The Mapuche People in Post-Dictatorship Chile

Home , Huilliche people, Lonko, Mapuche, Ruka (Mapuche), Wekufe

Études rurales

163-164 | 2002 Terre, territoire, appartenances

Guillaume Boccara

Electronic version URL: https://journals.openedition.org/etudesrurales/7984 DOI: 10.4000/etudesrurales.7984 ISSN: 1777-537X

Publisher Éditions de l’EHESS

Printed version Date of publication: 1 January 2002 Number of pages: 283-303

Electronic reference Guillaume Boccara, “The Mapuche People in Post-Dictatorship Chile”, Études rurales [Online], 163-164 | 2002, Online since 01 January 2004, connection on 07 September 2021. URL: http:// journals.openedition.org/etudesrurales/7984 ; DOI: https://doi.org/10.4000/etudesrurales.7984

The Mapuche People in Post-Dictatorship Chile par Guillaume BOCCARA

| Éditions de l’EHESS | Ét udes rurales

2002/3-4 - N° 163-164 ISSN 0014-2182 | ISBN 2-7132-1793-8 | pages 283 à 303

Pour citer cet article : — Boccara G., The Mapuche People in Post-Dictatorship Chile, Études rurales 2002/ 3-4, N° 163-164, p. 283-303.

Distribution électronique Cairn pour les Éditions de l’EHESS. © Éditions de l’EHESS. Tous droits réservés pour tous pays. La reproduction ou représentation de cet article, notamment par photocopie, n'est autorisée que dans les limites des conditions générales d'utilisation du site ou, le cas échéant, des conditions générales de la licence souscrite par votre établissement. Toute autre reproduction ou représentation, en tout ou partie, sous quelque forme et de quelque manière que ce soit, est interdite sauf accord préalable et écrit de l'éditeur, en dehors des cas prévus par la législation en vigueur en France. Il est précisé que son stockage dans une base de données est également interdit. THE MAPUCHE PEOPLE Guillaume Boccara IN POST-DICTATORSHIP CHILE1

Let me start by noting that by introducing this paper with postmodern and postcolonial vocabulary, I do not mean to make fun of the scholars who created it and are using it. Instead, I think this vocabulary is a symptom of the pro- found malaise we feel when we grapple with social, political, cultural or economic realities whose diversity, complexity, hybridity and dy- namism go far beyond the poverty of our own categories of understanding or classificatory practices. I am aware that by trying to escape from the order of euro-american discourse and F I WERE TO SUM UP the general idea of this avoid perpetuating of the relationships of dom- paper in fashionable terms, I would say that ination embedded in the very words we use to I in the last decade the Mapuche people of talk about the world, some scholars may feel the Chile have been trying to recover control over their cultural and natural resources, and that in 1. I would like to extend my gratitude to the people who the process they have developed an “alterna- read and commented this paper: Vupenyu Dzingarai (Uni- tive modernity” or perhaps an “alternative to versity of Zimbabwe), Michael Goldman (University of Illinois, USA), and Asunción Merino (CSIC/Yale Univer- modernity,” producing local knowledge that sity). I also owe a debt of gratitude to the people at the undermines the dominant euro-american Program in Agrarian Studies at Yale University, especially global design. In spite of the pervasiveness of to its director James Scott and its coordinator Kay Mans- the “coloniality of power,” their discursive and field. I would also like to thank Gilbert Joseph and Stuart non-discursive practices show that it is possi- Schwartz for giving me the opportunity to present a pre- liminary version of this paper at the Council on Latin ble to think differently “from the border” and American and Iberian Studies Interdisciplinary Lecture to construct an alternative to the world viewed Series at Yale University in March 2002. Finally, I owe from the perspective of “colonial difference.” more than I can express to the Makewe Hospital’s staff, to (Escobar 2002; Mignolo 2000, 2001) In this Jaime Ibacache, technical director of this first indigenous paper, I address the broad topic of the socio- hospital in Chile, and to the members of the Asociación Indígena para la Salud Makewe-Pelale: Francisco Chureo, cultural and political dynamics of the Ma- Rosalino Moreno, Francisco Ancavil, and Juan Epuleo. puche people in post-dictatorship Chile. The Thank you for allowing me to witness and participate in central argument is that the Mapuche social this encouraging and creative experience that aims at con- movement that has developed since the 1990s structing a new complementary health model.The ideas has both challenged the very basis of the dom- developed in this paper draw upon data I gathered during inant political and ideological order, and con- two years of fieldwork in Chile between January 1998 and March 2000. This paper is part of a broader project tributed to the process of rethinking the way that seeks to account for the process of reterritorialization of doing politics and building democracy and and cultural renaissance among the Mapuche People of citizenship. Chile and Argentina since the 1980s.

Études rurales, juillet-décembre 2002, 163-164 : 283-304 Guillaume Boccara

.... 284 necessity to invent a new vocabulary or new malaise at home,” as north-american anthropo- combination of old terms. However, I think that logist Michael Brown put it with some irony in we should leave more room for the lexicon that a paper about the new politics of identity in indigenous social agents themselves use to ac- Amazonia (1993: 308). However we can say count for the multiplicity of their experiences, without any kind of romanticism that the emer- what in other terms we could call “local knowl- gence of indigenous social movement represents edge,” “border thinking” or simply indigenous one of the defining traits of the current South politics, for the “automatic assumption that the- American historical situation and that thanks to ory emanates from the West and has as its object their new activism from within their specific the untheorized practices of the subaltern, the historical experience and sociological location native, and the non-West, can no longer be sus- in the interstices and cracks of Latin American tained.” (Lowe and Lloyd eds. 1997: 3) societies, indigenous peoples are effectively I do not mean that the whole social science inventing new forms of doing politics and show- project is useless or obsolete and that we should ing remarkable sociopolitical imagination. definitively abandon the idea of creating inter- Let us turn to the specific case of the Ma- pretive frameworks or move away from the am- puche people of Chile in order to make this ab- bition of fostering theoretical reflection around stract argument more concrete. I shall start by well-defined concepts. I am convinced that this is giving some basic and general data regarding the only way to break free from the doxa and the the Mapuche historical trajectory and their cur- “hypnotic power of domination.” (Bourdieu rent sociological characteristics. Then I shall 2001a: 2) But I think we should rethink our cate- examine various cases of Mapuche mobiliz- gories of understanding in light of indigenous so- ation and claims that we can group around cial theories and practices, and that we should be three main themes: prepared to give our typologies more flexibility, • How organizations use the treaties Ma- especially if we consider that we have embodied puche people signed with the Spanish Crown the historical structures of colonial and nation- during the colonial period in their current con- state order in the form of unconscious schemes of testation of the territoriality imposed by the perception and appreciation (ibid.: 5). One prac- Chilean state in the wake of the Mapuche mili- tical strategy of objectification would be to treat tary defeat at the end of the 19th century. I ethnographic analysis not only as cultural cri- might characterize this as a double process of tique that will bring to the fore the arbitrary and resemantization and reterritorialization. contingent character of our sociopolitical forms, • The “interculturalization” of the Chilean imaginaries and categories of understanding, but institutional apparatus by the indigenous lead- also as a way of thinking beyond them. ers and people of the Makewe-Pelale Health One might say that this is asking too much Indigenous Association. of indigenous people and that we, citizens of the • The recent process of ethnogenesis of North, “see native peoples as providing a com- the Mapuche-Warriache of the cities or urban pelling alternative to spiritual and ecological Mapuche people. The Mapuche People in Post-Dictatorship Chile

.... As we shall see, these projects and social inhabited the central and south-central part of 285 movements call into question the very mechan- Chile, between the Aconcagua River to the isms of colonization of Mapuche memory, ter- north and the Chiloé Archipelago to the south. ritory and society that have been implemented The northern Reche, better known as Pikunche since the Chilean state undertook the so-called (people from the North) were rather quickly de- pacification of the Araucanía and put indige- feated by the Spanish in the 16th century. They nous people into reservations at the end of the lost their territorial autonomy and were incor- 19th century. What is even more striking, how- porated into colonial society. The southern ever, is that this indigenous social movement, Reche, or so-called Huilliche (people from the by creating new political forms and unveiling South) used to live on lands located between the hidden mechanisms of domination, seems the Valdivia river and the Chiloé Archipelago. to offer an alternative to the political and social They were not totally subordinated to the colo- national project implemented during the so- nial machine since the Spanish presence in called transition to democracy period of the those confines was weak, but they never consti- 1990s. The indigenous peoples’ re-emergence tuted a threat to the functioning of colonial so- goes well beyond the claim to their own politi- ciety. Unlike their northern and southern cal and cultural rights. It constitutes a new way neighbours, the central Reche, inhabitants of the of imagining the organization of polities, be- lands between the Maule River and the Tolten yond the coloniality of the nation-state para- River, fiercely resisted the Spanish conquest digm. We can say that the Mapuche social and colonization. Their society experienced a movement, through its contribution to the recon- whole process of restructuring through the struction of social networks in post-dictatorship adoption of the horse, the concentration of po- Chile, its rethinking of the past and reconstruc- litical structures, the re-organization of the eco- tion of the memory of subaltern groups and its nomic sphere around trade in the frontiers post, creation of spaces of autonomy, is opening new raids in the Chilean and Argentinean estancias, alamedas, as Salvador Allende put it in his final cattle breeding, and the expansion towards the broadcasted speech the day of the coup, on an- Argentinean Pampas. In short, a process of other September 11th… transformation or ethnogenesis that took place between the second half of the 16th century and Historical and Sociological Background the end of the 18th century led to the emergence Let us start by giving some general data about of a new sociopolitical entity and identity: the the Mapuche people’s historical trajectory and Mapuche, properly speaking (Boccara 1999a). main social characteristics. The Mapuche peo- Thus, given the impossibility of conquering ple, better known as Araucanians, are famous the Reche by force, the colonial authority im- for their military resistance of the Spanish con- plemented two fundamental devices that conquest. Upon the arrival of the Europeans, the tributed to the formation of the frontier zone Reche (which is their real name or ethnonym, around the Bío Bío River – the mission and the and which means authentic human being) parlamento or political meeting – which meant Guillaume Boccara

.... 286 that after approximately a century of rough war, the successive Chilean governments would be the Spanish-Creoles and the Reche set up the to divide the reservations in order to fully inte- basis for a colonial agreement (Boccara 1999b). grate the Mapuche into Chilean society. It was This pacto colonial was to last until indepen- the military government that eventually put an dence in the early 19th century. However, once end to the reservation system and the existence the Chilean State obtained its independence, the of indigenous people in Chile by promulgating relationship between the still independent Ma- the 1979 decree that states that “the divided puche of the Araucanía and the Creoles authority lands will no longer be considered indigenous radically changed. After a period of so-called lands, and the people living on those lands will spontaneous colonization by foreign migrants no longer be considered indigenous.”2 (Decreto between 1840 and 1860, after slow but efficient Ley N° 2.568, Cap. 1, Art. 1° b) However, in encroachment on the northern part of the frontier spite of this termination policy, the Mapuche through the purchase of indigenous lands and people seem to be still there, and the homo through deception, and after having decreed indigenous has not been replaced by the homo through multiples laws that the Mapuche lands œconomicus the neo-liberal dictatorship had were from then on part and parcel of the national dreamed of. Finally, in 1993, after several years territory, the Chilean State eventually undertook of tough negotiations among Chilean institu- the “pacification” of the Araucanía. This meant tions and Mapuche associations, a new indige- that after human and legal colonization, the nous law that recognizes the existence of Chilean state finished off the work through mil- cultural pluralism in the national territory sets itary conquest (Boccara and Seguel-Boccara up the basis for the participation of “Chilean 1999). The military defeat of the Mapuche peo- ethnic groups,” and creates a new state institu- ple at the end of the 19th century opened a new tion responsable for the Indian Affairs: the era in their history and relationship with the National Indigenous Development Corporation Wingka, or the Chilean people. From the Ma- (CONADI) in which there are elected indige- puche point of view, this defeat constituted a nous representatives but whose director is ap- turning point in their history, marking a before pointed (and in many cases dismissed) by the and an after. Mapuche people speak with nostal- President of the Chilean Republic.3 At the very gia of this pre-reservation era of freedom, abun- core of this new law is the concept of intercul- dance, wealth and pride (Alonqueo 1975). From turalism and the desire to set up a new deal with the Chilean vantage point, “pacification” represents another step towards the territorialization 2. “… las hijuelas resultantes de la división de las reser- of the nation. vas dejarán de considerarse tierras indígenas, e indíge- In the wake of the Mapuche defeat, the in- nas a sus dueños o adjudicatorios.” digenous territory was dismantled and their 3. The first two directors (M. Huenchulaf and D. Namuncura) lands greatly reduced. Between 1884 and 1927, were fired because of disagreements regarding the construc- around 3000 reservations were created in south- tion of several dams in the Pehuenche territories of the High ern Chile. From that date on, one of the goals of Bío Bío River. The Mapuche People in Post-Dictatorship Chile

.... the indigenous people of Chile, and particularly Nevertheless, it is my belief that the large num- 287 the more than one million Mapuche. Since then, ber of mistakes and hasty generalizations con- the Chilean governments of the Concertación4 cerning Mapuche sociopolitical and cultural have tried to give some content to this vague no- dynamics found in this literature is due to a tion of interculturalism. But, there are several large extent to the fact that very few researchers obstacles on the road to implementation this so- undertake meticulous ethnographic work or called interculturalism: fine-grained ethnography combined with his- • the recent evolution of the indigenous torical research, often limiting themselves to re- movement whose claims go well beyond this ports proffered precisely by the new indigenous seemingly neutral notion of interculturalism and whose new political forms tend to contest the 4. The Concertación or Coalition of Parties for Democ- very technology of voting and the misleading racy, represents an umbrella that encompasses many po- idea that the vote amounts to democratic polit- litical parties, from the Christian Democrats to the ical suffrage;5 Socialist Party. It served to unite most civilians outside the hard right in opposition to Pinochet. That arrange- • the inertia of eurocentered-dominant ment led to the election of Patricio Aylwin Azocar in ideology;6 1989, an election that opened the “transition to democ- • the economic constraints of a neo-liberal racy period.” model. 5. On this point see Curín and Valdés (2000) who, al- Beyond Multiculturalism, Development and though they tend sometimes to essentialize the Mapuche Interculturalism: Mapuche Politics identity and culture (op. cit.: 171-173), provide an interesting reflection on how to create a real “control Since the early 1990s, much has been written territorial.” about the Mapuche movement. While some stress the so-called nativist qualities of indi- 6. Regarding the lacune in what he calls the Chilean post- genous mobilizations (Bengoa 1999, 2001),7 indigenist policy, Chilean anthropologist José Bengoa aptly notes: “La ausencia de reconocimiento a unidades others insist in very general terms on the inno- territoriales y colectivas superiores a las comunidades vative character of ethnic-national demands tiene como consecuencia una limitación en el concepto and their progressive move towards the defini- de participación.” (2001: 122) tion of a proper autochthonous territoriality (Foerster 1999; Foerster and Vergara 2000; 7. Bengoa recently wrote: “Los indígenas habían per- manecido silenciosos y olvidados durante décadas o Marimán 2000). Diverse approximations of siglos. Ahora irrumpren con sus antiguas identidades the “indigenous question” have stressed the cuando pareciera que se aproxima la modernidad al con- importance acquired by so-called “Mapuche tinente” (2001: 85), and further on: “Junto con el lla- intellectuals,” and during the last years, the par- mado ingreso de América Latina a la modernidad y a los ticipation of Mapuche scholars has increased procesos globales, han estallado las más antiguas identi- considerably, challenging the dominant and le- dades que se remontan al tiempo precolombino.” (2001: 87) Elsewhere, he maintains that: “El discurso más pro- gitimate vision and division of the social world fundo de la cultura mapuche es antimoderno, va contra el as much as the rules of the academic game. desarrollo…” (1999: 127) Guillaume Boccara

.... 288 urban elite or reducing their involvement to a to constitute the Mapuche as legal subjects very brief field visit. While I will not undertake through the use of socioterritorial claims. It a critical revision of recent socio-ethnological made innovative use of the treaties (parlamen- productions, I will, when necessary, point to tos) signed by the Mapuche and by colonial the pathologies present in the construction of authorities during the 17th, 18th and 19th cen- the object of study. turies. In this case, the “weapons” employed Let us now give some concrete examples of by “western civilization” of that time (literacy the new Mapuche movement that emerged dur- and legal-political normalization) appear today ing the 1990s. Given the limitation of space, I to have turned against their modern heirs, since will briefly mention the indigenous political some members of societies with oral traditions agenda linked to the issue of territoriality and are using written documents to stake their sovereignty and then reflect on the broader, yet claims to international legal and political locally rooted, project developed by the indig- recognition. Further, while the colonial author- enous Association of the Indigenous Rural ities had created the parlamentos as a state Hospital of Makewe since 1999. apparatus for normalization and control, today the Mapuche are increasingly subverting the FROM LAND TO TERRITORY political-administrative order imposed by the The clearest manisfestation of the transforma- Chilean nation-state through a resignification tion of the Mapuche agenda in the last decade of these wingka-cojautun (wingka: no- can be summarized in the following terms: Mapuche, cojautun: political meeting).8 In the from land to territory. Indigenous associations case of the Council’s claim, the recognition of no longer defined Mapuche people as poor Mapuche political rights expresses itself in peasants lacking land, but as a people whose very general terms since what is at stake is the territorial sovereignty had been alienated and recognition of Mapuche nation sovereignty whose socioterritorial organization had been over a huge and ill-defined territory whose superseded by Chilean administrative divi- northern border would be the historical Bío Bío sions. Some new initiatives have helped re- River. In the case of the Council of All Lands, politicize and re-historicize the issue of lands the affirmation of Mapuche sovereignty over that the nationalistic project (combined with their historical territories was accompanied by the development paradigm) had contributed restoration of the so-called traditional authori- to de-politicizing and de-historicizing. I will ties, namely the lonko (chieftain), the machi eventually deal briefly with new Mapuche (shaman) and the werken (messenger) who identities in the city of Santiago. were supposed to define the foreign policy of The first indigenous association that raised Mapuche society. It was also accompanied by the problem of Mapuche territoriality as such is direct actions that aimed at the recuperation of the Council of All Lands (Aukiñ WallMapu Ngülam, hereafter AWNg). Opting for a global, 8. On a similar use of literacy by Huilliche people, see legal and political strategy the AWNg attempted Foerster (1998). The Mapuche People in Post-Dictatorship Chile

.... stolen lands, recuperation (recuperación) and in the early 1990s, many indigenous associations 289 not tomas (collective land occupation) since the started to articulate territorial demands and, even AWNg also opened the path for a contestation more interesting, to claim the validity of ancient of the dominant symbolic order. Thus this socioterritorial units that had been dismantled social movement challenged the state’s exer- through Mapuche incorporation into the Chilean cize of taxinomic control over difference by in- state and that were thought to have disappeared sisting on calling the indigenous people by forever, not only from the vocabulary but also their name, Mapuche and not by the heteronym from indigenous rural communities’ conscious- Araucanian; by using their language in the pub- ness and social practices. lic sphere defying the mockery of the dominant The indigenous territorialist re-emergence society and overcoming their own dominated is first present in the claim of the people of subjects shame; by wearing their own clothes Truf-Truf, a Mapuche reservation area close to in an expression of “bodytherapy;” by defining Temuco. The Truf-Truf Mapuche Association, an indigenous agenda that goes beyond the first formed to organize opposition to the con- western divisions between left and right wings, struction of a highway on their lands, led to the and finally by organizing their own political renewal and reinvention of what was once the meetings (trawun) and emphasizing their own Mapuche territorial organization. The lof (en- political forms and institutions. dogamous social unit), the rewe (political and Nevertheless, in spite of their tremendous ceremonial unit) and ayllarewe (macro-regional impact on Chilean and indigenous peoples’ political and military unit made up of several consciousness and even though they started rewe), institutions and socioterritorial organiz- what we could call a “discursive rebellion” ations that were in place before military defeat, (Mudimbe 1988), it is worth noting that the started to regain their political function and re- AWNg’s proposals and political imagination appeared precisely when it was almost taken for were still overdetermined by dominant ideol- granted that state territorial forms (reservations, ogy and entangled with the nation-state para- municipalities, provinces, regions, etc.) had be- digm. Its search for a kind of Mapuche purity, come the norm.9 which led its representatives to develop a fun- At almost the same time, in the years 1998 damentalist discourse that excluded the inau- and 1999, the first articulated territorial pro- thentic urban Mapuche, and its tendency to posal emerged from the so-called Identity of the speak for the Mapuche nation as a whole as if People of the Coast, or Identidad Lafkenche that they were its legitimate representatives defi- included a huge territory from Tirúa to the north nitely marked the limits of this movement as a to the Budi Lack to the south. For the first time real alternative to the dominant political, social since the Mapuche defeat, a great number of and cultural model. Nonetheless, the AWNg opened a space into which other associations 9. The way these pre-reservation socioterritorial divisions would rush. are being reinvented and adapted to new realities is an Indeed, in the wake of the AWNg’s proposal issue that remains to be studied. Guillaume Boccara

.... 290 reservations located on the coast of the eighth remain as local as possible by reestablishing and ninth regions claimed the existence and their own authorities at the very center of the po- validity of their former macroregional political litical arena and processes of decision making. institution (ayllarewe, and futamapu: big land) Finally, although I will not develop this using the new term of territorial entity (entidad point in the present paper, it is important to territorial). By reclaiming the existence of note that, the redefinition of Mapuche land as macro-regional units that had disappeared from territory is made as much in political as in the historical records since the second half of sociocultural terms. In political terms because the 19th century, the Mapuche polity of the indigenous people claim autonomy on their coast claimed to encompass a total of 76 com- land and try to reorganize space according to munities that represented around 110 000 peo- their own social principles of organization. In ple.10 While the Association of Truf-Truf claims sociocultural terms because the conceptualiz- a traditional territoriality that challenges the ation of the mapu or territory Mapuche people Chilean state segmentation of indigenous land have goes far beyond the mere management of into thousands of reservations, the Identity of political differences. The territory is made out the Coast’s project tends to undermine the of several different spaces and places, and Chilean state divisions of the Chilean territory divided both horizontally and vertically. The itself, for it tends to show that the indigenous Mapuche people divide the wall mapu or whole territoriality, namely the futamapu, transcends land or cosmos into three horizontal layers: the the national division into regions. upper land or wenumapu, the land where we In both cases, the contestation of Chilean are seated or anünmapu, and the lower land territoriality comes with the recuperation and or minchemapu. The upperland and the land reelaboration of historical memory and a where we are seated are inhabited by societies rewriting of official Chilean national history. of humans and spirits. That is why the ethno- Leaders of the Lafkenmapu or Big Land of the centric distinction between natural and super- Coast talk about the historical debt the Chilean natural just as that between nature and culture state has towards Mapuche people. Represen- is not valid (Descola 1999). What is fundamen- tatives of the Truf-Truf Ayllarewe declare that tal is the division of the anünmapu into domes- territorial reconstruction has just started and ticated and non-domesticated places. The that the Chilean State will have to respond for non-domesticated space and places (called having burned their harvests and houses, stolen mawida or monte: mawidantu, pitrantu, their lands and raped their women during the menoco, river shores, swamps) cannot be in- so-called pacification (Organización Mapuche habited or exploited. They are places where un- Wenteche Ayjarewegetuayiñ 1999). controlled energies live and where shamans Over all, these associations struggle to find plants that will be later on transformed into achieve internal autonomy through socioterritorial reconstruction, avoiding the traps of tradi- 10. See Identidad Mapuche Lafkenche de la Provincia de tional state paternalism and above all trying to Arauco (1999). The Mapuche People in Post-Dictatorship Chile

.... drugs (lawen). Each place is watched by a mas- mythical snake that saved originary human 291 ter (ngen) and no one can use these places with- kind. In sum, the Mapuche conception of terri- out first asking the master and then giving tory has always refered to much more than a something in exchange. Because of the non- simple, even though crucial, question of land respect of these basic rules of reciprocity and [McFall 2001; Quidel and Jines 1999]. vigilance, the masters are leaving the lands, and therefore plants are disappearing and along THE MAKEWE HOSPITAL EXPERIENCE (1999-2002) with remedies, rivers are drying up and people In the wake of the Chilean state’s new approach are getting sick.11 of the indigenous question as expressed in the Mapuche conceptualization of the environ- indigenous law of 1993, several original health, ment is entirely connected to the political development and educational projects started project of reterritorialization.12 That is why the to be implemented. Those projects were participation of shamans is so overwhelming thought to be new since they were defined as in the current Mapuche social movement. Machi are not only playing a role as emblems 11. On this issue see María Ester Grebe, Ana Mariella of the Mapuche struggle for recognition of Bacigalupo and Armando Marileo’s works. In relation to their cultural and political rights, they are also the disastrous effects produced by forestry expansion, a playing an internal sociopolitical role insofar Mapuche leader says the following: “Dentro de las as they are the ones who are believed to know plantaciones, hay lugares sagrados como los cementerios antiguos, gijatuwe y las machi dicen que las fuerzas y which spaces are to be respected. Although I seres como los dueños del monte, del agua y los cerros ya cannot enter into further details, it is important no están. En mi comunidad había lugares que hacían to remember that the process of Mapuche llover, pero ese newen, esa fuerza que antes existía, ya no reterritorialization is far more complex than a está.” (Reiman 2001: 39) Similarly, Juan Epuleo, longko- simple recuperation of lands. It has to do with nguillatufe (ceremonial chief) in Makewe told us that the masters or genies (ngen or dueño) were leaving the land, the political and sociocultural conceptions thus connecting environmental deterioration with cultural which the people of the mapu have about the loss. mapu. Actually, mapu, usually translated as land, would better be translated as territory. In 12. Alfonso Reiman, Mapuche leader of the Asociación fact, in the 18th century, each futamapu con- Comunal de Comunidades Mapuche Ñancucheo ceived of the others as camapu, or other-polity (Lumako) expressed this idea when he recently wrote: “… nos proponemos como desafío volver a recuperar esa and the inhabitants of the others futamapu forma de como nos relacionamos con nuestra naturaleza, were called ca-Mapuche (Boccara 1998). Fi- para ello es necesaria la restitución, la recuperación de nally, the Reche (people authentic) of the 16th nuestro derecho, pero a la vez la recuperación de nuestra century used to define their political member- cultura, además de la reconstitución y recuperación de ship and social identity in relation to the spe- nuestras tierras, la reconstrucción de la organizacion territorial y recuperar lo que es nuestra antigua organización cific relationship they maintain with a rewe que es de nagche.” (2000: 153) Nagche, means literally (authentic place or site where they belong) and lower mapuche or abajinos (nag: down) after the name of a mount called Tren-Tren, after the name of the a 19th century Mapuche socioterritorial subdivision. Guillaume Boccara

.... 292 intercultural. Development projects were la- sometimes discriminatory practices existing in beled ethnodevelopment, education became the urban hospitals. This project also involved bilingual intercultural education, and health be- the naming of new kind of “fiscales de indios” came intercultural health. Interculturalism was who were the indigenous health promotors defined in very broad terms as a perspective that responsible for informing other community would take into account distinct indigenous re- members when the wingka physicians were ality and idiosyncrasy and that would respect about to come. indigenous culture. For example, ethnode- To some extent we can see this so-called velopment was defined as development with new intercultural system as a return to the old identity,13 education as a transmission of know- frontier missionary strategy aimed at creating ledge that would consider the Mapuche cultural the conditions for continued surveillance and at background and language and be aimed at cor- optimizing the effects of power by increasing recting the tremendous inequality between knowledge concerning the indigenous subject, indigenous and non-indigenous peoples. In the placing indigenous agents of acculturation at original well-demarcated subfield of health, a the very center of the indigenous social and in- specific Mapuche program was created that dividual body. As part of a broader development promoted the creation of health facilitators in model one might say, following Arturo Esco- urban hospitals and health promotors in rural bar’s statement on development in “the making communities. The goal was to better integrate of the Third World,” that the biomedical the Mapuche into the dominant health system, since it had been proved that compared with to 13. José Quidel, longko of the Truf-Truf Ayllarewe and a non-indigenous populations, rural indigenous professor at the Catholic University of Temuco criticizes people were at a great disadvantage regarding this ill-defined concept of “development with identity” in health condition and access to quality health the following terms: “… se habla de la ya recurrida services. The goal was also to optimize the apuesta‘desarrollo con identidad.” Frente a tales pro- puestas, se denota una trivialización del Ser mapuche. Se biomedical system by integrating within it the denota una suerte de que otra vez son los organismos del Mapuche social and cultural difference. Estado quienes tienen que considerar la variable ‘étnica’ Therefore, the dominant biomedical para- para proponer estilo de desarrollo. ¿No será más apro- digm was not challenged at all and indigenous piado hablar de desarrollo desde la identidad?” (2001: medical systems, health practices and represen- 146) tations were not taken into account; for the 14. As part of a broader development paradigm, intercul- government the problem was a one of bad com- turalism can be considered as an “antipolitics machine” munication and information and could be (Ferguson 1990) that reduces social inequalities and dis- solved by hiring more physicians, translators crimination to failures of communicational and techno- and facilitators, and by giving more medi- logical advancement. It represents an essentializing, naturalizing, and depoliticizing discourse insofar as it 14 cines. This was supposed to bridge the considers marginalized peoples as archaic groups, disre- gap between poor-underdeveloped-lost-rural- garding the ways sociocultural differences have been Mapuche and the bureaucratic functioning and produced throughout history (Boccara 2003). The Mapuche People in Post-Dictatorship Chile

.... paradigm had achieved the status of a certainty What was the general philosophy of indige- 293 in the social imaginary and that it seemed im- nous communities leaders when they took possible to conceptualize disease and well-being charge of the hospital and what are the changes in other terms. Since the 1950s, life, death and and new initiatives that have taken place since the vital cycle had been colonized by biome- 1999? First of all, indigenous leaders declared dical discourse that developed as a “compelling their will to set up a new health system adapted regime of representation” (Escobar 1995) and to their reality reflecting the diversity in the deployed as a regime of government over in- rural communities. The main objective was to digenous communities. Since then, biomedical improve the quality and quantity of health discourse “has been producing dichotomies, through the implementation of what they also functioning as a discontinuistic device that gen- defined, emulating state discourse, as an inter- erates segments in the social reality, that creates cultural model. In order to set up this new differences, exclusion and eventually, social model respectful of Mapuche people and prac- order.” (Escobar 2002) tices and representations of health, they hired a It is in this context of seeming transforma- wingka physician well known for his knowl- tion of the dominant biomedical paradigm that edge of Mapuche culture and respectful of the the experience of Makewe occured. Let me Mapuche health system. They asked the state give a brief description of the locality and what for better infrastructure, better wingka medi- has occured there. Makewe is a vast zone situ- cine, and faster access to the Temuco regional ated near 12 kilometers south of Temuco, the hospital services. In this respect, the Makewe capital of the ninth region of Araucanía. 95% of experience started as an intercultural experi- the around 10 000 people living in that zone are ence in the most general and conventional Mapuche. Historically a zone of harsh Ma- sense of the term. puche resistance to conquest and colonization, But while partly sharing the state agents’ by the end of the 19th century Makewe was conception of interculturalism, some of the very subordinated to Anglican Church intervention. first Mapuche leaders, through their initiatives, The rural hospital formed in 1927 by Anglican showed that the concept was being indigenized. missionaries was handed over to the local asso- First of all, the leaders stated that they had ciation of Makewe-Pelale in March 1999. This to be answerable to the members of the com- Association claims to represent 35 indigenous munities and not to the state which gives the communities. It grew out of the first indige- hospital a monthly 8.5 million pesos subsidy. nous mobilization experience that took place in Second, they publicly recognized the crucial the early 1990s when the Mapuche people role of shamans (machi) in the health recovery gathered food and money in order to save from process and within the sociopolitical dynamics banckrupcy what they already considered their of communities. own hospital. Since then, people of the neigh- Third, they reacted very firmly and severely bouring communities have been assisting the against any manifestation of racism and dis- hospital by giving flour, meat and vegetables. crimination in the hospital. A Chilean dentist Guillaume Boccara

.... 294 who had racist and authoritarian behaviour was late the problem in these terms, changes began fired and an Anglican nurse was asked to stop to take place at an accelerated pace. equating shamans with witches since otherwise Makewe leaders networked with other Ma- she would be ousted too. puche associations that were struggling for Fourth, leaders hired new health care work- their territorial and cultural rights (Truf-Truf, ers with knowledge in Mapuche conceptions of Lumaco, Identity of the Coast). They devel- illness, body and environment and emphasized oped a system for the production and dissemi- a new horizontal power distribution. They nation of their own knowledge16 and signed trained the staff in basic Mapuche medicine and agreements with universities in Chile and history through videos, workshops and semi- abroad. They emphasized direct contact and di- nars. They slowly abandoned the term intercul- alogue as equals with the ministries in order to tural and started to talk about a complementary influence state policies toward indigenous health system. peoples; they also created research projects to After a few months, the indigenous model produce their own socio-anthropological started to become emancipated from the hege- knowledge and epidemiological data (Hospital monic system and came up with radically new Makewe 2001; Ibacache et al. 2002; Ibacache, initiatives outside both the hegemonic model McFall and Quidel 2001). Through all those and eurocentered critiques of eurocentrism initiatives, one can detect the will to define the (Escobar 2002: 11), and began to construct new rules of the game as regards to external progressively a different logic, a complemen- agents (developers, social scientists, state tary model of health that is creating the conditions for the emergence of an alternative 15. Francisco Chureo, President of the Makewe-Pelale ethnoterritoriality. Indigenous Health Association says: “En los últimos años From the start, the Makewe community se ha producido un aumento de la depresión en nuestra gente. Esta enfermedad se ha agudizado cada vez más members conceived of health as a political and porque las familias ya no tienen tierras, lo que ha provo- cultural problem. Health problems were polit- cado la disgregación de la familia mapuche. Los hijos se ical problems since there was no respect from ven obligado a emigrar a la ciudad para trabajar en ofi- the wingka people, lands were scarce because cios, que además de alejarlos de su territorio, de la fa- of the robbery Mapuche people had been sub- milia y su cultura, sólo les sirven para sobre vivir. Cuando mitted to, the Chilean state’s paternalistic poli- nuestro pueblo tenía tierras nunca sufrió de depressión porque llevábamos una vida digna y en equilibrio.” cies had maintained Mapuche people in a state (08/29/01, http://www.mapuche.nl/mhtm/interview- of dependence, and the health projects were al- chreo.htm) ways conceived outside the communities.15 In sum, the health problems reflected a general 16. The Intercultural Dialogues organized by the Identity situation of domination, the erasure of indige- of the Coast represents another good example of this new production of knowledge, see Actas de los Diálogos In- nous ways of doing politics and of indigenous terculturales entre cosmovisiones científicas y mapuche, control on the production and use of knowl- junio 2000, http://www.soc.uu.se/mapuche/mapuint. edge. Once Mapuche leaders started to formu- DialogoIntercultural1.html. The Mapuche People in Post-Dictatorship Chile

.... agents, universities, etc.) as a means to coun- and since a wingka physician is directing the 295 teract the effects of the usual discriminatory Mapuche Program of the Southern Branch of practices and the dominant symbolic violence. the Ministry of Health. This represents a good Such developments reflect an increasing example of what a Mapuche historian called the awareness of the need to create representations interculturalization of wingka institutionality.17 of their own reality geared towards the domi- Finally, I would like to mention a point that is nant society in order to counter cultural looting crucial to understanding the Makewe dynamic, and the stereotypes at the root of domination. namely, the great diversity of the staff and ope- In launching research projects within commu- ness of Mapuche leaders, provided that the new nities, in teaching courses on Mapuche health initiatives do not lead to more heteronomy. In and thought open to students from all disci- the case of the Mapuche hospital, the very di- plines and countries, in creating a council of versity of the main actors, which comprise, elders (nielukuifikekimün), in signing academic among others, a Catholic ceremonial chief agreements, in constructing the new Rakid- (longko-nguillatufe) who has lived for many uam-Ruka (the Meeting House of Thought) to years in Santiago before returning to the coun- host diverse cultural and social events, in re- tryside, a Mapuche Evangelical pastor, several validating the ancient political institutions machi, the wingka physician who directs the where collective opinion is to be made, such as Programa Mapuche del Servicio de Salud Arau- the trawün (meeting) and cojautun (parla- canía Sur, a champurria (mestizo) peasant leader mento), in reasserting the value of traditional who studied at the Catholic University at communication forms and speech such as the Temuco, as well as many members of the sur- nütramkan (long and formal conversation), the rounding communities, Mapuche scholars from ngülam (the advice conversation), the epeu (the outside the hospital area and several Chilean and tale) and the pentukun (formal way of greet- “gringos” anthropologists, gives an idea of the ing), and in trying to duplicate the experience complexity of the current phenomena of socio- of building community autonomy – in sum, in cultural reconfiguration. In the case of Makewe, building its own political agenda in its own po- the simplistic dichotomies between urban and litical and cultural terms, the Hospital Makewe rural Mapuche, catholic and protestant Ma- is fast becoming a hub in the production of new puche, modern and traditional Mapuche, and indigenous or hybrid knowledge (Boccara resistance to the system versus acculturation 2000). It is building a position of power from through collaboration with the dominant soci- which indigenous people can discuss with the ety, have no meaning. What should be particu- state and try to control the overwhelming tide larly noted here is the mixed or hybrid character of interventions that come from outside and of indigenous sociocultural productions. suffocate local initiatives and thoughts. What is more, the Makewe staff has recently penetrated 17. Term used by Pablo Marimán during his talk given at wingka institutions, since they are operating as the first Curso de Salud y Pensamiento Mapuche, advisors in the South Araucanía Health Service Makewe, 2000 (http://www.soc.uu.se/mapuche/). Guillaume Boccara

.... 296 In sum, what started as a modernist experi- about through the slow formation of an in- ence in intercultural health with indigenous fa- creasingly dense organizational web, in which cilitators, is turning into a discursive insurrection the religious nexus (in the broadest sense of (Mudimbe 1988), and into the elaboration of an the term) has been fundamental. After the ap- autonomous regime of representation (Escobar propriation of urban wastelands (especially in 2002). What began as a “humanitarian” project the marginal areas of Santiago), urban Ma- that consisted in naming rural indigenous pro- puche sanctified these spaces in order to carry motors, is becoming a place for the reinvention out a ceremony called nguillatun. The difficult of former local political forms and the creation issue was how to define a Mapuche identity in of new global sociopolitical thought. What this new context in which the “people of the started as a harmless Ministry of Health project land” (mapu = land and che = people) had lost in the well-demarcated and depoliticized field of their direct tie to the land. Generally speaking, health, with its assigned experts (physicians, I would say that this apparent contradiction has nurses, midwifes, etc.), its well established bio- been overcome in three ways: first, through the medical paradigm apparently unchallengeable permanent circulation of people between city by “archaic” shamanistic thought, is becoming and countryside; secondly, through the spiri- the center of a new project of decolonization tual, and imaginary character of the link to the through popular participation, through the (home)land;18 and finally, through the recent reconnection of domains that had been compar- creation of a new category of Mapuche, the timentalized (health, economics, land, etc.), and urban Mapuche as such, the warriache, now through the production of autonomous knowl- openly distinct from the “rural” Mapuche, or edge and representations that are in fact devel- lelfünche (lelfün: countryside). How this new oping into alternative practices. Since in the field Mapuche urban ethnicity was generated and of health people’s survival is at stake, decon- what it implies in terms of collective and indi- struction of the dominant model and reconstruc- vidual work on memory from the perspective tion of an alternative one have been carried out of subaltern agents who were relegated to a simultaneously (Escobar 1995: 16). status of social invisibility throughout much of the 20th century are questions that have just ETHNOGENESIS IN THE CITY begun to be explored systematically (Aravena To wrap up this exploration of multiple Ma- 2000, 2002). But from now on, the study of puche realities, let me address the theme of the the cultural politics of identity among the Ma- construction of a new urban entity and identity. puche people will have to take into account Long invisible and uprooted, the so-called those warriache who practice palin (the “urban Mapuche” that represent over 70% of Mapuche “hockey”) when the Mapuche from the total Mapuche population are increasingly demanding recognition of their indigenous 18. Following Appadurai’s statement, we observe that identity and cultural difference. This creation imagination is playing a critical role in the elaboration of of an urban Mapuche identity has been brought identity among deterritorialized groupings (1996). The Mapuche People in Post-Dictatorship Chile

.... the countryside usually play soccer; celebrate gelical). The dichotomy of resistance and 297 the wetripantu (the so-called Mapuche “new acculturation does not allow us to understand year,” in fact the celebration of winter solstice how the Mapuche exert agency within the in- or literally new sunrise; we: new, tripan: to terstices of dominant society. Showing what I come out, antü: sun) when the Mapuche from would call a gift for “cultural ubiquity” and a the Araucanía celebrate San Juan; revalidate maneuvering of multiple militancies, the new the ancient customs of lakutun (transmission indigenous leaders mix the foreign with the of paternal grandfather’s name: laku, to grand- familiar, the present with the past, in the pro- son) and katanpilun (feminine rite of passage, duction of hybrid works sometimes claimed as katan: to pierce, pilun: ear) when the southern authentically “native.” Appropriating the in- Mapuche are much more concerned about stitutions and “weapons” of dominant society, godparenting; and finally attend the nguillatun the indigenous associations inscribe their (agrarian rites) wearing traditional Mapuche local struggles in a global space (as in the case clothes (makuñ: poncho, and trarilonko: woven of the resignification of colonial treaties by headband for the men; and ükülla: cape, the AWNg in its struggle to achieve the status küpam: dress, and trapelakucha: silver pendent of subject of rights for the Mapuche); they for the women) when the Mapuche of the coun- produce their own knowledge and try to re- tryside either wear blue-jeans and caps or dress cover control over their natural and cultural up like the traditional Chilean peasant (Ancan resources (as in the case of the first indige- 1999; Aravena 2002; Boccara 2000). In the nous hospital in Makewe). They also revali- case of the urban Mapuche, it is possible to date the old organizations and functions of trace the existence of a double process of con- their political sphere (as in the case of the struction: a deterritorialized identity in which “re-indianization” of the territory among the imagination played a great role, and subse- Mapuche of Truf-Truf and the Coast), and quently a process of reterritorialization that they create new categories (as in the case of ended up in the formation of a new category, the ethnogenesis of the urban Mapuche or the warriache.19 warriache). In all of these cases, the central role of shamans can be noticed as well as the functioning of a sociological principle of * * * “predation” in relation to Otherness, or what the Mapuche people called the outside, the The first conclusion we can draw is that Mapuche re-emergence as seen in Chile since the early 1990s is based on processes of socio- 19. According to Mapuche scholar Ramón Curivil: “Hoy, cultural creation and political strategies that la identidad mapuche ya no es territorial, lo que no quiere decir que en la actualidad no exista un territorio do not fit neatly in the traditional categories of mapuche. Esto más bien significa que el habitar un de- social anthropology (tradition/modernity, pris- terminado territorio ya no es decisivo en la construcción tine/acculturated, rural/urban, catholic/evan- de la identidad de un pueblo.” (1997: 5) Guillaume Boccara

.... 298 wekufe. These observations should lead us to Last but not least, the fourth point I would focus on the relations among shamanism, poli- like to emphazise has to do with the internal tics and culture, and to undertake an analysis of political dynamics of Mapuche society, the or- what we might call, following the title of a recent ganization or re-organization of power, and the publication (Aigle et al. 2000), “Spirit Politics.” relationship between shamanism, politics and In connection to this, I should say that the cultural renaissance. The new political leader- examples examined in this paper lead me to ship that has emerged in the 1990s is made up problematize the very notion of the “Mapuche of relatively young spokesmen whose achieved intellectual” or “Mapuche elite” as recently authority depends nevertheless on support used, uncritically in my view, by numerous gained among those authorities whose power is scholars. The uncritical deployment of such a ascribed. In all of these cases, one observes that notion suggests the existence of a socially ho- the question of the legitimacy of these new mogeneous group as well as impliying that such leaders is a critical issue. How do the Mapuche an elite is precisely the one that contributes to people resolve this problem of representation? the creation and dynamization of the indigenous How do they elaborate a general and collective movement. This concept also tends to postulate will from multiple individual wills? “If the com- the fundamentally urban character of this new munity grants the leader the authority to speak in class of Mapuche. However, the examination of its name with authority and if it exists as com- concrete examples shows that a large number munity through the speech of the spokesman, of Mapuche mobilizations are impelled from a how can the community protect itself from the double rural-urban localization and that it is pre- usurper’s appropriation of power that haunted cisely the ubiquitous character of these move- every system of delegation of power,” as Pierre ments and leaders that grants efficiency to these Bourdieu (2001b) put it? new indigenous mobilizations. First of all, it seems to me that Mapuche The third conclusion we can draw from the people are finding a solution to this critical analysis of recent Mapuche social movement problem of political representativity by locat- is that behind state indigenous policies there ing the shaman at the very center of the process are always active indigenous politics. What is of decision making and legitimization, and by more, we can say that the Mapuche social multiplying the figures of authority and the au- movement have had and keep on having a huge thorized voices in the society. influence on the way Chilean society thinks Second of all, Mapuche peoples are revali- about democracy, enlarging the very category dating former political institutions that had of citizenship. This point is worth emphasizing disappeared (the cojautun, the trawün, the since the way official history is written and council of elders) and reasserting the value dominant national memory is elaborated often of “traditional” devices of communication, tend to erase indigenous agency and the con- socialization and memorializing (pentukun, tribution native peoples make to regional and nütramkan, ngülam, epeu). In the case of the national social and political processes. Makewe political dynamic, we can note the The Mapuche People in Post-Dictatorship Chile

.... existence of a very particular way of fabricat- able people to transform both the content of 299 ing opinion and making collective decision. what is transmitted and the individuals who Following Bourdieu’s terms, I would say that communicate.” (Bourdieu 2001b: 10) by regarding individual opinions not as things In sum, like the Zapatista uprising, the that can be mechanically added up but rather Mapuche movement is bringing the Latin as signs that can be changed and exchanged American nationalist project to crisis (Sal- through conversation and confrontation, the daña-Portillo 2001). Indeed, the challenge Mapuche do not formulate the problem of po- posed by indigenous people to internal litical choice, but face in an renewed manner colonialism (i.e. the coloniality of power em- “the issue of the choice of the mode of con- edded in nation-state building after de- struction of the collective choice.” In other colonization (Mignolo 2000: 313) threatens words, the people of Makewe are dealing with the ideas of nationhood, peoplehood, and citi- the fundamental problem of “how to produce a zenship the state has used since independence. collective opinion regarding the way to pro- Thus, it is all but surprising that in this context duce a collective opinion,” that is to say, the of indigenous and national turmoil the Chilean political spaces, places and communicational state would have recently resorted to a multi- devices that have to be set up in order “to national development institution (the Inter- fabricate the collective opinion out from the American Development Bank) in order “to multiplicity of individual opinions.” (Ibid.) better integrate rural indigenous communities Following once again Bourdieu’s terms, I at home.”20 Whether the indigenous trend to- would say that in order to avoid the mechan- wards rebuilding the public sphere through the ical addition of atomized opinions (the secret redefiniton of nationhood, territoriality and vote), the Mapuche people endeavor to create citizenship is going to be stopped, slowed the social conditions that will allow the estab- down or reoriented by the recent intervention lishing of a new mode of fabrication of general will that would be really collective, that is, 20. The mission of this Program that started in march 2001 based on regular and dialectical confronta- is stated in the following terms: “Contribuir a generar tions. By reasserting the cojautun, trawün and condiciones para el surgimiento de nuevas formas de nütramkan, by creating the council of elders, relación y prácticas en la sociedad que contribuyen a by listening to the dream and disease interpre- elevar y mejorar la condiciones de vida de los pueblos originarios con respecto y fortalecimiento de su identidad tations made by lay people, and by taking into cultural, con el fin de alcanzar un país más integrado.” account the way healers inscribe individual (Programa Orígenes, http://www.origenes.cl/home.html) illness in the collective fate of their people It is worth observing that the committee that coordinates (Menget and Molinié 1993), the Mapuche are the project does not include any of the new indigenous creating a new way of doing politics, insofar as leaders. Only indigenous and non-indigenous state agents they are creating the “indispensable instru- are in charge of the coordination of this 133 million dollar project. Furthermore, this Programa de Desarrollo Inte- ments of communication that aim at reaching gral de Comunidades Indígenas does not take into an agreement or a desagreement and that en- account the 79% of indigenous people living in the cities. Guillaume Boccara

.... 300 of the IDB21 through the financing of the latest the abstract and reifying idiom of multicultu- Chilean state integration project called Orí- ralism versus ethnocentrism. This new indige- genes is a question that remains open.22 But nous-mestizo political thought, avoiding the whatever happens, it is sure that a page has been opposition between State and community,23 turned in the history of the relationship between aims at hybridizing the nation-state and resigni- Chile and the Mapuche people, and therefore in fying the until recently hegemonic discourse on the history of Chile, despite the fact that the elite mestizaje (Saldaña-Portillo op. cit.) while cre- continue to think that the transition to democ- ating a new universal political project. Follow- racy is due to its own enlightenment. ing Saldaña-Portillo’s terms, we could say that Finally, the intriguing character of contem- what indigenous movements are doing that is porary Latin American indigenous movements radically new to nationalist Latin American resides in the fact that the political alternative is consciousness is “reconceptualizing the na- not between an ill-defined or differentialist tional constituency as a constituency that multiculturalism on the one hand and an out- includes Indians as political agents in the dated or rigid eurocentrism on the other, as in nation-state.” (Ibid.: 410) And it seems to me European countries. Nor is the alternative state that it is from the recuperation of mestizaje as a in terms of “ethnic citizenship” versus “civic social logic, and not as a bio-cultural phenome- citizenship,” as seems to be the case in African non or a dominant discourse, that a new socio- countries (Geschiere and Nyamnjoh 2001). The political pact is possible. politics of belonging in recent “native” movements does not imply the exclusion of strangers or “non-natives.” It is not characterized by 21. The Chilean state has been granted 80 million dollar the omnipresence in the imaginary and in the loan. For more official details on this recent project see political agenda of the opposition between http://www.origenes.cl/home.html. autochtones and allogènes. It is a question of enlarging the notion of citizenship through the 22. On the relationships between global, national and redefinition of nationhood and fatherland. It is local realms in post-dictatorship neo-liberal Chile, see Schild (2000). a question of rearticulating political and cultural national and transnational spaces in order 23. On the mutually constitutive character state and com- not only to give voice to subaltern groups that munity and on the construction of the community by the have been shut out of the national public sphere state as a small-scale model of the nation in contemporary (Lomnitz 2001, chap. 12) but also to define a India, see Sinha (2002). In the case of Latin America, a well-grounded sociohistorical analysis of the relation- new sociopolitical pact, to create alternative po- ships between state and community as well as of the way litical cultures and public spheres. What is states created communities in order to build the Nation more, this other political tongue does not speak remains to be done. The Mapuche People in Post-Dictatorship Chile

.... Bibliography 301

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.... Abstract Résumé 303 Guillaume Boccara, The Mapuche People in Post- Guillaume Boccara, Les Mapuche du Chili post- Dictatorship Chile dictatorial This paper deals with the Mapuche ethnic resurgence in Cet article traite de l’émergence politique des Mapuche, post-dictatorship Chile. Drawing on several concrete dans le Chili démocratique postérieur à la dictature mili- examples, I show that the Mapuche social movement that taire. En s’appuyant sur des exemples concrets, l’auteur has developed since the 1990s both challenges the very montre que les mouvements sociaux indigènes défient les basis of the dominant political and ideological order and fondements même de l’ordre dominant et contribuent à re- contributes to the process of rethinking the way of doing penser la manière de construire sur d’autres bases la politics and building democracy, territory, and citizenship. démocratie, le territoire et la citoyenneté. En redonnant By revalidating former political institutions and reassert- vie à des institutions politiques anciennes et en réintro- ing the value of “traditional” devices of communication, duisant des techniques « traditionnelles » de communi- socialization and memorializing, indigenous leaders and cation, de socialisation et de mémorisation, les chefs organizations are contesting the territoriality imposed by politiques et les organisations contestent la territorialité the Chilean state in the wake of their military defeat at the imposée par l’État chilien au lendemain de la défaite mili- end of the 19th century. Whereas in the 1960s and 1970s taire subie par les Indiens à la fin du XIXe siècle. Alors que peasants used to claim for more lands, the ethnogenetic dans les années soixante et soixante-dix les paysans processes in which present indigenous peoples are in- réclamaient plus de terres, les processus d’ethnogenèse volved lead to the building of new territories, social group- actuels visent à la constitution de nouvelles frontières ings and identities. territoriales ainsi qu’à la redéfinition des groupes sociaux et des identités.