161 Trade and Travel in the Arab Gulf in the Middle Ages

ARAM, 11-12 (1999-2000), 161-169 N.A. ZIADEH 161

TRADE AND TRAVEL IN THE ARAB GULF IN THE MIDDLE AGES

NICOLA A. ZIADEH

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The Arab Gulf has been, throughout history, a link between the Indian Ocean and lands east, on the one hand, and the Land of the Two Rivers and the adjoining areas on the other. One of the most thriving periods falls between the eighth and the fifteenth centuries, beginning with the rise of the Abbasid caliphate in 750 and coming to an end with the discovery of sea route around the Cape of Good Hope during the last years of the fifteenth century. Fortunately scholars dealing with this period have a wealth of sources which enable them to write a fairly continued and accurate story of trade and travel of the times. They find, at their disposal, Arab geographers who wrote about the Gulf in the nineth and tenth centuries, travellers, both Arab and others, who visited the area between the eleventh and the fourteenth centuries, and finally European travellers who described conditions there early in the sixteenth century. The fifteenth century presents a gap in our knowledge because Arab geographers and travellers lost an appetite for activity and Europeans were busy in the Atlantic Ocean.

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Before we proceed to marshall the material provided by such authorities, it may be worth making the following general observations. It was the eastern coast of the Gulf which had established ports of call throughout the period; on the western side the water was too shallow for ships and the shores were sandy. This side, however, proved to be a haven for pirates who caused ships great losses so that merchant ships had to carry armed guards. The eastern coasts, although dry and in most places fruitless, provided harbours for the bigger ships. Goods were usually carried from the tip of the Gulf – from ‘Ubullah and ‘Abbadan – to Siraf and other ports, and vice versa, in small, flat boats. The Gulf enjoyed, especially at its northern tip, a remarkable ebb of water; this was utilized by sailors for their passage north. In order to guide sailors against the shallow waters of the northern reaches of the Gulf, and probably warn them against pirates, an elementary system of 162 TRADE AND TRAVEL IN THE ARAB GULF lighthouses was introduced, which seems to have continued in existence to the eleventh century. The north eastern shores had no harbours, but Oman which many of our authors considered as part of the lands surrounding the Gulf was different. So many ships called on its ports to exchange merchandise with its people and to take porvisions of food and water for the long journey, irrespective of the di- rection. Both our geographers and our early travellers are usually silent about his- torical matters. Even such a matter as the lighthouses was not interesting enough to enquire about their origin. One may keep in mind that many authors accepted tales of strange nature about the waters of the Gulf and adjoining water-bodies. Thus Ibn Khurra- dadhbah mentions all kinds of strange fish living in the neighbourhood.1

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The Gulf itself was not properly described by either geographers or travellers, except by a reference to the dangers to which the ships were exposed because of the shallowness of its northern reaches, which was called “al-Jar- rara”, or “Ghawr Jannaba”.2 On the northern end of the Gulf there were three locations which, at one time or another, served ships of smaller size. These were Basra, al-'Ubullah and Abbadan. The first was up the river and boats could reach it; al-'Ubullah was on the Tigris, larger than Basra and could provide comfortable living conditions, while ‘Ubbadan stood on a small island and had a fort which was often occupied by pirates or rebels. However all three were, at various times, centres of voluminous trade activities in the period under discussion.3 What attracted the attention of people in the nothern reaches of the Gulf was the “Khashabat”, wooden lighthouses constructed there, as it was mentioned above, for the guidance of boats. They were placed in the sea close to al- 'Ubullah and ‘Ubbadan.4 Nasir-i-Khisraw, of the eleventh century, gives a detailed account of these “lighthouses”. According to him the “manar” (lighthouse), was a wooden structure which rested on wide flat platform on which four piers of teak wood rested, about 40 dhira (about 27 metres) high, covered by a ceiling smaller than the base. On top of this wooden structure stood a chamber in which the

1 Ibn Khurradadba, al-Masalik Wal-Mamalik, (Leiden, 1888), 60-61; Istakhri, Masalik al- Mamalik, (Leiden, 1928), 28-36; Ibn Hawqal, Surat al-Ard, (Leiden, 1938), 52; Nasir-i-Khisraw, Rihlat (Ar. translation by Y. al-Khashshab, (Cairo, 1945), 100-101. 2 Istakhri, 28-29, Masudi, Muruj al-Dhahab, Vol. 1, 229-230; Ibn Hawqal, 52. 3 Ibn Hawqal, 53; Muqaddani, Ahsan al-Taqasim, (Leiden, 1906), 117-118. 4 Istakhri, 228-29; Ibn Hawqal, 52. N.A. ZIADEH 163 guards watched the ships at night giving them signals through a light protected by a glass lamp.5

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The establishment of the Abbasid caliphate (750) and the rise of numerous cities in its domain, either as restored or newly-built ones, led to a demand on commodities fron India and lands east. Besides, this kind of merchandise was also exported to the coasts of the eastern Mediterranean. It must be remembered that, besides the Abbasid caliphate there were two other empires which were interested in various means of trade and kinds of goods. There was the Byzantine empire on the one hand and the Chinese empire under the Tang dynasty (618-906). This one in particular was condusive to progressive trade relations with areas which were served by the Gulf.6 This narrow, and somehow treacherous and pirate-infested stream of water was busy with energetic and profitable trade and commerce.7 Siraf, on the Persian side of the Gulf, more to the north, was the main port of call. According to Istakhri it was the great harbour of Fars; it was a great city with nothing but buildings…. There was neither water nor farming. It had no animals. Yet was the richest town in Fars….. Its people spent most of their lives on the seas….. Some prople's wealth could be estimated at four thousand thousands (4,000,000) of dinars.8 The picture depicted by the nineth century geographer is supplemented by al-Muqaddasi, the master geographer of the tenth century, who describes Siraf as a city which was the gate (of trade with) China. He adds that he had not seen, in the world of Islam, more wonderful than its houses. They, he says, were built with teak wood and bricks, the price of each of which could be more than 100,000 dirhems.9 On the other side of the Gulf Suhar, the capital of Oman, was the very port where ships anchored not only for provisions and water, but also for exchange of merchandise.10 Traders thus began their journey from al-'Uballah, heading for Siraf where warehouses provided additional goods. From there ships may coast along the Persian mainland to Sind, or make towards Suhar for provision for the journey across the ocean to India or to East Africa. Ships on their various long journeys carried silks, camphor, musk, spices, ivory, iron ore and copper.11

5 Nasir-i-Khisraw, III. 6 Hourami, G.F., Arab Seafaring in the Indian Ocean, (Princeton, 1951), 61. 7 “Cathay and the Way Thither”, Haklyut Society, 2nd Series, Vol. 38, (1915), 89-93. 8 Istakhri, 34, 138-139. 9 Muqaddasi, 426. 10 Ibn Hawqal, 48; Muqaddasi, 92. 11 Ziadeh, N.A. Geography and Travel among the Arabs, (Beirut, 1962), 228. 164 TRADE AND TRAVEL IN THE ARAB GULF

This prosperous trade between the lands of Islam and China, when ships from China reached the Gulf, witnessed a deterioration so that ships from either area met half-way in Malabar. Beside, the volume of trade decreased somehow – both areas suffered political disturbances.12 Trade with East Africa seems to have continued in full swing.

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But appetite and need for commodities from the East seems to have revived in the following centuries, late under the Sung dynasty (960-1279) of China. In the eleventh century Nasir-i-Khisraw visited both sides of the Arab Gulf, spending about nine months in al-Hasa, whose ruler was also master of the Isles of Bahrain. He speaks of the wealth of the land and the comfortable life people enjoyed. The only reference he makes about material for trading, is about pearls of Bahrain, which have always been a desired commodity as far as China; but even pearls did not impress the great Ismali propogandist. He adds that Mahruban on the Eastern coast, was a centre for the collection of customs duties,13 an indication that another port had already begun to share trade importance with Siraf, although this port continued to export some merchandise to China as is indicated by al-Marwazi who says that Persians led their ships to Khanfu (Canton) from Siraf while the Arabs went to that port from Basra.14 Khanfu, he says, has a river over which bridges were built, on one side of which were the markets of foreign traders, while the other side was occupied by native merchants. According to the rules of the place merchants of either side transacted business during the day, but at sunset a drum was beaten and people returned to their respective quarters. Anyone found out of his own side will be punished.15 The situation in the Gulf seems to have changed drastically in the thirteenth century. Al-Balkhi, who wrote later in that century, informs us that Siraf had previously been a large city crowded with people and full of merchandise of timber, perfumes, spices, camphor and silk, but when the rulers of the Island of Qays (Kish) occupied it, its importance faded and the Island of Qays became the most important port in the region. No-one, he adds, goes there even to repair his boat and no traders carry to it any goods. The only things to be found in its port are locally manufactured leather goods, mats and pottery, pro- viding for the local needs of the people of the coast of Fars.16

12 Cathay, 83-88; Masudi, I, 308. 13 Nasir-i-Khisraw, Safar-Nameh, Arabic translation by Y. Khashshab, (Cairo, 1945), 100- 101. 14 Al-Marwazi, Abwab al-Sin wal-Turk wal-Hind, (London, The Royal Asiatic Society, 1942), 10. 15 Ibid. 16 Description of the Province of Fars in Persia, translated (into English) by G. Le Strange, (London Royal Asiatic Society, 1912), 41-43. N.A. ZIADEH 165

This is corroborated by Benjamin of Todela, an Andalusian merchant traveller who visited the island in the same century and wrote of it as having one only spring, thus its people depend on rain water. He adds that it was an important trading centre on which merchants converge bringing all sorts of goods such as silks, linens, cottons, grain, barley, oats and rice. Merchants from India carry to it perfumes and spices. Most of its population are middlemen.17 Yaqut, the leading author of geographical dictionaries, who wrote in the same period informs his readers that when he visited Siraf, he saw traces of beautiful buildings and a mosque and that it had been the port for India. He goes on to say that since the Island of Qays (Kish) had been strengthened by its ruler it became the port for India to which merchants resorted for securing their needs.

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Students of the history of trade relations between China and various parts of the Arab world in the Middle Ages are fortunate to have a unique document going back to the middle of the thirteenth century. It must be remembered that the northern land route between China and lands west was closed, because of the Mongol eruption, in that century. China, which had regained some sort of unity under the Sung dynasty (960-1279) turned to the sea to secure commodities from the Arab lands and neighbouring areas. They even strengthened their fleet to secure the routes for coming traders. Chau Ju-Kau was ‘Superintendent of Merchant Shipping' in Ts'uan-chou in Fu-kien some time in the thirteenth century. He collected information from Arab and Chinese merchants which he embodied in a book he called Chan- fau-chi (Descripton of Foreign Nations), most likely compiled in the middle of the century. The book was first published in Chinese in 1805. In 1911 an English translation, made by Friedrich Hirth and W.W. Rockhill, was published in St. Petersburg. (A reprint by Paragon Book Reprint Company of New York was produced in 1966). The book is divided into two parts, the first deals with various foreign lands with which China had relations, while the second describes various commodities which were brought to Chinese ports with their various characters and uses.18 Of the various names of places in and around which appear in Ju-Kau's work, and which sent various kinds of merchandise to China are Qays (Kish) 17 Rihlat Benjamin al-Todelli, translated (into Arabic) by Azra Haddad, (Baghdad, 1945), 164. 18 See Introduction (1-39), Part I (43-190) and Part II (191-239). 166 TRADE AND TRAVEL IN THE ARAB GULF p. 133, Hadramout (25, 115, 119, 121), Siraf, Bahrain (117), Oman (117,133) Basra (137) Suhar (130), Zufar (137) and Qalhat (122).

Goods, carried by Arab and/or Persian merchants, coming originally from the Gulf, included frankincense, from southern Arabia. Ju-Kau says, “when the foreign merchants come to San-fo-tsi to trade, the customs authorities, according to the relative strength of its fragrance, distinguish thirteen classes of incense.“ He adds that which comes from Suhar is considered the best of its kind.19 Other commodities include myrrh (197), pearls of Bahrain, which are, he says, “the best” (229-230), civet from Qalhat (?) mainly (235-5) and putchuck, ie cassia (221). Goods from East Africa were also supplied mainly by Arab merchants from the Gulf: these include myrrh (197), rhinoceros horns (233), tortoise-shell (238). Aloes and dragon's-blood (225 and 197) were carried from Socotra to China by Gulf traders. Besides, opaque glass, manufactured in Baghdad, Syria and Egypt, referred to as “more valuable than Chinese product“also found its ways to Chinese ports on board of Arab ships (227).

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As Siraf had lost its position as centre for Gulf trade to Qays (Kish) in the thirteenth century, so did this surrender its place to Hormuz late in the same century. Marco Polo, probably the first European whose report on the Gulf has reached us, visited Hormuz late in the century and wrote of it that merchants from India with their ships loaded with spices, precious stones, pearls, silk cloth with golden threads, ivory and other sorts of merchandise, went to Hormuz, when merchants in turn, carry these goods to the fairs of the world. He emphasizes the fact that it was a city of great trade.20 Two travellers of the fourteenth century corroborate his evidence – Ibn Battutah, the greatest Arab traveller of his age, and Father Renal. The first says of it that it was a great city with markets full of all kinds of merchandise, the port of call for ships from India and al-Sind. From there, he adds, goods were despatched to Iraq and Persia.21 The description of Father Renal of Hormuz speaks of it as the seat of a vast empire covering a large stretch of the land of the Arabs and Persia. In Hormuz, he goes on to say, the sight of merchants on their arrival there was the most wonderful that could be watched anywehere in the East. Merchants of all parts

19 Ju-Kau, 195-7. 20 Marco Polo, Voyage and Travels, (London, Cassell 1886), 47. 21 Ibn Battutah, Tuhfat al-Nuzzar fi Ghara'ib al-Amsar wa-Aja'b al-Asfar, (Paris, 1874), Vol. IV, 230-1. N.A. ZIADEH 167 of the world, according to him, exchange their merchandise and organise their dealing in a most civilised way.22 We do not possess any records of travel belonging to the fifteenth century as far as the Gulf is concerned. European travellers were more concerned with the African board of the Atlantic Ocean and most Arab travellers were interested in the Holy Cities of Arabia, and with Egypt and Syria where the Mam- luks ruled (1250-1517). But we have the records of Chinese naval expeditions into the Gulf. The Ming dynasty which ruled from 1368 to 1644 took to the sea. The third em- peror of this house of rulers, Yung-Li, despatched, between 1405 and 1433, seven expeditions to roam the seas, four of which (1407-9, 1409-11, 1413-15 and 1417-19) reached the Arab Gulf and the last even visited Melinda in East Africa. The admiral who led the seven expeditions, Ching-Ho, was a Muslim from the province of Yunan, and on one of his naval campaigns he accommpanied Muslim guides and interpreters. probably to assist in the negotiation with the local merchants. He was careful to record the movements of his ships in great detail, but the information about places visited and events that took place in them are scanty. However, there is a brief but interesting piece of information about Hormuz, which was visited in 1407-9 and again in 1409-11. The city was then the largest and richest of the Gulf cities.23

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The scene in the Gulf changed early in the sixteenth century, when the Por- tuguese occupied Muscat, Oman and Hurmoz in 1506, and continued to be its master for almost a century. Just before the arrival of the Portuguese in 1503 or 1504, Ludvigo de Vartema, an Italian adventurer, arrived in Hormuz of which he says that the city was beautiful and rich in pearls; one may find in its port about 300 ships and boats, which come from various countries. The city, according to him, had no less than four hundred merchants and middlemen who resided there perma- nently to arrange for business transactions and contracts concerning merchandise which included silks, pearls, spices, and previous stones.24 Albuquerque, the Portuguese admiral in the Indian Ocean, left copious information about areas he conquered or controlled. One of his references is made to Muscat which he describes as a large city, populous and the main trading centre for the Kingdom of Hormuz and singles out in particular one commodity – horses – for which the place had been known of old.25

22 Wilson, A.T. The Persian Gulf, (Oxford, Clarendon, 1928), 105-6. 23 Ziadeh, Nicola, Mashriqiyyat, (Beirut, Rayyes Books, 1998), 162-4. 24 Wilson, 106-7. 25 Albuquerque, Alphonso de, Indies Adventures, (London, Blackie, 1936), 35. 168 TRADE AND TRAVEL IN THE ARAB GULF

But Durate Barbosa, who was in the Gulf about the middle of the sixteenth century, supplies us with most detailed information. He speaks of the King- dom of Hormuz to which Muscat, Qalhat and Suhar belonged. Muscat, according to him, traded in fish which, after being dried, was carried to various areas. Basra seems to have regained some of its former position as Barbosa says of it that its harbour was visited by numerous boats carrying cottons and spices which were exchanged with wheat, oil, samneh (cooking butter) and barley.26 But it was Hormuz itself that fascinated Barbosa. He describes it as “the beautiful city, with beautiful houses”, but extremely hot and dry. He says that its merchants were both Arabs and Persians, all of whom spoke Arabic and were all Muslims. Numerous merchants in the city, he adds, were very rich and owned many ships and boats, and in its port and markets all kinds of merchandise were exchanged such as spices and aromatics of all sorts, iron ore, sugar, rice (in large quantities), cocoa-nuts, precious stones, pottery, frankincense, cloth, copper, mercury, rose-water, brocades, musk, horses, salt, sulphur and dates. He observes the civilised habits of the population caring for the cleanliness of their clothes, be they of silk or cotton, and paying attention to their food, consuming fruits, fresh and dried. He observes that foodstuffs were expensive because everything was imported, for the only thing the (island) of Hormuz produces was salt! His final note was that people observed their weights and measures carefully; infringers would be severly punished.27 Ralph Fetch was one of four British travellers who ventured as far as the Gulf, marching from Tripoli (Lebanon) to Basra. They took a ship from that port to Hormuz, where they were arrested by the Portuguese and sent to Goa in India accused of spying. Fetch's memoires have come down to us. He describes his journey from Basra south saying that this city had a great trade in spices and materia medica. Travelling further down the Gulf in a small boat, passing by Bahrain which produced the best kind of pearls, arriving in Hormuz, the driest island in the world, in which nothing grows but salt. But he says further that it had all sorts of merchants from all parts of the world and its markets were places for transactions of spices, meteria medica, silks, carpets, pearls and horses. He reminds us, however, that the ruler of Hormuz was under Portuguese suzerainity.28

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The arrival of the Portuguese, their occupation of various areas in the In- dian Ocean, and their diversion of its trade via the Cape of Good Hope, led

26 Barbosa, Durate, The Book of Durate Barbosa, (London, Haklyut Society, 2nd Series, No. XLIV), Vol. I, 64-5, 70-1, 81, 88-90. 27 Ibid., 90-2. 28 Wilson, 134. N.A. ZIADEH 169 to a temporary decline of the Gulf (and Egyptian) trade. And here ends our story. When the situation changed in the Indian Ocean and the British and the Dutch replaced the earlier force, a new story begins for the Gulf.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Albuquerque, Alphonso d, Indies Adventures, (London, Blackie, 1936). Barboso, Durate, The Book of Durate Barbosa, (London, Hakliyut Society, 2nd Series, No. XLIV), Vol. I. Battutah, Ibn, Tuhfat al-Nuzzar, (Paris, 1874). Benjamin al-Todelli, Rihla, Ar. tr. by Azra Haddad, (Baghdad, 1945). Cathay and the Way Thither, (Hakliyut Society, 2nd Series, Vol. 38, 1915). Hawqal, Ibn, Surat al-Ard, (Leiden, Brill, 1938). Istakhri, Masalik al-Mamalik, (Leiden, Brill, 1928). Ju-Kau, Chau, Description of Strange Peoples – English translation by Friedrich Hirth and W.W. Rockhill, St. Petersburg, 1911 (Reprint New York, 1966). Khurradadhbah, Ibn, al-Masalik wal-Mamalik, (Leiden, Brill, 1888). Le Strange, G., translator of al-Balkhi's Safar Nameh, (London, Royal Asiatic Society, 1912). Marco Polo, Voyage and Travels, (London, Cassell, 1886). al-Mazwazi, Abwab al-Sin Wal-Turk Wal-Hind, (London, Royal Asiatic Society, 1942). Al-Masudi, Muruj al-Dhahab, (Paris, 1861). Mirsky, Jannette, The Great Chinese Travellers, (Chicago 1964). al-Muqaddasi, Ahsan al-Taqa-Sim fi Marifat al-Aqalim, (Leiden, Brill, 2nd ed. 1906). Nasir-i-Khisraw, Siyahat-Nameh, Arabic translation by Y. al-Khashshab, (Cairo, 1945). Rusta, Ibn, Kitab al-A'laq al-Nafisa, (Leiden, Brill, 1891). Wilson, Arnold Talbot, The Persian Gulf, (Oxford, Clarenden, 1928). Yaqut, Mu'jam al-Buldan, (Beirut, Sader, 1955). Ziadeh, Nicola, Al-Jughrafia Wal-Rihlat ‘ind al Arab, Beirut, 1962 (Reprint, Beirut, 1985). ——, Mashriqiyyat, (Beirut, Rayyes, 1998). ——, Min Rihlat al ‘Arab, (ed.) (Beirut, 1974). ——, Ruwwad al-Sharq al-'Arabi fil-'Usur al-Wusta, Cairo, 1943 (Reprint, Beirut, 1986).