Une Brève Histoire De L'avenir
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Ulrich Lappenküper Mitterrand Und Deutschland
Ulrich Lappenküper Mitterrand und Deutschland 000000 TTitelei_Lappenkuitelei_Lappenküper,per, MMitteranditterand u.u. DDeutsch.inddeutsch.indd I 227.05.20117.05.2011 112:17:372:17:37 UhrUhr Quellen und Darstellungen zur Zeitgeschichte Herausgegeben vom Institut für Zeitgeschichte Band 89 Oldenbourg Verlag München 2011 000000 TTitelei_Lappenkuitelei_Lappenküper,per, MMitteranditterand u.u. DDeutsch.inddeutsch.indd IIII 227.05.20117.05.2011 112:17:372:17:37 UhrUhr Ulrich Lappenküper Mitterrand und Deutschland Die enträtselte Sphinx Oldenbourg Verlag München 2011 000000 TTitelei_Lappenkuitelei_Lappenküper,per, MMitteranditterand u.u. DDeutsch.inddeutsch.indd IIIIII 227.05.20117.05.2011 112:17:382:17:38 UhrUhr Bibliographische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.d-nb.de abrufbar. © 2011 Oldenbourg Wissenschaftsverlag GmbH Rosenheimer Straße 145, D-81671 München Tel: 089 / 45051-0 www.oldenbourg-verlag.de Das Werk einschließlich aller Abbildungen ist urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung außerhalb der Grenzen des Urheberrechtsgesetzes ist ohne Zustimmung des Verlages unzu- lässig und strafbar. Dies gilt insbesondere für Vervielfältigungen, Übersetzungen, Mikro- verfilmungen und die Einspeicherung und Bearbeitung in elektronischen Systemen. Einbandgestaltung: hauser lacour Satz: Typodata GmbH, München Druck: Memminger MedienCentrum, Memmingen Bindung: Buchbinderei Klotz, Jettingen-Scheppach Dieses Papier ist alterungsbeständig nach DIN/ISO 9706 ISBN 978-3-486-70511-9 ISSN 0481-3545 000000 TTitelei_Lappenkuitelei_Lappenküper,per, MMitteranditterand u.u. DDeutsch.inddeutsch.indd IIVV 227.05.20117.05.2011 112:17:382:17:38 UhrUhr Inhalt I. Einleitung . 1 II. Im Banne der „Erbfeindschaft“ 1916–1938. 13 III. Mitterrand und Hitler-Deutschland 1938–1944 . 21 IV. Westdeutschland im Blick des Ministers der IV. -
France and Algeria
France and Algeria A History of Decolonization and Transformation Phillip C. Naylor Notes to Pages 000–000 | i France and Algeria Florida A&M University, Tallahassee Florida Atlantic University, Boca Raton Florida Gulf Coast University, Ft. Myers Florida International University, Miami Florida State University, Tallahassee University of Central Florida, Orlando University of Florida, Gainesville University of North Florida, Jacksonville University of South Florida, Tampa University of West Florida, Pensacola France and Algeria A History of Decolonization and Transformation Phillip C. Naylor University Press of Florida Gainesville · Tallahassee · Tampa · Boca Raton Pensacola · Orlando · Miami · Jacksonville · Ft. Myers Copyright 2000 by the Board of Regents of the State of Florida Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper All rights reserved 05 04 03 02 01 00 6 5 4 3 2 1 Excerpts from Songs of the F.L.N., copyright Folkways Records, Album No. FD 5441, copyright 1962. Reprinted with permission. Excerpt from “Some Kinda Love” by Lou Reed, copyright 1991 Metal Machine Music, Inc., appeared in Between Thought and Expression: Selected Lyrics of Lou Reed, published by Hyperion. For information contact Hyperion, 114 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10011. Reprinted with permission. ISBN 0-8130-1801-3 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data are available. The University Press of Florida is the scholarly publishing agency for the State University System of Florida, comprising Florida A&M University, Florida Atlantic University, Florida Gulf Coast University, Florida International University, Florida State University, University of Central Florida, University of Florida, University of North Florida, University of South Florida, and University of West Florida. -
The Causes and Consequences of an Unprecedented Political Rise Birgit Holzer1
Understanding the Macron Phenomenon— The Causes and Consequences of an Unprecedented Political Rise Birgit Holzer1 When Emmanuel Macron launched his political movement, En Marche, roughly translatable as “Forwards” or “In Motion”, in his hometown of Amiens in April 2016, roughly 13 months prior to the presidential elections, the endeavour not only seemed futile but indeed megalomaniacal. At the time, many observers wondered whether the then French minister of economic affairs under President Francois Hollande was indeed planning to install himself at the top of the state leadership. The fact that the short form of the new political movement spelled out his own ini- tials, “E. M.”, provoked sneers among his political opponents, who saw in Macron an overly confident young politician who seemed to ignore traditional boundaries and who had wildly overstepped the mark. Macron himself assured observers that his actions were not motivated by per- sonal career goals. Instead, he stated, his sole ambition was to find a way forward for a country that was held back by self-doubt and internal conflicts. Macron de- scribed his position as being neither part of the political left nor of the political right. Instead, he positioned himself as a part of both camps, or “all at the same time”. Macron first learned of this key element of the theory of “dual thinking” when he collaborated with philosopher Paul Ricour during his time at university. Macron later began to employ the concept to explain the policies of the political centre. In fact, as his support base grew to encompass politicians of all politically moderate camps—including conservatives, socialists, the Greens and followers of the pro-European centre party MoDem (Mouvement Démocrate or Democratic Movement)—long-held divisions began to blur. -
The Official Journal of France's United Jewish Appeal
In a special 50 year anniversary edition of a "New Community," the official journal of France's United Jewish Appeal (Appel Unifié Juif de France -AUJF), Ariel Goldmann interviews Patrick Kron on behalf of the Circle of Abravanel, a select committee reserved for French Jewish business elites. (David de Rothschild is profiled separately in the edition) Kron is introduced as the son of Polish Jews, a brilliant captain of industry, whose clash with Arnaud Montebourg over Alstom's pillaging by GE, is the stuff of history. As Ariel relates: "listening to Kron tell the story of this armed struggle is a feast, but first, tell us how a minyan nearly collapsed the price of Alstom stock?" "It was Shavuot, I was on my way to meeting some important investors Place Vendôme, and I made the mistake of wishing a happy holiday to two yarmulke-clad youth in passing. Before I knew it, they dragged me to a near-by building to constitute a minyan, and 45 minutes later I found my investors and coworkers a bit perplexed… None of which was in vain. "I know you" said the Grand rabbi of France, Haim Korsia, the day I received my Legion of Honor, "thanks to you, a minyan came together". Speaking of a minyan, France's Shoa Foundation is where Kron and Goldmann make one up together permanently. Kron is the Foundation's Treasurer. David de Rothschild is its president. Government Ministers sit on the Foundation's board: Minister of Education, Minister of the Interior, Minister of Social Affairs and Heath, Minister of Culture, alongside representatives from the French Court of Appeals and the Court of Audit. -
Attali the Hun Jan 24Th 2008 | PARIS from the Economist Print Edition
Economist.com http://www.economist.com/world/europe/PrinterFriendly.cfm?story_i... French reforms Attali the Hun Jan 24th 2008 | PARIS From The Economist print edition A brave agenda for reform, but will it ever be implemented? MANY a tree has been felled in the cause of diagnosing the ills of France's economy, and prescribing a cure. Indeed, France excels in both producing and ignoring official reports. Two years ago, Michel Pébereau, chairman of BNP Paribas, wrote one on how to cure the French addiction to public spending. A year before that, Michel Camdessus, a former IMF boss, penned another on how to boost economic growth. The then finance minister, Nicolas Sarkozy, called the Camdessus report his “bedside reading”. Yet few ideas in either of these earlier reports were turned into policy. Now, France is again chewing over the advice of an economic commission. Published on January 23rd, this report was requested by President Sarkozy, and written by a commission headed by Jacques Attali, once right-hand man to François Mitterrand, a former Socialist president. Like the others, it is an excellent handbook for the radical overhaul of the economy. But will it, like them, also end up on the shelf? Many proposals in the Attali report, entitled “300 Decisions for Changing France”, are not new, but they are still brave. They include the deregulation of “restricted professions”, such as pharmacists and taxi drivers, and the abolition of a law banning hypermarkets from selling at below cost. Others are already government policy, like the creation of ten super-universities. Others still are more novel, such as the elimination of départements, the administrative layer between town councils and regions, the creation of ten ecological new towns and the teaching of economics in primary schools. -
6 the Era of Development, 1984–1992
6 The Era of Development, 1984–1992 The Single European Act The ad hoc Committee on Further Development of European Institutions and Cooperation, appointed by the European Council in Fontainebleau, took up its work on 28 September 1984. It consisted in equal parts of the state secretaries of the foreign or Europe ministries of the Ten and independent figures holding no governmental office at the time. Given that Ireland had in the meantime assumed the Council presidency, Irish Senator and former Foreign Minister James Dooge was chosen as chairman. In the vaguest of terms, the committee’s task was “to put forward proposals for the better functioning of European cooperation in the Community area as well as in the area of Political Cooperation and in other areas.” The proposals were to have a function similar to that of the Spaak Report for the development of the Treaties of Rome. In the appointment of this body, there was explicit reference to the Spaak Committee.1 In its work, the Dooge Committee could lean upon a draft “Treaty on Euro- pean Union,” which the European Parliament had passed on 14 February 1984. This document traced its origins to Altiero Spinelli, who had given up his attempt to win more political authority for the Commission in May of 1976; now as a member of the European Parliament, elected on the slate of the Italian Commu- nists, he was seeking to convince his colleagues to support a fundamental reform initiative from Parliament. He met with success too, given that members of Par- liament were still dissatisfied with the relationship between the amount of effort they put into their positions and their actual influence over Europe policy. -
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A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of PhD at the University of Warwick Permanent WRAP URL: http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/131008 Copyright and reuse: This thesis is made available online and is protected by original copyright. Please scroll down to view the document itself. Please refer to the repository record for this item for information to help you to cite it. Our policy information is available from the repository home page. For more information, please contact the WRAP Team at: [email protected] warwick.ac.uk/lib-publications Social Democracy in The Age of Austerity: The Cases of The UK Labour Party and France’s Parti Socialiste, 2010- 17 Sean McDaniel Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Politics and International Studies conducted in the Department of Politics and International Studies at the University of Warwick. Word count: 78,795 February 2019 Table of Contents PART I ................................................................................................................................. 1 Chapter 1: Introduction ..................................................................................................... 2 1.1 European social democracy since 2008 ................................................................... 2 1.2 The failure of social democratic parties post-crisis .................................................. 5 1.3 The ‘post-crisis politics of austerity’ ....................................................................... 6 1.4 Developing