Femen and Assemblage Politics of Protest In

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Femen and Assemblage Politics of Protest In FEMEN AND ASSEMBLAGE POLITICS OF PROTEST IN THE AGE OF SOCIAL MEDIA by Mariam Betlemidze A dissertation submitted to the faculty of The University of Utah in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Communication The University of Utah August 2016 Copyright © Mariam Betlemidze 2016 All Rights Reserved The University of Utah Graduate School STATEMENT OF DISSERTATION APPROVAL The dissertation of Mariam Betlemidze has been approved by the following supervisory committee members: Kevin DeLuca , Chair 05/31/2016 Date Approved Marouf Hasian , Member 05/31/2016 Date Approved Leonard Hawes , Member 05/31/2016 Date Approved Sean Lawson , Member Date Approved Lien Shen , Member 05/31/2016 Date Approved and by Kent Ono , Chair of the Department of Communication and byDavid B. Kieda, Dean of The Graduate School. ABSTRACT Transgressing norms and barriers of mundane digital spaces to seize spotlight in the name of social change is breathtaking. Such are modern-day protest groups as they utilize a special mix of skills, tactics, and resourcefulness to become forces of disruptive tensions in the spectacular seas of image-whirls, sound-waves, and incredible storyscapes in which we live. “Femen and Assemblage Politics of Protest in the Age of Social Media” examines these disruptive tensions as created by the topless female activist group Femen. Specifically, I am interested in how human and nonhuman elements in Femen activism create lasting impressions in the fleeting everyday life of the millions of internet- connected individuals around the globe. I conceptualize these processes under the name of media-activism assemblage and illustrate the work of Femen protest politics through three different case studies. In Chapters 2, 3, and 4, we see the dynamics of the Kiev 2012 cutting down of the crucifix by Femen, Facebook censorship of Femen in 2013 and 2014, and the Copenhagen 2015 terrorist shooting at a free speech event featuring a Femen speaker. Because of the primarily digital nature of media-activism assemblages of Femen, I provide close-textual audio-visual analysis of multimodal artifacts such as images, videos, user comments, social media posts, and traditional media stories. I argue that processes of media-activism networks of Femen unveil emerging horizons of transformative activism that simultaneously bridge the divides and create new divisions. TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT ……………………………………………………………………………..iii Chapters 1 INTRODUCTION: ASSEMBLAGE POLITICS OF PROTEST…………………...… 1 Catching a Glimpse …………………………………………..……………..……….. 1 Foundational Assemblages …………………………………..……………..……….. 3 Methodology: Ways, Modes, and Styles of Seeing ………………..…….………….25 Overview of Chapters ………….…………………..……..……..………….……….28 2 SCREAMING NODES OF FEMEN: ENTANGLING IN VISUALLY AFFECTIVE MEDIA-ACTIVISM NETWORKS ASSEMBLAGES ….…………………………...…34 ANT and Multimedia Activism ……………………………………………..………37 Controversies and Networks…………………………………………………..……..42 Rupture ……………………………………….………………………………..…….45 Connection ……………………………………….……………………………..…...49 Translation/Transformation ……………………………………………………..…..53 Implications ………………………………………….…………………………..….58 3 SPECTACULAR CENSORSHIP: FLEETING TRACES AT THE INTERSECTIONS OF ABJECT, AFFECT, AND ACTIVISM ……………………………………………..61 Affect and Censorship Online …………………………………………………….....65 What Do Activists and Jeans Have in Common? ………………………………..….70 4 LAYERS OF EVENTAL ACTIVISM OF @FEMENINNA: WITNESSING, SOUNDS, TWEETS, AND SOLIDARITIES……………………….…………………..87 The Theoretical Framework of Event and Its Multiple Layers …….……………….92 Tracing Sounds and Movements ……………………………………………...…....104 Tracing Tweets, Fears, and Solidarities ………………………………………...….110 Tracking Traces of Nomadic Ripples ………………………………………..…….120 5 THE ROAD SIGN “KEEP ON GOING”: DIGITAL WAYS OF PROTEST..……...125 Femenizing Networks ………………………………….…………………..………126 Evolving Avenues and Desired Destination……………………………….……….130 Feminine Ways of Conceptualizing a Multisensorial Future ………………..…….135 REFERENCES ………………………………………………………..…………….....141 v CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION: ASSEMBLAGE1 POLITICS OF PROTEST Catching a Glimpse “No religion!” “Naked freedom!”“Topless jihad!” No matter what language you use to search “Femen” on the internet, in seconds, you will be flooded by links to images and videos depicting young, attractive female activists with similarly aggressive slogans on their bare breasts, flower-crowns on their heads, some iconic urban spaces in the background, and policemen trying to subdue them in the foreground. In their protests against “the fundamental institutes of patriarchy – dictatorship, sex-industry, and church” (Femen, n.d.), Femen activists subversively utilize their bodies, iconic urban spaces, and multimedia to create unexpected and highly affective events. A group founded by a few teenage girls from small Western Ukrainian provinces grew into a popular and controversial activist organization, and it still continues to expand from its headquarters in Paris to northern Africa, Latin America, and Canada. Over the past few years, several full-length documentary films, books, and scholarly 1Assemblage is an interconnected decentering system—which proceeds in a nonlinear fashion and “ceaselessly establishes connections between semiotic chains, organizations of power, and circumstances relevant to the arts, sciences, and social struggles” (Deleuze & Guattari, 1987, p. 7). This linking of mediatized assemblages to various entities does not demonstrate spontaneity as much as contingent affirmation of particular flows vis-à-vis an interrelation of times, spaces, and processes. These parts of assemblages are wholes characterized by relations of exteriority and interiority (DeLanda, 2006). Parts of the whole, unlike seamless totalities, are detachable from the assemblage and pluggable into a different assemblage (DeLanda, 2006). 2 articles have been written to explain the Femen phenomenon from cultural, moral, religious, ethical, and activist points of views, but most of them, unlike this project, end up taking for or against stances. I see Femen as a part of a larger trend of social movements around the globe, which are moving from rational, physical, prolonged, concentrated actions, toward transgressive bursts of protest made eternal through dispersed images, social media interactions, and affective drives. The goal of this dissertation is not to provide an exhaustive study of every aspect of the Femen activism and its entwinement with media, but to shed light on intricate catalytic moments that illustrate the work of images, sounds, technologies, objects, and digital crowds of activism-networks in action. Each chapter, except the concluding one, provides specific background information about Femen that supplements the particular case study at hand. The scope of this project does not tether Femen to the issues of morality, identity, and linear progress. On the contrary, the goal is to look beyond rationality and often binary-driven ideas to examine the transgressive tactics of Femen as they transform discourses pertaining to hidden, taboo topics and controversies. The discussion of Femen from this multimedia and posthuman perspective illuminates major shifts in new media and societies that become evident in such discussions. In the following sections of this chapter, I overview the theoretical and methodological underpinnings of the project and then provide summaries for the remaining chapters. 3 Foundational Assemblages The entwinement of media and activism in the communication field resonates with the intersection of rhetorical and cultural studies with French poststructuralist philosophy, which share perspectives on image, affect, movement, and transformation. Before delving into the discussion of the main arena of this project—digital networks and activism--I overview the key strands in the literature on rhetoric of social protest. Since the 1950s, social movement scholarship within the field of rhetorical studies has developed in tandem with technological and cultural changes, but it still maintains some of the initial ways of thinking about protest, people, and change. For instance, Griffin (1952) saw public address at the center of the studies of the rhetoric of social movements, which, according to him, were sprawling around its orator. Per Griffin (1952), such studies should have clear temporal demarcations, and should be guided by consistency, patterns, and intervals. Such a framework, quite logical for the time when it was published, addressed the rhythm of 50s society, which was punctuated by sharply delineated spaces and times of media broadcasting, newspaper publishing, and the nuclear family. Later, as the protests rose in the U.S. and acquired radical character, scholars (Haiman, 1967; Scott & Smith (1969) of social movements started examining nonrational tactics of activism. While doing so, they acknowledged disruptive potentials of radical protest, but maintained their strong beliefs in the power of rational dialogue and communication. Haiman (1967) wrote about “uncivil disobedience” of street protests of Vietnam War and students in the U.S., but when discussing those forms of protests, he used the word “rhetoric” in quotation marks explaining that what those radical protests do 4 is well beyond traditional, civil, and rational rhetoric. As a solution for de-escalating such protests, Haiman (1967) suggested that society should help create conditions for everyone to participate in the deliberative process,
Recommended publications
  • The Cases of Femen and Women of Liberia1
    Feminine Features as Political Tools: The Cases of Femen and Women of Liberia1 Rasgos femeninos como herramientas políticas: los casos de Femen y Mujeres de Liberia Gabriela Caviedes2 Universidad de los Andes (Chile) Recibido: 30-11-16 Aprobado: 07-01-17 Abstract This paper is an analysis of the different ways in which feminism can be understood, using as examples the cases of the feminist movements Femen and Women of Liberia. Both are distinguished by using feminine features as political tools, and both have been an issue of interest for audiovisual productions. Each one is the main subject of two documentaries: Ukraine is not a Brothel, that concerns Femen movement; and Pray the Devil Back to Hell, that concerns Women of Liberia movement. I shall use this material in order to present each. After presenting them I will analyze them in light of the definition and division of feminism that Karen Offen, scholar of the University of California, does. I will then conclude that Femen is an example of what she calls ‘individualistic feminism’, and Women of Liberia an example of what she named ‘relational feminism’. I will also conclude that the political position they achieve is also due to the branch of feminism they represent. Key-words: Feminism, Femen, Ukraine Is Not a Brothel, Woman of Liberia, Pray the Devil Back to Hell. 1 La elaboración de este trabajo ha contado con el financiamiento de la Comisión Nacional de Ciencia y Tecnología de Chile, CONICYT-PFCHA/Doctorado Nacional/2016-21160065. 2 ([email protected]). Gabriela Caviedes es doctoranda en Filosofía en la Universidad de los Andes, Chile.
    [Show full text]
  • 2018 DG Report on the Safety of Journalists and the Danger of Impunity
    CI-18/COUNCIL-31/6/REV 2 2018 DG Report on the Safety of Journalists and the Danger of Impunity INTRODUCTION This report is submitted to the Intergovernmental Council of the International Programme for the Development of Communication (IPDC) in line with the Decision on the Safety of Journalists and the issue of Impunity adopted by the Council at its 26th session on 27 March 2008, and renewed at subsequent sessions in 2010, 2012, 2014 and 2016. In its latest Decision, adopted in November 2016, the IPDC Council urged Member States to “continue to inform the Director-General of UNESCO, on a voluntary basis, on the status of the judicial inquiries conducted on each of the killings condemned by the Director-General”. The present report provides an analysis of the cases of killings of journalists and associated media personnel that were condemned by the Director-General in 2016 and 2017. It also takes stock of the status of judicial enquiries conducted on each of the killings recorded by UNESCO between 2006 and 2017, based on information provided by Member States. TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. Executive Summary 2 2. Background and Context 2 3. Journalists’ killings in 2016 and 2017: key findings 7 3.1 Most dangerous regions 8 3.2 Rise in number of women journalists among fatalities 9 3.3 Highest number of killings among TV journalists 11 3.4 Majority of victims are local journalists 11 3.5 Freelance and staff journalists 12 3.6 More killings occurring in countries with no armed conflict 12 4. Member States’ responses: status of the judicial enquiries on cases of journalists killed from 2006 to end 2017 13 4.1 Decrease in Member State response rate to Director-General’s request 18 4.2 Slight reduction in impunity rate, but 89% of cases remain unresolved 19 4.3 Member States reporting on measures to promote safety of journalists and to combat impunity 22 5.
    [Show full text]
  • Oksana Shachko (1987–2018), Co-Founder of FEMEN
    IN MEMORIAM _____________________________________________________________ Oksana Shachko (1987–2018), co-founder of FEMEN Gender, feminism, and performative protest This last July, FEMEN co-founder Oksana (or Oxana) Shachko was found dead in her apartment in the Paris suburbs from what appears to have been a suicide.1 Shachko was a revolutionary feminist who offered her body for her cause; she was also an artist, trained and practiced in painting Orthodox icons from her childhood. Born in western Ukraine amidst the post-Soviet eco- nomic devastation, she had wanted to dedicate her life to the church and then to communism before committing to feminism in her late teens.2 She had been forced to flee to France in 2013 when Ukrainian authorities (under the admin- istration of pro-Russia President Viktor Yanukovych) launched proceedings against FEMEN for terrorism. They had found some weapons and a portrait of Vladimir Putin with a target, which FEMEN alleges had been planted. By most accounts, Shachko was a person whose full-bodied beliefs ordered her life, leaving little room for self-care. Outside of Ukraine, she seems to have gotten lost, disconnecting from FEMEN and struggling to find a new role by returning to her Orthodox-related art. According to one of her closest friends, it was exile that killed her.3 FEMEN has received a tremendous amount of attention and sparked much controversy over the last decade, but Shachko’s death is good moment to con- sider FEMEN from her perspective. Phenomena such as FEMEN have multiple versions and change over time, and Shachko’s FEMEN is distinct from the FEMEN we see now.
    [Show full text]
  • Defiant Embodiments and the Gender Geopolitics of Seeing
    73 3 Defi ant Embodiments and the Gender Geopolitics of Seeing M. I. Franklin Introduction Th is chapter develops work on ‘Burqa-Ban’ controversies in light of the ‘post- feminist’ debates about the global beauty and fashion industries’ partnership with popular TV makeover shows.1 It looks at the politics of visibility in the context of controversies in the EU and the US about the regulation of Muslim veil dressing and com- parable controversies in the Middle East and North African region about women’s naked protests. In both cases national- regional debates became global, mediatised ones. It does so from the perspec- tive of how these politics are rendered in, made visible through art- ists’ interventions and, conversely, how embodied political actions incorporate artistic references and theatrical idioms in turn. It is part of a tripartite project to articulate a viable critique of Burqa- Ban discourses in the EU and with that, to address related, oft en moribund, debates about what sorts of well- dressed, or undressed embodiments count, and for whom. 2 Th e main aim is to point these 73 99781780769066_pi-224.indd781780769066_pi-224.indd 7733 77/21/2017/21/2017 11:54:08:54:08 PPMM 74 Art and the Politics of Visibility arguments in another direction by confronting a western liberal – and feminist – blind spot about which vested interests are being served when staking claims on what sorts of (naked or dressed) bodies can, or should, emit the appropriate signs of ‘emancipation’. Th is means coming to terms with how an inner ‘illogic’ of dress- sense and dress codes at the psycho- emotional level interacts with societal, including sub- cultural, codes of conduct.
    [Show full text]
  • Pussy Riot & Femen
    FEMEN protest in Kiev during 2010 Ukrainian election Sisters Kick Some Patriarchal Ass Pussy Riot & FEMEN Change the Face of Feminism By Chandra Niles Folsom It didn’t take long for jailed Pussy Riot members Maria Alyokhina and Nadezhda Tolokonnikova to get back to kicking some patriarchal ass after being sprung from the Russian Gulag. Alyokhina and Tolokonnikova had been in the slammer for almost two years for slamming President Putin in song at a Moscow cathedral and posting it online. Since their release by Putin, just before the Winter Olympics held in Sochi, they have spoken out about their experiences to journalists, appeared on television and were introduced onstage by Madonna in New York at Amnesty International’s Bring Human Rights Home concert. They topped it off by performing in protest just outside Olympic Park during the games. The band was in town to protest what they said was lack of freedom of speech and to record a new music video called "Putin Will Teach You To Love Your Country." And as they have become well accustomed, Pussy Riot members were attacked by security officials and beaten. www.youtube.com/watch?v=ivT-I-yxtdY Donning their traditional colorful ski masks, Pussy Riot was performing when they were pepper-sprayed by a Russian Cossack before other Cossacks jumped in, publicly flogging and unmasking them. One of the band's posse said that the Cossacks shouted at them, “You sold yourselves to the Americans!" A day earlier, band members had been detained and held for several hours at a police station nearby.
    [Show full text]
  • Corporeal Embodiment ………………………………………………………………
    A little story about big issues: an introspective account of FEMEN by Yelena Myshko Supervisor: Nina Lykke, TEMA Genus, LiU Examiner: Stina Backman, TEMA Genus, LiU Master’s Programme Gender Studies – Intersectionality and Change Master’s thesis 15 EC August 2018 ISNR: LIU-TEMA G/GSIC1-A—18/008-SE Copyright The publishers will keep this document online on the Internet – or its possible replacement – for a period of 25 years starting from the date of publication barring exceptional circumstances. The online availability of the document implies permanent permission for anyone to read, to download, or to print out single copies for his/her own use and to use it unchanged for non- commercial research and educational purpose. Subsequent transfers of copyright cannot revoke this permission. All other uses of the document are conditional upon the consent of the copyright owner. The publisher has taken technical and administrative measures to assure authenticity, security and accessibility. According to intellectual property law the author has the right to be mentioned when his/her work is accessed as described above and to be protected against infringement. For additional information about the Linköping University Electronic Press and its procedures for publication and for assurance of document integrity, please refer to its www home page: http://www.ep.liu.se/ © Yelena Myshko 2018 My participation in this master program was supported by a generous grant of 3.000 euro from the Hendrik Muller Fonds. 2 Abstract This research contributes a detailed personal account of a FEMEN activist. It presents an autophenomenographic analysis of cultural artefacts, including a Retrospective Diary, resulting from the activity of Yelena Myshko in FEMEN between 2012 and 2014.
    [Show full text]
  • Ukraine Female, Naked and Right: Sexual Activism the Ukrainian Way
    CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by Greenwich Academic Literature Archive UKRAINE FEMALE, NAKED AND RIGHT: SEXUAL ACTIVISM THE UKRAINIAN WAY Maria M. Pasholok Reports. 2014 raised perhaps the biggest concern in legal terms as two homophobic bills were pending in parliament, proposing fines or a prison sentence of up to six years for the production, publication or Introduction distribution of materials aimed at the “promotion” The image of young, blonde Ukrainian women with of homosexuality among children.4 The same year, half-naked bodies and sexual rights slogans paint- Rada – the Ukrainian parliament – twice postponed ed on their breasts has become one of the most consideration of amendments to the Labour Code recognisable and scandalous phenomena world- protecting against discrimination on the grounds of wide in recent years. They are Femen,1 one of the sexual orientation. best-known feminist carnivalesque protest groups, All this happened at the time of a serious po- founded in Ukraine to fight for sexual equality and litical and military crisis that is still unfolding in sexual and political freedoms. Ukraine as a result of the 2014 Euromaidan move- Despite the obviously provocative component of ment5 which led to the re-election of parliament and their spectacular protests (or even performances?), the annexation of the Crimean peninsula by Russia the group largely owes its worldwide popular- in March 2014.6 ity to new media and the internet. For example, in It is important to understand that the Euromaid- 2010 Google searches for “Femen” had surpassed an movement in Ukraine started as a desire among searches for “feminism” and “sextremism” (a term citizens of the country to join the European Union coined by the group leaders).2 Focusing on Femen (EU).
    [Show full text]
  • 2014-2015 Hurford Next Generation Fellowship Research Papers
    THE HURFORD FOUNDATION 2014-2015 HURFORD NEXT GENERATION FELLOWSHIP RESEARCH PAPERS No. 2 A New Russian Ukraine Policy and the Future of Russian-Ukrainian Interdependency Andrey Sushentsov, Ph.D. Director, Valdai Club Programs Docent, MGIMO EASI-Hurford Next Generation Fellow The Hurford Fellows Program is sponsored by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and is made possible by a generous grant from the Hurford Foundation 1 THE HURFORD FOUNDATION The Hurford Fellowships, administered by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, support the Euro- Atlantic Security Initiative (EASI) Next Generation Network in identifying young academics conducting innovative research on international security in the Euro- Atlantic area. 2 A New Russian Ukraine Policy and the Future of Russian-Ukrainian Interdependency Andrey Sushentsov, Ph.D. Director, Valdai Club Programs Docent, MGIMO Ukraine is an especially significant country for Russia and will remain so in the foreseeable future. The two countries are connected not only by the common history and religion, but also by much more tangible, inherited, structural, social and economic ties that can be measured by a double-digit percentage of the shares of each other’s GDP. Owing to the choices of the Ukrainian elites and the constant political instability that started in 2004, Russian-Ukrainian interdependence is weakening. Russia has chosen to remove its vitally important interests - the Black Sea Fleet naval base, energy transport infrastructure, defense contracts and Russian population - from Ukrainian influence. Under normal conditions, this process might have unfolded over decades, but it was accelerated in 2014 by the forcible seizure of power in Ukraine by supporters of the Maidan.
    [Show full text]
  • Multilingual Discourses Vol. 2.1-2. (Summer 2015) 62 Marine Gheno
    62 Multilingual Discourses Vol. 2.1-2. (Summer 2015) Marine Gheno The FEMENist Connection: Ruptures and Agency in FEMEN France he logo adopted by FEMEN is the letter Ф, “F” in Cyrillic, hand- drawn to resemble a chest with two breasts (see fig. 1). The T group announces already with this iconography a desire to explore nudity as an activist practice. FEMEN activists are known (and famous) for inscribing the messages of their protest directly on their bare breasts and other parts of their bodies, thus claiming nudity as a way towards freedom through a “naked war” (fig. 2). The use of multiple languages on FEMEN’s demonstration signs in France, such as English and French, Arabic, Russian, Ukrainian and more depending on the topic (fig. 2), enables the group to draw a wider, and transnational, audience. FEMEN has been vocal in favor of abortion rights and gay marriage, in protest against the extreme-right party Front National, and the oppression of Muslim women by Islamism. The group claims to defend a universal and transnational new feminism promoting all women’s liberation using breasts as weapons. While successfully bringing women issues to the forefront of the mainstream media, their method is also criticized for embodying and reproducing Western standards of beauty as well as imposing Western Marine Gheno 63 neoliberal views of freedom on the non-Western other, namely Muslim women. Nudity as a form of activism is very powerful: “Because they disrupt sacrosanct dichotomies of public/private and visible/hidden, naked bodies constitute a uniquely explosive site of protest” (Eileraas 41).
    [Show full text]
  • The Safety of Journalists and the Danger of Impunity
    CI-16/COUNCIL-30/4 Rev. PARIS, 7 October 2016 Original: English THE SAFETY OF JOURNALISTS AND THE DANGER OF IMPUNITY REPORT BY THE DIRECTOR-GENERAL TO THE INTERGOVERNMENTAL COUNCIL OF THE IPDC (THIRTIETH SESSION) INTRODUCTION This document is submitted to the Intergovernmental Council of the International Programme for the Development of Communication’s (IPDC) in accordance with its Decision on the Safety of Journalists and the Issue of Impunity adopted at its 26th session (27 March 2008) and renewed at subsequent sessions in 2010, 2012, and 2014. The latest Decision from 2014 reiterated “the continuing relevance of [previous] IPDC Decisions that request the Director-General of UNESCO to provide to the Intergovernmental Council of the IPDC, on a two-year basis at its biennial session, an analytical report on the Director- General’s condemnations of the killings of journalists, media workers and social media producers who are engaged in journalistic activities and who are killed or targeted in their line of duty”. The present report offers an overview of the killings of journalists condemned by the Director-General in 2014-2015 as well as providing an analysis of the killings condemned over the last 10 years, between 2006 and 2015. It presents an update on the status of investigations into these killings based on the information provided by Member States. Background information is also provided on the latest developments in the implementation of the UN Plan of Action on the Safety of Journalists and the Issue of Impunity and on UNESCO’s specific contribution to this process. Communication and Information Sector 2 Communication and Information Sector TABLE OF CONTENTS 1.
    [Show full text]
  • Russia, NATO, and Black Sea Security for More Information on This Publication, Visit
    Russia, NATO, and Black Sea Security Russia, NATO, C O R P O R A T I O N STEPHEN J. FLANAGAN, ANIKA BINNENDIJK, IRINA A. CHINDEA, KATHERINE COSTELLO, GEOFFREY KIRKWOOD, DARA MASSICOT, CLINT REACH Russia, NATO, and Black Sea Security For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RRA357-1 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication. ISBN: 978-1-9774-0568-5 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © Copyright 2020 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Cover: Cover graphic by Dori Walker, adapted from a photo by Petty Officer 3rd Class Weston Jones. Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface The Black Sea region is a central locus of the competition between Russia and the West for the future of Europe.
    [Show full text]
  • The Right to Freedom of Speech and Opinion in Ukraine: Threats and Opportunities This Report Was Prepared by the Ukrainian Human Rights Platform “Uspishna Varta”
    ALL-UKRAINIAN ASSOCIATION "SUCCESSFUL GUARDS" Human Rights Platform uspishna-varta.com The right to freedom of speech and opinion in Ukraine: threats and opportunities This report was prepared by the Ukrainian human rights platform “Uspishna Varta”. This report assesses the observance of rights and freedoms on the territory controlled by the government of Ukraine. This report is based on data obtained by the human rights platform “Uspishna Varta” via conducting detailed interviews with victims and witnesses of human rights violations and infringements, experts and human rights defenders, as well as via carrying out activities to assist in the protection of human rights in documented cases. Among them - the monitoring of trials, advocacy work with the duty bearers on respecting human rights, non-governmental organizations, and the media. General recommendations on the right to freedom of speech and opinion in Ukraine In order to ensure the right to freedom of speech and opinion enshrined in Article 34 of the Constitution of Ukraine, as well as in Article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, ratified by the state of Ukraine, the following measures should be taken. The President of Ukraine: 1. To take measures to stop pressure being put on the media and provide explanations for the intervention of the head of state or his subordinates in the activities of issuing licenses and the organization of media inspections. 2. Recall the representatives of the National Council of Ukraine on Television and Radio Broadcasting, appointed by the quota of the President.
    [Show full text]