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Maori children and death: Views from parents

Juanita Jacob Linda Waimarie Nikora Jane Ritchie Maori & Psychology Research Unit, University of Waikato, New Zealand

Research about Maori children's experiences and perceptions of death and tangi (Maori death rituals) is sparse. What is available tends to be generalised and stems from Western paradigms of knowledge. In this study we explore Maori children's experiences of death and tangi through the eyes of Maori parents. Through semi-structured interviews with 17 Maori parents, five areas were explored: a) the childhood experiences of parents and how they learned about death and an afterlife; b) what their adult beliefs about these matters are; c) how they have communicated the death concept to their children; and d) whether their children are likely to do the same in the future. From this study we learn that death was not hidden from children, that parents talked with their children in very open and age relevant ways, and considered their children's participation in tangi an important way to grieve and ensure continuity with kinship networks and support. This study suggests that the challenge now is to ensure that these practices continue to persist between parents and their children, and future generations.

In this paper we report our study of how family member (Gill-White, 2006; Parker, children come to know of and understand death. 2003). Children can find the death of a loved In presenting this work, we realise that we write one difficult, overwhelming and at times about kinship relationships, bereavement and traumatising (Rosner, Cruse & Hagl, 2010). death rituals in a general and perhaps idealised Nevertheless, explaining and helping children way that for many may not fully capture the understand the concept of death can range, complexity and depth of emotion that one significantly reduce fear, anxiety and other may feel in response to a death. There is simply emotional or behavioural responses associated not enough space to explore these exciting and with anticipating or mourning the death of a critical aspects of the field. Nonetheless, we are loved one (Turner, 2006). ever mindful of different ways of being together How children understand and and that the nature of kinship relationships, conceptualise and respond to death varies from functional and dysfunctional, may well lead to culture to culture (Rosenblatt, 1997). Some different and sometimes unanticipated theorists suggest that children cannot acquire a bereavement experiences and outcomes. With mature understanding of death until they have a this limitation in mind, we begin this paper with basic understanding of certain foundational a review of the literature that informs our concepts (Feifel, 1977; Kane, 1979; Lansdown thinking in the field. & Benjamin, 1984; Nagy, 1948; Speece & Most children will experience grief and Brent, 1992). These include the notions of bereavement in their lifetime when someone universality, irreversibility, non-functionality close to them dies. Some will mourn the death of and causality (Cuddy-Casey & Orvaschel, a parent, a sibling or grandparent and grieve for 1997). Universality refers to the fact that the loss of that relationship (Dyregrov, 1991; eventually every living thing is destined to die Heaney, 2004). They have lost the love and and it cannot be avoided. Irreversibility is about security that was given by their parent; they have death being irreversible. Non-functionality lost a friend, a playmate, a rival sibling and implies that the deceased person is no longer

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living and life is non-existent. The concept of presence of children to shelter them from the causality involves understanding the possible pain, hurt and anxiety associated with the grief causes and circumstances of how the death of losing a loved one (Granot, 2005; Smith, occurred. 1999). Parent’s grief reactions, like anger, shock On from the need to understand these and crying, are often concealed and hidden from conceptual ideas, Piaget (1960) and many children, for example, through prohibiting researchers after him (e.g., Childers & Wimmer, children from attending funerals (Drewery & 1971; Ellis & Stump, 2000; Kane, 1979; Bird, 2004) or visiting dying family members Lansdown & Benjamin, 1984; Nagy, 1948; (Dyregrov & Yule, 2008; Granot, 2005). Speece & Brent, 1992; Wenestam & Wass, Children come to learn that powerful emotions 1987) argued that children’s thoughts and should be withheld and not expressed (Smith, reasoning develop gradually over time and as a 1999), in turn developing a disposition that may function of age. For example, up until about five extend into adulthood, where adults may years of age, children tended to deny death continue to struggle to express and regulate their (Nagy, 1948); up until about 9 years of age, emotions (Dyregrov & Yule, 2008; Granot, children tended to personify death (e.g., the 2005). bogey man), and beyond that age, children Tokin (2003) suggests that when questions realise that death is final and universal are left unanswered or there is an absence of (Lansdown & Benjamin, 1984). Though these information about the death of a loved one, or studies showed parallels with Piaget’s theory of delays in receiving it, it can lead children to cognition, findings also show that children can make up their own stories about what happened, understand and comprehend death at a young age allowing fantasies of the imagination and if they are exposed to it. magical thinking to play upon their mind. While In New Zealand children are exposed to there may be more, Dyregrov and Yule (2008) numerous accounts associated with dying and have, rather simplistically, identified two ways death. Death is taught as part of the schooling that children understand death. The first is the curriculum, it is portrayed in art, music, truth which is constructed from the information literature, observed in television shows and news they have received about it; the second version media reporting and engaged through electronic is a construct of the child’s own fantasies that gaming. Children see animals that are dead on does not necessarily represent reality. When the road or brought in by the family pet; they children begin to believe their own fantasies, hear about death in fairy tales and/or act it out rather than accepting that someone close to when playing imaginary games (Heaney, 2004). them has died, their perspective can become In contrast to New Zealand’s relatively peaceful distorted as to what is the truth (Granot, 2005; environment, children in less settled societies are Smith, 1999). The two kinds of ‘truths’ often exposed to the raw reality of death much identified by Dyregrov and Yule (2008) help us earlier because of war, civil conflict, sickness or to understand the possible imaginings of natural disasters (Marten, 2002). In countries children, but denies the possibility that death for with high mortality rates, children are more children, as it is for adults, may well have likely to learn about real, rather than imagined multiple narratives that may all contribute to an death, much earlier in life. overall truth narrative. None of the narratives In cultures of European origin including are necessarily wrong, but some may well be Pakeha New Zealanders, parents and adults have more privileged than others. This way of often avoided talking about the death of a loved thinking provides space for the possible one with children with some finding it an coexistence of the factual and fantastical truths. extremely difficult task (Granot, 2005). Some Too often bereaved children have been put suppress their own emotions and feelings in the to one side and left to cope with their grief

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alone. As a result, many are deprived of the historical or contemporary published account of opportunity to grieve the loss (Heaney, 2004). tangi and the Māori experience of death, which Adults who have experienced grief in childhood captures its fluidity, transformation and effect”. report that the failure of their parent or other Regardless of this, there is some agreement adult to include them in the mourning process across the literature of the general pattern that contributed to their increased difficulty in constitutes a Maori ritual response to death. coping with grief (Granot, 2005). Studies have Nikora et al. (2010) summarise the arising found that unresolved childhood grief, pattern as follows: combined with their perceived loss, contributes Death takes place; sometimes the to the development of adult psychopathology ceremony of tuku wairua or sending and impairment in interpersonal adult the spirit on occurs. Family and relationships (Edmans & Marcellino-Boisvert, friends are alerted and if required 2002; Mireault & Bond, 1992). there is an autopsy. The deceased is Cultural and religious explanations often prepared by an undertaker, often address themes of death and/or questions of an with assistance from family afterlife. Both constructs frequently help adults members. He or she then proceeds to explain difficult questions asked by children to the marae [tribal meeting place] after the loss a loved one. These beliefs provide sometimes via the family home, for comfort for children, much like they do for viewing, mourning, remembering adults (Cuddy-Casey et al., 1995; Granot, and celebrating. Marae rituals are 2005). Children absorb the beliefs and culture enacted over a few hours or a few they are raised in and are readily accepting of days before burial and associated the answers provided to them concerning death rites or cremation. They include the (Fiorini & Mullen, 2006). For Maori, the performative elements of powhiri indigenous people of New Zealand, traditions (rituals of encounter), tangi and cultural beliefs mingle closely with (mourning), whaikorero (oratory), Christian ideologies (Salmond, 1976). Though haka (posture dances), waiata many Maori have converted to Christianity (dirges), whakapapa (recitation of many often still retain and pursue Maori cultural genealogy), poroporoaki (speeches practices that to an outsider may look somewhat of farewell) and karakia (prayer). contradictory. This apparent contradiction is These proceedings are enhanced by consistent with what Ritchie (1992) terms ‘both/ the display of significant artefacts and’ logic; the Maori world and its that … adorn the casket. Portraits of cosmological beliefs sitting in a complimentary deceased relatives are exhibited. way with that of Christianity (Salmond, 1976). Closing the casket generally occurs According to Rosenblatt (1997) the blending of before the final church or memorial cultural traditions with religion is not unusual, service. Takahi whare, or the ritual in fact, there are many instances where people cleansing of the deceased’s house, seek guidance, comfort and understanding from usually follows internment. Hakari both sources. (feasting) completes the process; While the literature points to the presence this releases the family to everyday of children and their involvement during tangi life. (p. 401) (e.g., Dansey, 1992) there is no comprehensive The institution of tangi is a persistent examination of their thoughts and responses to cultural practice that has largely resisted the death, or how Maori parents or adults talk to ravages of colonisation and remains deeply Maori children about death. Nikora et al. (2010, embedded within Maori communities. As the p. 401) noted that “…there is no definitive authors are constantly involved in the Maori

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world, we know that children are present at represented their views accurately, it was tangi, are exposed to tupapaku or the added to the pool of 17 reports for overall deceased, and that they engage their peer thematic analysis. Pseudonyms were assigned group and adults in conversations about to all participants in this study except those death. This study seeks to document and who explicitly asked for their true identities explore the communication of the death to be associated with their information. concept between Maori parents and children. Findings Specifically, we examine: a) the childhood Participants in this study recalled experiences of parents and how they learned numerous childhood memories and about death and an afterlife; b) what their experiences of death and tangi. They adult beliefs about these matters are; c) how remembered tangi as an event that drew they have communicated the death concept to families together to farewell a loved one and their children; and d) whether their children to provide support for the bereaved. Death are likely to do the same in the future. and tangi were a part of everyday life even if Method it was a departure from everyday life Maori parents who had conversed with routines. Because of this, they remembered a their children about topics relating to death sense of excitement, novelty and anticipation, and tangi were recruited to participate in this of being reunited with cousins and relatives study. There were no restrictions placed on they may not have seen for some time. As age or gender or ethnicity of partners children, none of the participants found the although most had partners who identified as presence of a tupapaku disturbing because the Maori. The sample size was determined on deceased was conceived of as someone the basis of theoretical saturation (Bloor & familiar and precious. They were family Wood, 2006), that is, we continued recruiting members. As children, they remembered and interviewing participants until a participating in the formal rituals of commonality of responses was apparent and encounter on the marae, where they paid their that it was unlikely that further interviewing respects and greeted the deceased and the would give rise to any new information. The bereaved, as did adults. They were expected saturation point for this study was reached to help with the many tasks to be completed after interviewing 17 participants. The and when proceedings were slow, they interviews were conducted by the first author recalled finding delight and excitement and in the second part of 2010 as part of her sometimes mischief with relatives of their graduate studies, with the study receiving own age. In later life and as parents, they ethical approval from the Psychology included their own children in tangi, they Department’s Research Committee at the exposed them to tupapaku, encouraged them University of Waikato. to express themselves and to take part in Interviews with participants followed a marae activities. Participants supported being semi structured interview schedule (available open and honest when talking to their from the first author) with questions directly children about death and tangi. They all related to the research objectives. Participants believed in an afterlife, some subscribed to were keen to talk about their experiences and Christian beliefs, some to Maori expressed no reservations about doing so. cosmological beliefs, and some to both. To Each interview took about an hour. They varying degrees they drew from these belief were audio recorded, transcribed, systems to explain death, tangi and an thematically analysed and summarised into a afterlife to their children. These themes are report for verification by participants. When elaborated in the sections that follow. each participant was satisfied that their report

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Parents Remember support: Our conversations with participants I know that this may sound ranged across many experiences including strange, but we thought that the death of grandparents, parents, siblings attending tangi was wonderful! and extended family or whanau members. When we were children we just Some deaths were sudden, sometimes loved going to tangi because we accidental and unexpected, while some were saw all our relations...Wherever preceded by illness and anticipated. When we went the rest of our relations deaths were of people close to a participant, would be there, so it was a great their accounts were deeply personal and holiday experience for us. (Heeni moving as they remembered and relived their Poutu) experiences of mourning, grief and support. Dianne also picks up on the theme of All talked of their childhood memories of a vacation and also reinforces Rangi’s view of grandparent, parent, sibling, cousin, uncle or tangi being part of everyday life, familiarity aunt passing. Some remembered in detail overcoming any fears that may have been how the news came to them through apparent: telephone calls or people visiting or through Tangihanga, death and dying visiting others, but most memories related to were a natural part of my going to the marae, to prepare and participate childhood. It was something that in mourning rituals, an event that was more we commonly did or attended…it frequent than that of close and deeply felt was not something that was deaths. As Rangi mentions, attending tangi fearful. It was just what we “was just part of what we did”. did...When a tangi occurred in the Death has always been related to family the car got packed up, how we do tangi and that. Even as everyone hopped in … kind of a child growing up it was just part like a holiday really because you of what we did. You wake up one knew you were going to see your morning and someone’s dead; cousins and your aunties. (Rangi) someone took them (the deceased At most tangi the corpse or tupakaku is person) off somewhere; we went presented in a casket and the immediately to the [marae] and got the [marae] bereaved and close relatives keep a ready; they came back in a casket. continuous vigil over a period of about three (Rangi) days while people come to pay their respects, Most participants had childhood that is, “…so that the dead may be properly memories of being well supported through farewelled, his or her virtues extolled (and, significant bereavements by their immediate quite often, faults and failings almost brutally family or whanau, by their broader clan enumerated), the bereaved comforted, [and] (hapu) and iwi (tribe), and by friendship and the ties of relationship renewed” (Dansey, work networks lending weight to Ngata’s 1992 p. 110). All participants spoke of times (2005) assertion that in times of illness and when they touched, kissed, viewed or were in death these networks pull together and act as close proximity to a tupapaku as a child. No a source of strength and support for those one expressed any fear, distaste or bereaved. While Heeni Poutu described her discomfort, but rather an opposite view held. experiences of tangi as a child as a break Rehua told us: from routine and mundane daily life, her I don’t know that it was scary and account also illustrates how children are part I suppose when I look back on it I of the ‘pulling together’ to offer strength and don’t remember anyone saying to

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us “Ok when you go there, there’s each other. Even so, as Dianne told us, going to be a dead body. We children can also get up to mischief. didn’t view it as a dead body, We kids would skedaddle off the that’s our whanau, somebody that marae. ...we would sneak around, we knew and loved and spent and do things we weren’t allowed time with and we cared to do... We set a mattress on fire about...It’s an awesome one time and chucked it down the experience to be able to say your bank hoping it would get down to final goodbyes... They’re not the river but it only got half way scary! (Rehua) down! While the tupapaku is the object of As Dansey (1992) asserted, greatest significance at a tangi, and the focus maintaining relationships with kin is of much attention, participants also told us significantly important for Maori, and about the expectations and responsibilities attendance at tangi is one way these they felt as children. At tangi, the bereaved relationships are maintained. For many need to be fed, as do the waves of visitors. participants, maintaining and strengthening There is food to be gathered, prepared, kinship ties primarily with their cousins cooked and served, tables to be laid and while at tangi was of most importance, while dishes to be cleared and washed, beds to be maintaining other kin relationships with made, facilities to be cleaned, the grounds of aunties, uncles and elders came secondary. the marae kept tidied – there are a multitude Parents, their Children and Death of tasks. And children are expected to share The parents in this study were in in this load according to their ability, agreement about the need to be honest and sometimes gender, interest and initiative. Ivy open with children about death and tangi. For explains: them it was about allowing their children to My number one job was doing ask questions freely, bringing their feelings dishes and table setting... You out in the open as opposed to hiding them just go and start helping in the away. It was about listening and reassuring kitchen to see if there’s anything children, and letting them know that their you can do to make things parents were there for them: easier... We would just help out I believe in open communication where we could... We would stay and being honest with my around the marae and play the children and letting them see number one game “Bull Rush” things for what they really are and catch up with cousins; but and not disguising it or making you always knew that once things look pretty or giving them manuhiri turned up you were a false sense of reality. Our back in the kitchen setting up and children learn a lot better when getting something ready for them it’s all open and I believe that’s to eat and prepare things for the how I’ve communicated with next big meal. (Ivy) them. (Dianne) As Ritchie and Ritchie noted (1979), in We speak to them about it all the Polynesia children are often trusted to mind time. I share with them the same other children and are responsible for each things that I was told when I was other while their parents and other adults a kid, as much as I can engage in ‘adult’ activity with children being remember. I wouldn’t say that we quite capable of being accountable to and for are blunt and brutal, we just tell it

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as it is. For example, what’s Religious and cultural beliefs about happened and what we think is death, bereavement, mourning and an going to happen next... (Sam) afterlife are beliefs that are enculturated. This openness and lack of inhibition They are absorbed by children as they about talking of death with children and their engage, think about and are affected by inclusion at tangi and exposure to tupapaku events and influences around them. When supports children to come to know that death asked about their beliefs about an afterlife, is an irreversible condition and that the the parents in this study explained that they cultural-emotional response is one of came to know and believe in a Christian sadness. Sam told us about how his young afterlife, a Maori afterlife, or some children reacted when, on the death of his combination of both, as Sam explains below: mother, they returned to the family home to They [his parents] usually said visit with her and their extended family they went to heaven. That was before she was removed to the funeral home. one side of it...Well, from the Both of them were really shocked religious point of view they both at the news because they had just said they went to heaven... Mum finished talking to their and Dad are Anglicans and we grandmother the night were brought up in the Anglican before...We had dad visiting with church. I’m not too sure why, but us at the time so we had to break I suppose it’s because the the news to him too....and they Anglicans were the first to get a saw his reaction to that news. church in our part of the They were scared for a little tribe...But from a Maori point of while. They felt really saddened; view they knew that the bodies you could see that in their faces were going back to Papatuanuku. and in their own persona and how That was part of the Maori they talked. They knew tradition of what we believed. something wasn’t right. Their For example, the bodies went whole character changed...When back to the ground but the spirit we got there [to the family home] returned back to Hawaiki. Those all the families were there, …and were the same stories that came the kids came with us and they through, through the tangihanga saw their grandmother lying there process. But through the religious and they knew we were upset and process, and if we were to draw they openly showed their parallels, I suppose you could say emotions just like we did, and we that the spirit was heading had time with her... (Sam) somewhere upwards. Mum and The involvement and exposure of Dad always believed in some sort children to conversations about death, to of afterlife of some sort. Whether adult reactions to death, and how adults it was either religious or through interact with tupapaku and with each other, Maoridom, they’d talk about serves to model appropriate and expected that... social and emotional behaviour (Alegre, According to Rosenblatt (1997) it is 2011). It provides a learning context for quite common for many traditional societies children’s enculturation (Grusec & Hastings, to blend culture and religion without it being 2007) much like how knowledge was terribly problematic finding comfort and transmitted to the parents in this study. understanding of death and ideas of an

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afterlife from both perspectives. From the barriers, like the competing demands of accounts given by participants, we learn that work, education, finances, transport and they can hold strong to their cultural beliefs as distance, that Maori continue to negotiate to well as incorporate religious perspectives engage in Maori world activities like tangi, without feeling conflicted (Salmond, 1976). unveilings and other episodic events (cf., The participants in this study learned their Nikora, 2007). For these reasons, extended beliefs and values from their parents. In turn, kinship networks may well be shrinking with they communicated these ideas to their priority shifting to relationships within the children. Whatever the beliefs held by nuclear unit rather than extended whanau. If participants, two common ideas were this trend continues with resulting isolation expressed. First, that on death, they would be and fragmentation, then increased stress reunited with family who had died earlier, and within parent-child relationships may well be secondly, that those who had died were never the outcome; meaning that children have only far away. Matiu and Frank illustrate these their parents and siblings to support them ideas in the follow comments: through crises rather than a much broader This is what I think will happen to network of many parents and cousins. me. I’d simply go and see my The process of transmitting knowledge uncles who have just recently of death, dying, mourning and culturally passed away, my koroua and my defined responses from parent to child is immediate whanau and there I’ll clearly a ‘within whanau process’ rather than be connected with the older/elder one assisted by knowledge gained from ones that I don’t know of. This to books, counseling or the internet. Parental me is what I think will happen knowledge came from participants own when I pass on...There have been childhood experiences that they in turn drew a lot of events I have witnessed on to inform their conversations and that suggest to me that they’re still experiences with their own children. While watching over us.... (Matiu) Maori parents have prioritised honest and To me, afterlife is never open dialogue about death and the life after, anywhere; it’s always there in there is no guarantee that this will continue. you, the wairua of that particular This transfer of knowledge between person, your beloved one. Yes generations cannot be taken for granted. they’ve passed away, but they’re Maori move with ease between still there and it will never go Christian and Maori beliefs about an afterlife. away...The wairua is still there All parents interviewed believed there was and still around. That was my life after death bringing them comfort and parents’ belief and that sort of reassurance which they, in turn, communicate belief was handed down to me... to their children. Death is not an end, but (Frank) rather, a transition to a new life with Implications relatives, ancestors and friends who had Kinship networks are becoming more passed before. Therapists need to bear this in fragmented. Kin are now widely scattered in mind and be careful of pursuing an ‘either/or New Zealand and abroad, with the nuclear approach’ to thinking about what Maori family more and more becoming the norm. believe and be aware of a ‘both/and’ way of Increasingly, it is only for tangi and whanau thinking, a process insightfully described by reunions that these networks endeavour to Ritchie (1992). reunite (Nikora, 2007). Many have written of The marae served as a therapeutic space the challenges of urbanisation and the to mourn in an appropriately emotional and

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cathartic manner; a space in which family homicidality. Clinical Psychology could reunite and children could play, and Review, 17(1), 33-45. where oratory and emotional expression is Dansey, H. (1992). A view of death. In M. balanced with song, dance and laughter. The King (Ed.), Te ao hurihuri: Aspects of marae, its environment and stage, its rituals Maoritanga (pp. 105-116). Auckland, and protocols have been harnessed over New Zealand: Reed. generations to soften the sting of death. But Drewery, W. & Bird, L. (2004). Human not all tangi are held at marae. Domestic development in Aotearoa: A journey dwellings, educational institutions and funeral through life (2nd ed.). Auckland, New homes (Edge, Nikora, & Rua, 2010) have also Zealand: McGraw-Hill Australia. been sites for death rituals and mourning. Dyregrov, A. (1991). Grief in children: A Whether or not they afford participants, adults handbook for adults. London: Jessica and children alike, an adequate therapeutic Kingsley. space is yet to be explored and awaits further Dyregrov, A., & Yule, W. (2008). Grief in research. children: A handbook for adults. London: From this study we gain valuable Jessica Kingsley. knowledge into Maori children’s experiences Edge, K., Nikora, L. W., & Rua, M. (2010, of death and tangi through the eyes of Maori June). Dual cultural identity and parents. Even though these experiences have tangihanga: Conflict, resolution and not come from Maori children themselves, by unexpected outcomes. Paper presented at no means does it infer that the information the Nga Pae o te Maramatanga 4th gained from Maori parents is less relevant or International Indigenous Conference: insightful. What we have learnt from this Matauranga Taketake: Traditional study is foundational in understanding the Knowledge, University of Auckland, relationship that Maori parents have with their Auckland, New Zealand. children at times of death and tangi and the Edmans, M. S., & Marcellino-Boisvert, D. importance of transparency that is needed (2002). Reflections on a rose: A story of during these times. Most importantly, Maori loss and longing. Issues in Mental Health parents talk with their children and involve Nursing, 23(2), 107-119. them in all aspects of death and tangi. The Ellis, J. B. & Stump, J. E. (2000). Parents’ challenge now is to ensure that these practices perceptions of their children’s death continue to persist between parents and their concept. Death Studies, 24, 65-70. children, from this generation to the next. Feifel, H. (1977). New meanings of death. In References J. Flavell., & J. Ross (Eds.), Social Alegre, A. (2011). Parenting styles and cognitive development. Cambridge: children's emotional intelligence: What do Cambridge University Press. we know? The Family Journal, 19(1), 56- Fiorini, J. & Mullen, J. (2006). Counseling 62. children and adolescents through grief Bloor, M., & Wood, F. (2006). Keywords in and loss. Champaign, Illinois: Research qualitative methods: A vocabulary of Press. research concepts. London: Sage. Gill-White, P. (2006). Sibling grief: Healing Childers, P., & Wimmer, M. (1971). The after the death of a sister or brother. concept of death in early childhood. Child Lincoln, NE: iUniverse. Development, 42, 1293-1301. Granot, T. (2005). Without you: Children and Cuddy-Casey, M., & Orvaschel, H. (1997). young people growing up with loss and Children’s understanding of death in its effects. London, GRB: Jessica relation to child suicidality and Kingsley.

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Acknowledgements We express our gratitude to the many parents who made this study possible and acknowledge the various scholarships the first author received from the Ministry of Health, the Maori and Psychology Research Unit, Waikato University and the Tainui Maori Trust Board.

Author biographies Juanita Jacobs is a graduate student at the University of Waikato.

Linda Waimarie Nikora is an Associate Professor at the University of Waikato with research interests in death rituals and cultural responses to death and dying.

Emeritus Professor Jane Ritchie, although retired, continues to make a meaningful contribution to the Maori & Psychology Research Unit where this study was based.

Address for Correspondence Linda Waimarie Nikora [email protected]

The Australian Community Psychologist Volume 24 No 1 June 2012 © The Australian Psychological Society Ltd