Â Â Â Kernel density search radius tury (Mabilde, 1897, 1899). Interestingly, historical accounts men- 20 km .786 .773 .745 tion mound cemeteries of chiefly lineages side by side with À À À 30 km .741 .72 .686 collective burials of warriors who died in battle against foreign À À À 40 km .725 .689 .655 À À À groups (Mabilde, 1983). As is common among other middle- range societies in the Americas (Feinman and Neitzel, 1984), wag- ing war was one of the main attributes of the Kaingang chiefs, and Let us now examine the internal consequences for the southern in historical times warfare was endemic among competing chiefs proto-Jê political organization. Given the compelling evidence that and against foreigners – the Portuguese and the Xokleng mound and enclosure complexes represent cemeteries for moiety (Mabilde, 1897, 1899). Organized warfare, especially against out- leaders (De Masi, 2009; Iriarte et al., 2013), we believe that the pro- siders in times of stress, circumscription and crisis, is known to liferation of those monuments at the turn of the second millen- play a major role in the consolidation of hereditary leadership in nium A.D. also represented the materialization of new forms of tribal and chiefly societies (Redmond, 1994), and the Tupi- authority inscribed in a political landscape (Dillehay, 2007; Guarani menace might have provided just such an opportunity Pauketat, 2007; Smith, 2003). In other words, we believe that the for southern proto-Jê prospective leaders to seize power. consolidation of hereditary leadership occurred, among other fac- Before moving on to the conclusion, we would like to point out tors, as an unforeseen consequence of new strategies designed to that the southern proto-Jê mound and enclosure complexes are not repel the Tupi-Guarani invaders. Prospective leaders would have the earliest expressions of monumentality in southern Brazil. On found the opportunity to further accumulate authority in the mil- the adjacent Atlantic coast, shell mounds of monumental propor- itary and religious spheres of power (Earle, 1991, 1997; Yoffee, tions known as sambaquis flourished during the mid Holocene with 1993) by leading warfare against the outsiders and by having their a peak between 4000 and 2000 B.P. (DeBlasis et al., 2007; Gaspar ancestors celebrated in the new ceremonial apparatus of the et al., 2008; Fish et al., 2000, 2010, 2013). This earlier tradition is mound and enclosure complexes. Intensifying conflict might have an interesting case of comparison: beyond their chronological reinforced the power of war leaders, but it is the new monumental precedence, the sambaquis present distinct funerary practices and funerary architecture and burial rituals – that, we argue, emerged construction processes, and appear to have emerged in a different as part of a crisis cult amidst the Tupi-Guarani advance – that social environment. The largest sambaquis can reach up to 70 m would have provided them with the supernatural legitimation of height and are composed of thick constructive shell strata alter- power that is such a fundamental component of the transition to nated with thin organic layers containing numerous burials and institutionalized inequality, and that many prospective leaders fail features (DeBlasis et al., 2007; Gaspar et al., 2008; Fish et al., to achieve (Aldenderfer, 2010). 2000, 2010, 2013; Villagran, 2014). Long viewed as campsite mid- This interpretation finds support in the numerous information dens of mobile fishers and gatherers, the sambaquis are now inter- about the southern Jê chiefdoms described in historical accounts preted as intentionally built funerary and feasting arenas. J.G. De Souza et al. / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 41 (2016) 196–212 207

Table 4 Dates for mound and enclosure complexes.

Site name RCYBP Cal AD (2-sigma) Context Reference RS-PE-31 110 ± 40 (Beta 276193) 1685–... Mound Iriarte et al. (2013) Posto Fiscal 200 ± 30 (Beta 309038) 1655–... Off-mound Iriarte et al. (2013) SC-CR-06 220 ± 40 (Beta 190312) 1640–... NI De Masi (2005) Abreu & Garcia 230 ± 30 (Beta 395740) 1640–1880 Burial This work Abreu & Garcia 270 ± 30 (Beta 395743) 1510–1805 Burial This work Abreu & Garcia 300 ± 30 (Beta 414096) 1500–1795 Mound hearth This work SC-AG-108 310 ± 40 (Beta 226125) 1490–1800 Burial Müller (2008) Abreu & Garcia 330 ± 20 (UGAMS 19003) 1500–1650 Burial This work Posto Fiscal 330 ± 30 (Beta 304479) 1495–1655 Mound Iriarte et al. (2013) RS-PE-29–3 340 ± 40 (Beta 242860) 1475–1655 Burial De Souza and Copé (2010) RS-PE-21 350 ± 40 (Beta 242868) 1460–1650 Burial De Souza and Copé (2010) Abreu & Garcia 360 ± 30 (Beta 395741) 1480–1645 Burial This work SC-AB-96 360 ± 40 (Beta 190303) 1460–1645 Burial De Masi (2005) SC-AG-100 370 ± 30 (Beta 226124) 1460–1640 Burial Müller (2008) Posto Fiscal 370 ± 30 (Beta 309037) 1460–1640 Mound Iriarte et al. (2013) Abreu & Garcia 370 ± 70 (Beta 395744) 1435–1795 Burial This work Abreu & Garcia 400 ± 30 (Beta 395742) 1450–1630 Burial This work SC-AG-77 420 ± 40 (Beta 190311) 1440–1630 NI De Masi (2005) SC-AG-12 430 ± 40 (Beta 185442) 1435–1630 Burial De Masi (2005) SC-AG-12 470 ± 40 (Beta 185444) 1405–1620 Burial De Masi (2005) PM01 480 ± 60 (Beta 221417) 1395–1630 Enclosure Iriarte et al. (2008) RS-PE-29–3 490 ± 40 (Beta 242869) 1400–1610 Burial De Souza and Copé (2010) SC-AG-98 560 ± 50 (Beta 175188) 1315–1460 Burial Müller (2008) SC-AG-12 600 ± 40 (Beta 190304) 1310–1445 Hearth De Masi (2005) PR UV 11 680 ± 70 (SI 1010) 1230–1430 NI Chmyz (1968) SC-AG-12 690 ± 40 (Beta 185443) 1285–1395 NI De Masi (2005) PM01 720 ± 40 (Beta 237105) 1270–1395 Enclosure Iriarte et al. (2008) PM01 760 ± 40 (Beta 237106) 1220–1385 Enclosure Iriarte et al. (2008) PM01 760 ± 60 (Beta 221418) 1210–1395 Enclosure Iriarte et al. (2008) SC-CL-94 770 ± 40 (Beta 275576) 1220–1385 Mound Schmitz et al. (2010) SC-AG-75 980 ± 40 (Beta 190309) 1020–1190 Mound De Masi (2005) Posto Fiscal 1070 ± 40 (Beta 303594) 895–1150 Enclosure Iriarte et al. (2013)

Table 5 Dates for Tupiguarani sites in the Upper Uruguay River.

Site name RCYBP Cal AD (2-sigma) Reference RS-VZ-41 225 ± 50 (SI 701) 1630–... Miller (1969) and Stuckenrath and Mielke (1973) SC-U-54 250 ± 90 (SI 546) 1495–... Piazza (1969) and Stuckenrath and Mielke (1972) SC-U-368 420 ± 60 (Beta 118376) 1435–1640 Noelli (1999a) SC-VX-5 490 ± 70 (SI 548) 1325–1630 Piazza (1969) and Stuckenrath and Mielke (1972) SC-U-55 510 ± 70 (SI 547) 1315–1625 Piazza (1969) and Stuckenrath and Mielke (1972) SC-U-368 530 ± 70 (Beta 118375) 1300–1625 Noelli (1999a) SC-VP-38 590 ± 100 (SI 826) 1230–1625 Miller (1971) and Stuckenrath and Mielke (1973) SC-U-55 620 ± 80 (SI 550) 1275–1455 Piazza (1969) and Stuckenrath and Mielke (1972) SC-U-53 770 ± 100 (SI 439) 1045–1420 Brochado et al. (1969) SC-U-71 900 ± 50 (Beta 118377) 1045–1275 Noelli (1999a) SC-U-69 1070 ± 100 (SI 549) 770–1215 Piazza (1969) and Stuckenrath and Mielke (1972)

Micromorphological analyses have demonstrated that the shell (DeBlasis et al., 2007; Gaspar et al., 2008). Interestingly, the skele- layers are intentionally accumulated, composed of reworked mid- tal remains of individuals buried in sambaquis exhibit surprisingly dens recurrently deposited in basketloads to cover funerary areas few indicators of violence (Lessa and Gaspar, 2014). In summary, (Villagran, 2014). A projection based on the number of burials the largest sambaquis are now seen as long lived ceremonial cen- found in block excavations at these sites suggests a potential num- ters dedicated to the cult of ancestors by territorially stable groups ber of over 40,000 individuals interred over a period of almost living on the coast; their construction, rather than resulting from 800 years of site construction for the largest shell mounds (Fish the mere accumulation of refuse by nomadic fishers, was inten- et al., 2000). The burials, located in the organic thin layers, show tional and embedded in ritual practices (DeBlasis et al., 2007; little differentiation. They are clustered in groups surrounded by Gaspar et al., 2008; Fish et al., 2000, 2010, 2013). postholes, possibly representing small funerary areas for affinity Thus, 5000 years before the emergence of the southern proto-Jê groups, and are accompanied by feasting remains (DeBlasis et al., mound and enclosure complexes in the highlands, the Atlantic 2007; Gaspar et al., 2008; Klokler et al., 2010). This pattern strongly coast was dotted by monuments that spoke of a very different contrasts with the short lived, more exclusive episodes of inter- social environment, one of sharing, relative peace, and collective ment of a single or a few individuals at the southern proto-Jê remembrance of group ancestors. Therefore, we stress that costly mounds. GIS analyses have shown that sambaquis are intervisible signaling, materialization of authority, and resistance to outsiders and share largely overlapping catchment areas with a lagoon as – all relevant to explain the development southern proto-Jê funer- their epicenter, revealing a social landscape of shared territories ary mounds – are not necessarily found everywhere where monu- punctuated by highly visible monuments to the ancestors ments emerged. As the sambaqui example demonstrates, a case by 208 J.G. De Souza et al. / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 41 (2016) 196–212

Fig. 5. Calibrated dates for mound and enclosure complexes (yellow) east of the Canoas–Pelotas confluence and for Tupi-Guarani sites (red) in the Upper Uruguay River. (For interpretation of the references to color in this figure legend, the reader is referred to the web version of this article.) J.G. De Souza et al. / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 41 (2016) 196–212 209

Fig. 6. Tupi-Guarani sites along the Upper Uruguay River and mound and enclosure complexes to the east of the Canoas–Pelotas confluence. Also shown are the radiocarbon dates for the earliest sites. case analysis is needed to account for all the social processes Uruguay River, interacting intensively with the southern proto-Jê behind the appearance of large scale architecture. groups along the way (De Masi and Artusi, 1985; Rogge, 2005; Schmitz and Becker, 1968) but never succeeded in expanding their territories beyond the confluence zone. A key element in the resis- 6. Conclusion tance offered by the local groups was the development of a highly monumentalized landscape that signaled their capacity of mobi- Archaeologists working in lowland South America are starting lization and materialized the emergence of new forms of authority to shed new light on past population displacements, contact and in the effort to repel the invaders: chiefly lines inscribed in the conflict in relation to processes of ethnogenesis (Heckenberger, mounded landscape that remained so until historical times. 2005; Politis and Bonomo, 2012), the construction of landscapes Our focus was on the Canoas–Pelotas basin due to the early (Moraes and Neves, 2012; Neves, 2011; Neves et al., 2014; dates and quantity of data available, but we recognize that similar Schaan, 2011) and the consolidation of new forms of authority processes must have been in place simultaneously or later in other (Dillehay, 2007). Within that context, the southern Brazilian high- regions of the southern Brazilian highlands where isolated south- lands have proven to be one of the most fruitful cases for debating ern proto-Jê monuments were recorded. Although out of the scope the emergence of monumental landscapes hand in hand with the of this study, it is likely that the Tupi-Guarani advance has also rise of complex, regionally organized polities capable of resisting provoked parallel reactions by other pre-established groups of outsiders. In the introduction, we mentioned the concept, elabo- the Rio de La Plata basin. With this article, we encourage research- rated by Vandkilde (2007), of ‘‘macro-regional phases of conjunc- ers throughout lowland South America to consider the impact of ture”. Our data allowed us to conclude that the turn of the population displacements, conflict and the negotiation of identities second millennium in southern Brazil can be considered one of between outsiders and locals in the emergence of new traditions such phases – that is, a hot period where multiple influences and, ultimately, the construction of contested landscapes. met, interacted, and resisted each other, giving origin to a set of unprecedented social developments. Acknowledgments In this article, we examined the development of a new form of funerary monument, the mound and enclosure complexes of the The ideas of this article stem from years of research in the southern proto-Jê groups, in relation to a specific historical event: southern Brazilian highlands and were further developed in the the rapid expansion of the Tupi-Guarani groups from their home- context of AHRC-FAPESP project ‘Jê Landscapes of southern Brazil: land in distant southwest Amazon into the southern Brazilian Ecology, History and Power in a Transitional Landscape during the highlands. We demonstrated a chronological coincidence between Late Holocene’. JGS and RC were funded by CAPES, Ministry of Edu- the first incursions of the Tupi-Guarani into the southern Brazilian cation, Brazil. We thank the anonymous reviewers for their helpful highlands and the construction of mound and enclosure complexes comments. by the local groups. 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