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État D'urgence Vs. Démocratie

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État D'urgence Vs. Démocratie Université Lille II INSTITUT D’ÉTUDES POLITIQUES DE LILLE Master de recherche, section Systèmes politiques comparés État d’urgence vs. Démocratie Le rôle de la Cour suprême israélienne dans le maintien de la démocratie Sharon WEINBLUM, sous la direction de Michel Hastings Année Universitaire 2005-2006 Je tiens à remercier tous ceux qui m’ont soutenu durant la rédaction de mon mémoire. Je dédie mes remerciements tout particulièrement à : Mon directeur de mémoire, Monsieur Michel Hastings pour ses conseils et pour l’aide qu’il m’a fournie dans le choix du thème de mon travail. Monsieur Paul Magnette pour ses contributions et son soutien. Hanan Frank, professeur et ancien doyen de l’université de Tel Aviv, pour les documents qu’il a bien voulu me faire parvenir. Sylvestre Delcambre pour m’avoir épaulée et encouragée. Mes parents pour leur assistance et pour l’intérêt qu’ils ont porté à mon travail. Sharuz Shalikar, étudiant à l’Université hébraïque de Jérusalem, pour les informations qu’il m’a procurées. Muriel Sacco pour ses recommandations et son aide. Table des matières Introduction ……………………………………………………………………….. p.1. Partie I. De la possibilité du maintien d’une démocratie dans un état d’urgence…. p.6. Préambule…………………………….…………………………….………………. p.6. Chapitre I. Démocratie et état d’urgence: vers l’ « État d’exception » ?.................... p.12. 1. Démocratie et état d’exception, deux concepts incompatibles?.......... p.12. a. L’état d’exception dans le droit et la philosophie………………… p.12 b. L’encadrement de l’état d’exception dans l’État de droit………… p.16 2. L’état d’exception prolongé : vers une érosion de la démocratie ?...... p.19 a. Les dispositifs d’exception des démocraties………………………. p.19 b. Quels risques pour nos démocraties ?............................................... p.23 Tendances à l’œuvre dans les démocraties en état d’urgence…………… p.27 Chapitre 2. L’impact de l’état de guerre sur la démocratie israélienne…………….. p.28 1. Conséquences de l’état de guerre sur la « culture démocratique »…. p.28 a. La « bitakhon », la sécurité : une notion clé ……………………… p.29 b. Le statut de la minorité arabe……………………………………... p.34 2. L’influence de l’état de guerre sur les droits fondamentaux………… p.37 a. Les « outils d’urgence » des autorités publiques………………….. p.38 b. L’impact de l’état d’urgence sur les droits et libertés……………... p.41 Israël : démocratie matérielle ou procédurale ? ………………………… p.49 Partie II. L’action des Cours suprêmes dans le maintien d’une démocratie en guerre……………………………………………………………………………….. p.52 Les Cours suprêmes, acteurs fondamentaux dans le maintien de la démocratie…… p.53 Chapitre 1. Le rôle de la Cour suprême israélienne dans la protection de la démocratie…………………………………………………………………………... p.60 1. Une cour suprême dans une démocratie sans Constitution…………... p.60 a. Les missions de la Cour suprême israélienne……………………... p.60 b. Le contrôle exercé par la Cour dans une démocratie sans Constitution………………………………………………………... p.66 2. La protection des droits de l’homme sans Bill of Rights……………... p.70 a. Le rôle de la Cour dans la défense des droits fondamentaux……... p.70 b. La rôle des associations dans le travail de la Cour………………... p.76 La Cour suprême israélienne : un acteur clé dans le respect de la démocratie……………………………………………………………….. p.78 Chapitre 2. La Cour suprême et la protection des droits fondamentaux : entre indépendance et soumission aux enjeux sécuritaires…………………………. p.80 1. L’intervention de la Cour dans les questions sécuritaires……………. p.80 a. La Cour et les affaires de sécurité : d’un non-interventionnisme au contrôle d’opportunité…………………………………………….. p.81 b. L’intervention de la Cour dans les Territoires occupés…………… p.86 2. Les décisions de la Cour: executive ou rights-minded ?....................... p.89 a. La protection des droits civils et politiques……………………….. p.90 b. Le contrôle du respect de l’habeas corpus………………………... p.96 La Cour israélienne : entre crisis thesis et Milligan thesis…..................... p.104 Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………. p.107 Repères chronologiques…………………………………………………………… I. Glossaire…………………………………………………………………………… III. Annexes…………………………………………………………………………….. IV. Bibliographie ………………………………………………………………………. XIX. Introduction Introduction Si la question de l’influence du régime politique sur la propension à entrer en guerre –la théorie de la democratic peace1– a suscité de nombreuses recherches, peu d’études ont abordé la question inverse de l’impact des guerres sur le système démocratique2 et a fortiori la question de l’influence d’une guerre prolongée sur la démocratie. Parmi ces dernières, on peut dégager en premier lieu, les études de type sociologique, qui se sont penchées sur la question de la place de l’armée dans les sociétés confrontées à des crises longues. Ces dernières font généralement référence à la thèse d’Harold Laswell qui pose qu’une démocratie en guerre prolongée entraîne une concentration du pouvoir détenu par les élites militaires menant à l’érosion progressive des droits et libertés publics.3 De nombreuses analyses ont utilisé cet angle d’approche, soit pour étudier les relations entre sphères civile et militaire, soit pour évaluer le degré de « militarisation » de la société.4 D’autre part, certaines recherches dont l’approche est souvent plus juridique, se sont intéressées à l’impact de l’état d’urgence sur l’État de droit.5 Celles-ci s’attachent généralement à montrer comment l’état d’urgence, lorsqu’il perdure, vide l’État de droit de sa « substance ». On peut inclure dans cette approche, les écrits consacrés à la question 1.La théorie de la democratic peace est née de l’étude de la corrélation entre régime démocratique et propension à faire la guerre et pose que les démocraties ne font pas la guerre à d’autre États démocratiques. Cette question a été étudiée puis discutée par WRIGHT (1942), DOYLE 1986), SMALL et SINGER (1976), MAOZ et RUSSET (1992)RAY(1995). 2 .Parmi celles-ci, on peut identifier deux approches principales : l’approche sociologique analysant l’impact de la guerre sur les groupes et la dynamique in-group/out-group ; l’approche institutionnelle qui s’intéresse à l’impact de la guerre sur le régime (réformes constitutionnelles, répartition des prérogatives entre les branches du pouvoir etc. ). 3. LASWELL, Harold D., “The Garrison State”, American Journal of Sociology, 1941, 46, p.455-468. 4.Voir entre autres : FITCH, Samuel, J., “The Garrison state in America: A Content Analysis on Trends in the Expectation of Violence”, Journal of Peace Research, 1985, 22 (1), p. 31-45, BAR-JOSPEH, Uri, “State Intelligence Relations in Israel: 1948-1997”, Journal of Crisis Studies, 1997, 17 (2), p.1-17, HOROWITZ, Dan, “Is Israel a Garrison State?”, Jerusalem Quarterly, 1977, 4, p.58-75 1 Introduction du lien entre lutte contre le terrorisme et démocratie qui ont foisonné après les attentats du 11 septembre 2001.6 Quelques études ont donc posé la question de l’influence de l’état d’urgence prolongé sur les sociétés démocratiques. Elles sont moins nombreuses à avoir tenté de répondre à la question, non moins essentielle des moyens à la disposition des démocraties permettant d’éviter sa dégradation malgré l’état d’urgence. Aucune d’entre elles, n’a à notre connaissance, cherché à identifier ces mécanismes dans une étude approfondie. Ce sont ces différents aspects que nous voudrions aborder ici. Partant de l’hypothèse que l’état d’urgence a un impact important sur la substance de la démocratie, dans le sens d’une érosion de celle-ci, la question qui nous intéresse est celle de la possibilité pour un État démocratique, de conserver son système, malgré la situation de crise. Si la première menace à laquelle une démocratie en état d’urgence est confrontée est en effet la mise en péril de la sécurité des personnes, la seconde se situe dans les moyens utilisés par l’État pour faire face à ces situations. Ces moyens constituent une menace pour la survie du système, parce qu’ils touchent aux fondements mêmes de la démocratie, parmi lesquels, les droits fondamentaux. Cette question soulève elle-même deux sous-questions. En premier lieu, il s’agit de déterminer l’impact de l’état d’urgence sur le système démocratique. Pour y répondre, nous tenterons d’identifier les tendances à l’œuvre dans ce type de configuration, de manière générale, et dans le cas particulier de l’État israélien. Notre étude se concentrera ensuite sur la question des acteurs capables de protéger la démocratie lorsqu’elle connaît un état d’urgence. Nous avons choisi de nous attacher plus précisément au rôle d’une institution, la Cour suprême, qui en raison de ses différentes fonctions, nous semble la plus à même d’oeuvre dans le sens de la protection des fondements de la démocratie. 5.Voir entre autres, MATHEWS, Anthony (sur l’Afrique du Sud) Freedom, Security and the Rule of Law, Dilemmas of the Apartheid Society, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986. et HOFNUNG, Menachem, (sur Israël) Democracy, Law and National Security in Israel, Dartmouth : Aldershot, 1996. 6. Voir parmi d’autres : BARBER, Benjamin, R., Fear’s Empire: War, Terrorism and Democracy in an Age of Interdependence, New York: Norton, 2003, DELGADO, Richard, Justice at War: Civil Liberties and Civil Rights during Times of Crisis, New York: New York University Press, 2003, PAYE, Jean-Claude, La fin de l'Etat de droit : la lutte antiterroriste, de l'état d'exception à la dictature, Paris : La dispute, 2004. D’autres auteurs posaient déjà la question avant les attentats de 2001. Voir par exemple M. HALPERN et D. HOFFMAN Freedom vs. National Security, 1977. 2 Introduction Le choix du cas d’Israël a été opéré en raison de la situation unique du pays : celle d’un État démocratique en état de guerre ininterrompu depuis sa création en 1948. Notre intérêt se portera avant tout sur la situation à l’intérieur des territoires israéliens et non des Territoires occupés.7 L’objet de notre étude est en effet l’impact de la guerre sur le système démocratique et non la question du respect du droit humanitaire ou droit de la guerre, deux aspects qu’il est nécessaire de distinguer pour aboutir à des résultats cohérents à valeur explicative.
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