Pre-Neolithic Economy Serge Svizzero
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What Makes a Complex Society Complex?
What Makes a Complex Society Complex? The Dresden Codex. Public domain. Supporting Questions 1. How did the Maya use writing to represent activities in their culture? 2. What did the Aztecs do to master their watery environment? 3. Why were roads important to the Inca Empire? Supporting Question 1 Featured Source Source A: Mark Pitts, book exploring Maya writing, Book 1: Writing in Maya Glyphs: Names, Places & Simple Sentences—A Non-Technical Introduction to Maya Glyphs (excerpt), 2008 THE BASICS OF ANCIENT MAYA WRITING Maya writing is composed of various signs and symbol. These signs and symbols are often called ‘hieroglyphs,’ or more simply ‘glyphs.’ To most of us, these glyphs look like pictures, but it is often hard to say what they are pictures of…. Unlike European languages, like English and Spanish, the ancient Maya writing did not use letters to spell words. Instead, they used a combination of glyphs that stood either for syllables, or for whole words. We will call the glyphs that stood for syllables ‘syllable glyphs,’ and we’ll call the glyphs that stood for whole words ‘logos.’ (The technically correct terms are ‘syllabogram’ and ‘logogram.’) It may seem complicated to use a combination of sounds and signs to make words, but we do the very same thing all the time. For example, you have seen this sign: ©iStock/©jswinborne Everyone knows that this sign means “one way to the right.” The “one way” part is spelled out in letters, as usual. But the “to the right” part is given only by the arrow pointing to the right. -
ICONS and SIGNS from the ANCIENT HARAPPA Amelia Sparavigna ∗ Dipartimento Di Fisica, Politecnico Di Torino C.So Duca Degli Abruzzi 24, Torino, Italy
ICONS AND SIGNS FROM THE ANCIENT HARAPPA Amelia Sparavigna ∗ Dipartimento di Fisica, Politecnico di Torino C.so Duca degli Abruzzi 24, Torino, Italy Abstract Written words probably developed independently at least in three places: Egypt, Mesopotamia and Harappa. In these densely populated areas, signs, icons and symbols were eventually used to create a writing system. It is interesting to see how sometimes remote populations are using the same icons and symbols. Here, we discuss examples and some results obtained by researchers investigating the signs of Harappan civilization. 1. Introduction The debate about where and when the written words were originated is still open. Probably, writing systems developed independently in at least three places, Egypt, Mesopotamia and Harappa. In places where an agricultural civilization flourished, the passage from the use of symbols to a true writing system was early accomplished. It means that, at certain period in some densely populated area, signs and symbols were eventually used to create a writing system, the more complex society requiring an increase in recording and communication media. Signs, symbols and icons were always used by human beings, when they started carving wood or cutting stones and painting caves. We find signs on drums, textiles and pottery, and on the body itself, with tattooing. To figure what symbols used the human population when it was mainly composed by small groups of hunter-gatherers, we could analyse the signs of Native Americans. Our intuition is able to understand many of these old signs, because they immediately represent the shapes of objects and animals. It is then quite natural that signs and icons, born among people in a certain region, turn out to be used by other remote populations. -
Exploring the Concept of Home at Hunter-Gatherer Sites in Upper Paleolithic Europe and Epipaleolithic Southwest Asia
UC Berkeley UC Berkeley Previously Published Works Title Homes for hunters?: Exploring the concept of home at hunter-gatherer sites in upper paleolithic Europe and epipaleolithic Southwest Asia Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/9nt6f73n Journal Current Anthropology, 60(1) ISSN 0011-3204 Authors Maher, LA Conkey, M Publication Date 2019-02-01 DOI 10.1086/701523 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Current Anthropology Volume 60, Number 1, February 2019 91 Homes for Hunters? Exploring the Concept of Home at Hunter-Gatherer Sites in Upper Paleolithic Europe and Epipaleolithic Southwest Asia by Lisa A. Maher and Margaret Conkey In both Southwest Asia and Europe, only a handful of known Upper Paleolithic and Epipaleolithic sites attest to aggregation or gatherings of hunter-gatherer groups, sometimes including evidence of hut structures and highly structured use of space. Interpretation of these structures ranges greatly, from mere ephemeral shelters to places “built” into a landscape with meanings beyond refuge from the elements. One might argue that this ambiguity stems from a largely functional interpretation of shelters that is embodied in the very terminology we use to describe them in comparison to the homes of later farming communities: mobile hunter-gatherers build and occupy huts that can form campsites, whereas sedentary farmers occupy houses or homes that form communities. Here we examine some of the evidence for Upper Paleolithic and Epipaleolithic structures in Europe and Southwest Asia, offering insights into their complex “functions” and examining perceptions of space among hunter-gatherer communities. We do this through examination of two contemporary, yet geographically and culturally distinct, examples: Upper Paleolithic (especially Magdalenian) evidence in Western Europe and the Epipaleolithic record (especially Early and Middle phases) in Southwest Asia. -
ARCL 0141 Mediterranean Prehistory
INSTITUTE OF ARCHAEOLOGY ARCL 0141 Mediterranean Prehistory 2019-20, Term 1 - 15 CREDITS Deadlines for coursework: 11th November 2019, 13th January 2020 Coordinator: Dr. Borja Legarra Herrero [email protected] Office 106, tel. (0) 20 7679 1539 Please see the last page of this document for important information about submission and marking procedures, or links to the relevant webpages 1 OVERVIEW Introduction This course reunites the study and analysis of prehistoric societies around the Mediterranean basin into a coherent if diverse exploration. It takes a long-term perspective, ranging from the first modern human occupation in the region to the start of the 1st millennium BCE, and a broad spatial approach, searching for the overall trends and conditions that underlie local phenomena. Opening topics include the glacial Mediterranean and origins of seafaring, early Holocene Levantine-European farming, and Chalcolithic societies. The main body of the course is formed by the multiple transformations of the late 4th, 3rd and 2nd millennium BC, including the environmental ‘mediterraneanisation’ of the basin, the rise of the first complex societies in east and west Mediterranean and the formation of world-system relations at the east Mediterranean. A final session examines the transition to the Iron Age in the context of the emergence of pan-Mediterranean networks, and this also acts as a link to G202. This course is designed to interlock with G206, which explores Mediterranean dynamics from a diachronic and comparative perspective. Equally, it can be taken in conjunction with courses in the prehistory of specific regions, such as the Aegean, Italy, the Levant, Anatolia and Egypt, as well as Europe and Africa. -
Stone Tools in the Paleolithic and Neolithic Near East: a Guide John J
Stone Tools in the Paleolithic and Neolithic Near East: A Guide John J. Shea New York: Cambridge University Press, 2013, 408 pp. (hardback), $104.99. ISBN-13: 978-1-107-00698-0. Reviewed by DEBORAH I. OLSZEWSKI Department of Anthropology, Penn Museum, 3260 South Street, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, PA 19104, USA; [email protected] n reading the Preface and Introduction to Shea’s book Stone Age Prehistory,” and lists the origins of genus Homo Iwhere he discusses why he wrote this volume on Near in the Lower Paleolithic period, which is incorrect both Eastern stone tools, I had to smile because his experience as temporally and geographically (Homo ergaster appearing ca a graduate student was analogous to mine. Learning about 1.8 Mya in Africa, or Homo habilis ca 2.5 Mya in Africa, if one stone tools in this world region was not easy because no accepts this hominin as sufficiently derived as to belong to single typology had been developed, at least in the sense genus Homo). And the same is true in this table for several of a widely accepted set of terminology that could be ap- other major evolutionary events for which our earliest evi- plied to the Paleolithic and Epipaleolithic there, or even the dence is African rather than Levantine. Neolithic period. In retrospect, it is somewhat surprising For Chapter 2 (Lithics Basics), the reader is immedi- that in the several decades since no one, until this book by ately immersed in how stone fractures (using terminol- Shea, undertook producing a compendium of information ogy from mechanics), is abraded, and is knapped. -
TCI Chapter 2 – Foundations of World History, Prehistory – 300 CE
TCI Chapter 2 – Foundations of World History, Prehistory – 300 C.E. 1. Introduction About 50,000 years ago, according to a widely held theory, our earliest ancestors began migrating out of Africa. Over many thousands of years, descendants of those physically modern humans spread through Asia, Australia, and Europe. They replaced existing populations of more primitive human beings. Thus, the theory goes, all modern humans originated in Africa. Not all scientists agree on the origins of the human race. But they would all agree with one statement. In nearly every environment that they encountered, early modern humans thrived. Click to read caption Around 10,000 years ago, humans began settling down. They turned to agriculture, raising crops and animals for food and clothing. Populations grew. Some 5,000 years later, the first cities arose, and with them the first civilizations. In time, a few civilizations developed into powerful empires. At each step in this progression, peoples of ancient times had basic features in common. They followed leaders, engaged in economic activities, and developed social structures. Through their accomplishments, these ancient peoples laid the foundations of world history. Theirs is the story of how human beings colonized the continents and went on to develop more and more sophisticated societies that interacted with one another in a multitude of ways. As you will learn in this lesson, their story begins with humans as hunter-gatherers. 1 TCI Chapter 2 – Foundations of World History, Prehistory – 300 C.E. Themes Cultural Interaction The move from hunting and gathering to more complex societies resulted in an enormous increase in the exchange of cultural knowledge. -
La Blanca Is a Preclassic Archaeological Site Located on The
CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, NORTHRIDGE DIFFERENTIAL ACCESS TO RESOURCES AND THE EMERGING ELITE: OBSIDIAN AT LA BLANCA A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements For the degree of Master of Arts in Anthropology, Public Archaeology By Laura E. Hoffman December 2012 Signature Page The thesis of Laura E. Hoffman is approved: ________________________________ ____________ Cathy L. Costin, Ph.D. Date ________________________________ ____________ Matthew Des Lauriers, Ph.D. Date ________________________________ ____________ Michael W. Love, Ph.D., Chair Date California State University, Northridge ii Acknowledgements This thesis would never have been completed were it not for many, many people who have helped me along the way. I extend my sincere gratitude to everyone who has inspired, encouraged, assisted, and at times cajoled me along this journey: Michael W. Love, Cathy Costin, Matt DesLauriers, The California State University, Northridge Anthropology Department, Hector Neff, The Institute for Integrated Research in Materials, Environments, and Society, Terry Joslin, Kelli Brasket, John Dietler, Benny Vargas, Cara Corsetti, Cheryle Hunt, Clarus Backes, Mom, Dad, Andrea, Norville, and Brad Harris. Without your continued encouragement and understanding I would not have been able to complete this thesis. iii Table of Contents Signature Page .................................................................................................................... ii Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................... -
Ancient Civilizations of Mesoamerica: a Reader, M
Archaeology of Mesoamerica George Washington University Course Anth 3814.10 Spring, 2013 Dr. J. Blomster e-mail: [email protected], phone, ext. 44880 Class Meets: Tues & Thur, 3:45 – 5:00, HAH, Rm. 202 Office Hours: Thursday, 11:00-1:00, HAH Rm. 303 The cultural region referred to as Mesoamerica – encompassing modern day Mexico, Belize, Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador – was the cradle of early and spectacular civilizations in the New World. This course will apply an anthropological perspective to the rich cultural traditions of Mesoamerica, focusing on the unique character of Mesoamerican civilization and its contributions to the world. No prerequisites are required. The structure of the course follows the chronological sequence of Mesoamerican cultures. After examining the peopling of the New World and the initial hunting/gathering lifestyle, the focus is on the development of agriculture, pottery, and the first permanent villages. We will examine the replacement of egalitarian societies by complex chiefdoms, states and even empires. Emphasis will be placed on the development of Mesoamerica’s first civilization – the Olmec – and the features first synthesized by the Olmecs that resonate in subsequent Mesoamerican civilizations. Different approaches to complex society and political organization will be examined by comparing the cities and states of Teotihuacán, Monte Albán, and various Maya polities. After examining the militarism that arose after the demise of these major states, the course will conclude with a brief examination -
THE GHANA EMPIRE West Africa’S First Major State
7 THE GHANA EMPIRE West Africa’s First Major State 1110L BY DAVID BAKER, ADAPTED BY NEWSELA In West Africa, the “human experiment” proceeded independently for many centuries. West Africans developed agriculture and large, complex states before getting caught up in the “unification of the world zones.” THE START OF WEST AFRICAN STATES West Africa had formed large urban centers and small kingdoms. But to the north and east, the Romans had already established a sprawling empire, as had the Greeks and Agriculture arose independently in West Africa, as it had in the Fertile Crescent be- Egyptians before them. The same goes for the mighty Persian Empire in the Middle fore. Around 3000 BCE, West Africans had begun the “energy bonanza” — a food sys- East and the Akkadians, Assyrians, and Sumerians before them. tem that supports many more people in a given land area than foraging. While the rest of sub-Saharan Africa did not begin adopting agriculture until 1000 BCE or later, West The earliest states in the world arose around 3500 BCE in Mesopotamia. At that time, Africa began the process around the same time as the Americas. It began to develop agriculture was getting its independent start in West Africa. Farming in the Fertile agrarian civilizations around the same time as well. Crescent, meanwhile, began to appear in approximately 10,000 to 8000 BCE. The Fer- tile Crescent and its descendant powers thus had a head start on West Africa by many This contradicts the myth that Africa was always “disadvantaged” or “primitive” in thousands of years. -
Essay on Durkheim's Theory of Division of Labour
National Journal of Multidisciplinary Research and Development ISSN: 2455-9040 Impact Factor: RJIF 5.22 www.nationaljournals.com Volume 2; Issue 3; September 2017; Page No. 580-585 Essay on Durkheim’s theory of division of labour 1 Ajay Kumar Gautam, 2 Neha Yadav 1 Research Scholar, Centre for Studies of Law and Governance, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India 2 Research Scholar, Centre for Social Medicine & Community Health, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India Abstract Emile Durkheim is pre-eminently known for instituting a social theory which views sociology as a natural science subject to empirical study. His seminal research on labour, The Division of Labour in society, uses a comparative method to explain the morphological changes in labour in preindustrial and post-industrial societies. Durkheim categorised labour in primitive societies as mechanical solidarity for its homogenous nature, and its industrial counterpart as organic solidarity, suggesting its heterogeneous nature. Division of labour has a significant role to perform in the society since it does not depend on the establishment of economic services only but also generates harmony between people. Anomie has contributed to chaos in the social life and society is conscious of it and when society revitalises it results in social reconstruction. A foremost theme in all Durkheim’s writings is the importance of collective social norms and values in preserving social cohesion and solidarity. He argued that the nature of this social solidarity depends on the extent of the division of labour. Keywords: division of labour, mechanical solidarity, organic solidarity, anomie, social fact 1. Introduction 3. It reinforces the faith of the collectivism on the power of Durkheim was deeply concerned with the impact of the large- society doing right thing in the right place at right time scale structure of society, and society itself, on the thoughts 4. -
The Evolution of Complex Societies in Mesoamerica
13 The Evolution of Complex Societies in Mesoamerica During the morning we arrived at a broad causeway and continued our march towards Iztapalapa, and when we saw so many cities and villages in the water and other great towns on dry land and that straight and level causeway going towards Mexico, we were amazed and said it was like the enchantments they tell of in the legend of Amadis, on account of the great towers . and buildings rising from the water, all built of masonry. And, some of our soldiers asked whether the things we saw were not a dream. Bernal Diaz del Castillo1 n Easter week of 1519, the Spanish conquistador Hernan Cortés landed on the coast Iof Veracruz, Mexico, and began a military campaign that would end in the crushing defeat of the indigenous Aztec civilization. (Figure 13.1) For tens of thousands of years before Cortés’s arrival, the peoples of the Old and New Worlds had had so little contact that they were physically different, spoke entirely different languages, and had no idea that the others even existed. But here is the intriguing thing: When Cortés traveled the road from Veracruz to the Aztec capital near Mexico City, he passed through cities, towns, villages, markets, and irrigated fields, and he saw slavery, poverty, potentates, farmers, soldiers, temples, massive pyramids, roads, boats, pottery, gold jewelry, and textiles; in short, he encountered a world whose almost every aspect he could understand in terms of his own experience as an urban Spaniard of the sixteenth century. There were, of course, many dissimilarities between the Spanish and Aztec peoples. -
Institutional Evolution in the Holocene: the Rise of Complex Societies
INSTITUTIONAL EVOLUTION IN THE HOLOCENE: THE RISE OF COMPLEX SOCIETIES Peter J. Richerson Department of Environmental Science and Policy University of California Davis [email protected] Robert Boyd Department of Anthropology University of California Los Angeles [email protected] Keywords: Cultural evolution, complex societies, origins of agriculture, evolution of institutions Summary: The evolution of complex societies began when agricultural subsistence systems raised human population densities to levels that would support large scale cooperation, and division of labor. All agricultural origins sequences postdate 11,500 years ago probably because late Pleistocene climates we extremely variable, dry, and the atmosphere was low in carbon dioxide. Under such conditions, agriculture was likely impossible. However, the tribal scale societies of the Pleistocene did acquire, by gene- culture coevolution, tribal social instincts that simultaneously enable and constrain the evolution of complex societies. Once agriculture became possible, a competitive ratchet drove further improvements in subsistence and in scale of social organization . Those societies that grew and became better organized were advantaged in individual wealth and economic and military power, and tended to conquer, absorb, or be imitated by smaller and less well organized societies. Internal competitors for power espousing useful social innovations could deliver improved returns when their quest was successful. Notwithstanding the ratchet, social complexity increased only slowly in the first half of the Holocene and even afterwards few periods except the past two centuries saw changes that were dramatic on the scale of individual lifetimes. We attempt a taxonomy of the processes that regulate rates of institutional evolution, cause reversals of complexity against the ratchet, and impose historical contingency on institutional evolution.i April 2000.