Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets in the British
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Republic of Iraq
Republic of Iraq Babylon Nomination Dossier for Inscription of the Property on the World Heritage List January 2018 stnel oC fobalbaT Executive Summary .......................................................................................................................... 1 State Party .......................................................................................................................................................... 1 Province ............................................................................................................................................................. 1 Name of property ............................................................................................................................................... 1 Geographical coordinates to the nearest second ................................................................................................. 1 Center ................................................................................................................................................................ 1 N 32° 32’ 31.09”, E 44° 25’ 15.00” ..................................................................................................................... 1 Textural description of the boundary .................................................................................................................. 1 Criteria under which the property is nominated .................................................................................................. 4 Draft statement -
SUMERIAN LITERATURE and SUMERIAN IDENTITY My Title Puts
CNI Publicati ons 43 SUMERIAN LITERATURE AND SUMERIAN IDENTITY JERROLD S. COOPER PROBLEMS OF C..\NONlCl'TY AND IDENTITY FORMATION IN A NCIENT EGYPT AND MESOPOTAMIA There is evidence of a regional identity in early Babylonia, but it does not seem to be of the Sumerian ethno-lingusitic sort. Sumerian Edited by identity as such appears only as an artifact of the scribal literary KIM RYHOLT curriculum once the Sumerian language had to be acquired through GOJKO B AR .I AMOVIC educati on rather than as a mother tongue. By the late second millennium, it appears there was no notion that a separate Sumerian ethno-lingui stic population had ever existed. My title puts Sumerian literature before Sumerian identity, and in so doing anticipates my conclusion, which will be that there was little or no Sumerian identity as such - in the sense of "We are all Sumerians!" outside of Sumerian literature and the scribal milieu that composed and transmitted it. By "Sumerian literature," I mean the corpus of compositions in Sumerian known from manuscripts that date primarily 1 to the first half of the 18 h century BC. With a few notable exceptions, the compositions themselves originated in the preceding three centuries, that is, in what Assyriologists call the Ur III and Isin-Larsa (or Early Old Babylonian) periods. I purposely eschew the too fraught and contested term "canon," preferring the very neutral "corpus" instead, while recognizing that because nearly all of our manuscripts were produced by students, the term "curriculum" is apt as well. 1 The geographic designation "Babylonia" is used here for the region to the south of present day Baghdad, the territory the ancients would have called "Sumer and Akkad." I will argue that there is indeed evidence for a 3rd millennium pan-Babylonian regional identity, but little or no evidence that it was bound to a Sumerian mother-tongue community. -
Sumerian Lexicon, Version 3.0 1 A
Sumerian Lexicon Version 3.0 by John A. Halloran The following lexicon contains 1,255 Sumerian logogram words and 2,511 Sumerian compound words. A logogram is a reading of a cuneiform sign which represents a word in the spoken language. Sumerian scribes invented the practice of writing in cuneiform on clay tablets sometime around 3400 B.C. in the Uruk/Warka region of southern Iraq. The language that they spoke, Sumerian, is known to us through a large body of texts and through bilingual cuneiform dictionaries of Sumerian and Akkadian, the language of their Semitic successors, to which Sumerian is not related. These bilingual dictionaries date from the Old Babylonian period (1800-1600 B.C.), by which time Sumerian had ceased to be spoken, except by the scribes. The earliest and most important words in Sumerian had their own cuneiform signs, whose origins were pictographic, making an initial repertoire of about a thousand signs or logograms. Beyond these words, two-thirds of this lexicon now consists of words that are transparent compounds of separate logogram words. I have greatly expanded the section containing compounds in this version, but I know that many more compound words could be added. Many cuneiform signs can be pronounced in more than one way and often two or more signs share the same pronunciation, in which case it is necessary to indicate in the transliteration which cuneiform sign is meant; Assyriologists have developed a system whereby the second homophone is marked by an acute accent (´), the third homophone by a grave accent (`), and the remainder by subscript numerals. -
Baseandmodifiedcuneiformsigns.Pdf
12000 CUNEIFORM SIGN A 12001 CUNEIFORM SIGN A TIMES A 12002 CUNEIFORM SIGN A TIMES BAD 12003 CUNEIFORM SIGN A TIMES GAN2 TENU 12004 CUNEIFORM SIGN A TIMES HA 12005 CUNEIFORM SIGN A TIMES IGI 12006 CUNEIFORM SIGN A TIMES LAGAR GUNU 12007 CUNEIFORM SIGN A TIMES MUSH 12008 CUNEIFORM SIGN A TIMES SAG 12009 CUNEIFORM SIGN A2 1200A CUNEIFORM SIGN AB 1200B CUNEIFORM SIGN AB GUNU 1200C CUNEIFORM SIGN AB TIMES ASH2 1200D CUNEIFORM SIGN AB TIMES GIN2 1200E CUNEIFORM SIGN AB TIMES GAL 1200F CUNEIFORM SIGN AB TIMES GAN2 TENU 12010 CUNEIFORM SIGN AB TIMES HA 12011 CUNEIFORM SIGN AB TIMES IMIN 12012 CUNEIFORM SIGN AB TIMES LAGAB 12013 CUNEIFORM SIGN AB TIMES SHESH 12014 CUNEIFORM SIGN AB TIMES SIG7 12015 CUNEIFORM SIGN AB TIMES U PLUS U PLUS U 12016 CUNEIFORM SIGN AB2 12017 CUNEIFORM SIGN AB2 TIMES ASHGAB 12018 CUNEIFORM SIGN AB2 TIMES BALAG 12019 CUNEIFORM SIGN AB2 TIMES BI 1201A CUNEIFORM SIGN AB2 TIMES DUG 1201B CUNEIFORM SIGN AB2 TIMES GAN2 TENU 1201C CUNEIFORM SIGN AB2 TIMES GUD 1201D CUNEIFORM SIGN AB2 TIMES KAD3 1201E CUNEIFORM SIGN AB2 TIMES LA 1201F CUNEIFORM SIGN AB2 TIMES ME PLUS EN 12020 CUNEIFORM SIGN AB2 TIMES NE 12021 CUNEIFORM SIGN AB2 TIMES SHA3 12022 CUNEIFORM SIGN AB2 TIMES SIG7 12023 CUNEIFORM SIGN AB2 TIMES SILA3 12024 CUNEIFORM SIGN AB2 TIMES TAK4 12025 CUNEIFORM SIGN AB2 TIMES U2 12026 CUNEIFORM SIGN AD 12027 CUNEIFORM SIGN AK 12028 CUNEIFORM SIGN AK TIMES ERIN2 12029 CUNEIFORM SIGN AK TIMES SAL PLUS GISH 1202A CUNEIFORM SIGN AK TIMES SHITA PLUS GISH 1202B CUNEIFORM SIGN AL 1202C CUNEIFORM SIGN -
The Unknown Abraham
6 The Unknown Abraham Neglected Evidence Until now, all discussions of the authenticity of the Book of Abraham have been based on the assumption that we have to deal with only two really important sources of infor- mation: the Book of Abraham and the papyri.1 Everyone, it would seem, has taken for granted that if we know what the papyri really say, we are in a position to pass judgment on the authenticity of the Book of Abraham—a proposition dili- gently cultivated by some who have assumed that a knowl- edge of Egyptian qualifies one to pass judgment on matters that lie completely outside the field. Such a case might stand up if Joseph Smith had specifically designated particular papyri as the source of his information, but he never did so. Professor Klaus Baer begins and ends his exceedingly valu- able study with the assertion that Joseph Smith thought he was actually translating the so-called “Breathing Permit.” 2 Such testimony would not hold up for three minutes in any “Part 7: The Unknown Abraham” originally appeared in the series “A New Look at the Pearl of Great Price” in IE 72 (January 1969): 26–33; (February 1969): 64– 67; (March 1969): 76, 79–80, 82, 84; (April 1969): 66–72; May 1969): 87–89. 1. See above, in this volume, CWHN 18:49–68. 2. Klaus Baer, “The Breathing Permit of Hôr,” Dialogue 3/3 (1968): 111, 133. 375 376 AN APPROACH TO THE BOOK OF ABRAHAM court of law. The only evidence for what the Prophet thought is the arrangement side by side of very brief Egyptian sym- bols and some lengthy sections of the Book of Abraham, which has led some to the hasty conclusion that the one col- umn is a would-be translation of the other. -
The Epic of Gilgamesh
Semantikon.com presents An Old Babylonian Version of the Gilgamesh Epic On the Basis of Recently Discovered Texts By Morris Jastrow Jr., Ph.D., LL.D. Professor of Semitic Languages, University of Pennsylvania And Albert T. Clay, Ph.D., LL.D., Litt.D. Professor of Assyriology and Babylonian Literature, Yale University In Memory of William Max Müller (1863-1919) Whose life was devoted to Egyptological research which he greatly enriched by many contributions PREFATORY NOTE The Introduction, the Commentary to the two tablets, and the Appendix, are by Professor Jastrow, and for these he assumes the sole responsibility. The text of the Yale tablet is by Professor Clay. The transliteration and the translation of the two tablets represent the joint work of the two authors. In the transliteration of the two tablets, C. E. Keiser's "System of Accentuation for Sumero-Akkadian signs" (Yale Oriental Researches--VOL. IX, Appendix, New Haven, 1919) has been followed. INTRODUCTION. I. The Gilgamesh Epic is the most notable literary product of Babylonia as yet discovered in the mounds of Mesopotamia. It recounts the exploits and adventures of a favorite hero, and in its final form covers twelve tablets, each tablet consisting of six columns (three on the obverse and three on the reverse) of about 50 lines for each column, or a total of about 3600 lines. Of this total, however, barely more than one-half has been found among the remains of the great collection of cuneiform tablets gathered by King Ashurbanapal (668-626 B.C.) in his palace at Nineveh, and discovered by Layard in 1854 [1] in the course of his excavations of the mound Kouyunjik (opposite Mosul). -
Sea Level Changes in the Mesopotamian Plain and Limits of the Arabian Gulf: a Critical Review
Journal of Earth Sciences and Geotechnical Engineering, Vol.10, No.4, 2020, 87-110 ISSN: 1792-9040 (print version), 1792-9660 (online) Scientific Press International Limited Sea Level Changes in the Mesopotamian Plain and Limits of the Arabian Gulf: A Critical Review 1,2 3 Varoujan K. Sissakian Nasrat Adamo Nadhir Al-Ansari4, Mukhalad Abdullah5 and Jan Laue6 Abstract The Mesopotamian Plain is a vast almost flat plain which descends in elevation towards southeast until it reaches the sea level along the Gulf shore. The plain covers the central part of Iraq; it is covered totally by different type of Quaternary sediments. Among those sediments, the fluvial flood plain sediments of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers with their distributaries are the most prevailing. The two river merge together to form the Shatt (River) Al-Arab which drains into the Gulf. The extensions of the Gulf are a matter of debit, especially between two groups of researchers: geologists and archeologists and even within the same group. We have presented different opinions which have dealt with the Gulf extensions, since the beginning of the last century and until most recent studies. From the presented and discussed data, it is clear that there is no clear and sound data which confirms the actual extensions of the Gulf during Holocene and even Late Pleistocene. Keywords: Arabian (Persian) Gulf; Pleistocene; Holocene; Sea level changes. 1 Lecturer, University of Kurdistan Hewler 2 Private Consultant Geologist, Erbil 3 Consultant Dam Engineer, Sweden 4 Professor, Lulea University of Technology, Sweden 5 Private Engineer, Baghdad, Iraq 6 Professor, Lulea University of Technology, Sweden 88 Sissakian et al. -
Chastised Rulers in the Ancient Near East
Chastised Rulers in the Ancient Near East Dissertation Presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree doctor of philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By J. H. Price, M.A., B.A. Graduate Program in Near Eastern Languages and Cultures The Ohio State University 2015 Dissertation Committee: Samuel A. Meier, Advisor Daniel Frank Carolina López-Ruiz Bill T. Arnold Copyright by J. H. Price 2015 Abstract In the ancient world, kings were a common subject of literary activity, as they played significant social, economic, and religious roles in the ancient Near East. Unsurprisingly, the praiseworthy deeds of kings were often memorialized in ancient literature. However, in some texts kings were remembered for criminal acts that brought punishment from the god(s). From these documents, which date from the second to the first millennium BCE, we learn that royal acts of sacrilege were believed to have altered the fate of the offending king, his people, or his nation. These chastised rulers are the subject of this this dissertation. In the pages that follow, the violations committed by these rulers are collected, explained, and compared, as are the divine punishments that resulted from royal sacrilege. Though attestations are concentrated in the Hebrew Bible and Mesopotamian literature, the very fact that the chastised ruler type also surfaces in Ugaritic, Hittite, and Northwest Semitic texts suggests that the concept was an integral part of ancient near eastern kingship ideologies. Thus, this dissertation will also explain the relationship between kings and gods and the unifying aspect of kingship that gave rise to the chastised ruler concept across the ancient Near East. -
The Mortal Kings of Ur: a Short Century of Divine
3 THE MORTAL KINGS OF UR: A SHORT CENTURY OF DIVINE RULE IN ANCIENT MESOPOTAMIA PIOTR MICHALOWSKI, UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN Assyriologists are at a disadvantage whenever the subject of divine kingship comes up. The issue is not an old one, but it has its lingering ghosts, James Frazer and Edward Evans Prichard, and it has its favorite haunting ground, the continent of Africa and the island of Mad agascar. Ever since Frazer delineated the problem in 1890, the focus of investigation has been on Africa, and the definition has encompassed three central components: duality, regicide, and the mediating role of the king. Of the three, regicide has been the most contentious issue, but it is one that is hardly important outside of the Africanist debates. Moreover, as Kasja Ekholm Friedman (1985: 250) has written, some have viewed divine kingship as "an autonomous sym bolic structure that can only be understood in terms of its own internal symbolic structure." Writing about the Lower Congo (Friedman 1985: 251), she undertook to demonstrate that "it is a historical product which has undergone transformations connected to the general structural change that has turned Africa into an underdeveloped periphery of the West." Here, I follow her example and attempt to locate the eruptions of early Mesopotamian divine kingship as historically defined phenomena, rather than as moments in a developmental trajectory of an autonomous symbolic structure. Most studies of the early history of Mesopotamian kingship concentrate on the develop ment of a specific figure in text and art; the underlying notions are social evolutionary, and the methodology is philological, often relying on etymology and the study of the occurrence and history of lexical labels, as summarized well in a recent article by Nicole Brisch (forth coming). -
KARUS on the FRONTIERS of the NEO-ASSYRIAN EMPIRE I Shigeo
KARUS ON THE FRONTIERS OF THE NEO-ASSYRIAN EMPIRE I Shigeo YAMADA * The paper discusses the evidence for the harbors, trading posts, and/or administrative centers called karu in Neo-Assyrian documentary sources, especially those constructed on the frontiers of the Assyrian empire during the ninth to seventh centuries Be. New Assyrian cities on the frontiers were often given names that stress the glory and strength of Assyrian kings and gods. Kar-X, i.e., "Quay of X" (X = a royal/divine name), is one of the main types. Names of this sort, given to cities of administrative significance, were probably chosen to show that the Assyrians were ready to enhance the local economy. An exhaustive examination of the evidence relating to cities named Kar-X and those called karu or bit-kar; on the western frontiers illustrates the advance of Assyrian colonization and trade control, which eventually spread over the entire region of the eastern Mediterranean. The Assyrian kiirus on the frontiers served to secure local trading activities according to agreements between the Assyrian king and local rulers and traders, while representing first and foremost the interest of the former party. The official in charge of the kiiru(s), the rab-kari, appears to have worked as a royal deputy, directly responsible for the revenue of the royal house from two main sources: (1) taxes imposed on merchandise and merchants passing through the trade center(s) under his control, and (2) tribute exacted from countries of vassal status. He thus played a significant role in Assyrian exploitation of economic resources from areas beyond the jurisdiction of the Assyrian provincial government. -
Università Di Torino
UNIVERSITÀ DI TORINO XLVI 2011 LE LETTERE FIRENZE Rivista fondata da Giorgio Gullini. Direttore:CARLO LIPPOLIS Redazione:GIORGIO BUCCELLATI STEFANO DE MARTINO ANTONIO INVERNIZZI ROBERTA MENEGAZZI ROBERTA VENCO RICCIARDI «Mesopotamia» is an International Peer Reviewed Journal. Proprietà letteraria riservata Iscritta al Tribunale di Torino n. 1886 del 20/6/67. Si prega di indirizzare la corrispondenza diretta alla Redazione e i manoscritti al dott. C. Lippolis, Redazione di Mesopotamia, Dipartimento di Scienze Antropologiche, Archeologiche e Storico-territo- riali, Via Giolitti 21/E, 10123 Torino. ISSN: 0076-6615 MESOPOTAMIA XLVI 2011 Proceedings of the International Conference NEAR EASTERN CAPITAL CITIES IN THE 2nd AND 1st MILLENNIUM B.C. ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND TEXTUAL EVIDENCE Torino, May 14-15th, 2010 SOMMARIO CARLO LIPPOLIS, BRUNO MONOPOLI, PAOLO BAGGIO, Babylons urban layout and territory from above ................................................................................................................................... p. 1 OLOF PEDERSÉN, Work on a digital model of Babylon using archaeological and textual evidence .... » 9 GIOVANNI BERGAMINI, Babylon in the Achaemenid and Hellenistic period: the changing landscape of a myth ................................................................................................................................... » 23 MARIA GIOVANNA BIGA, Babylon and beyond Babylon in the first half of the 2nd Millennium BC ... » 35 SIMONETTA GRAZIANI, Babylon caput mundi. What city is like unto this great -
Historical Fragments
UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA THE UNIVERSITY MUSEUM PUBLICATIONS OF THE BABYLONIAN SECTION VOL.XI11 HISTORICAL FRAGMENTS li I' LEON LEGRAIN EEIILADE1,PHIA PUB1,ISHED BY TIIE UNIVERSITY RiUSEUM 1922 CONTENTS PAGE IN'TKODUCTION ................................. j9 NI~PURCHRONOLOGY ........................... I 1-13 CITIESOF SUMERAND AKKAD................... 14 TRANSLATION AND COIMMENTARY LIST OF KINGS(NO . I, 2) ...................... 15-28 THEEND OF THE ~'HIRDUK DYNASTY.IBI-SIN AND ISBI-IRRA(NO . 3. 6. 9) ..................... 28-33 A SEALGIVEN BY IBI-SINTO THE HIGHPRIEST OF ENLIL(NO . 5) ............................. 34-41 LIST OF TEMPLES(NO . 7. 16) ................... 41-45 CLAYTAG FROM SURUPIJAK(NO . 12) ............ 47 SEAL I.MPRESSION OF THE TIMEOF GIMIL-SIN (No. 13).................................. 47-48 INSCRIPTIONS OF SARGON(NO . 14. 15)........... 48-50 VOTIVECONE OF ARAD-SIN(NO . 18) ............ 51-54 UR-ENGURAND NIN-SUN(NO . 23) ............... 55-60 BAL KANIZI(NO . 24) ........................... 60 NIN-DIN-UG-GA(NO . 26) ........................ 61 RUINOF MAERON A PRFSARGONICDATE (NO. 27) 62-63 PATESIOF MARAD(No . 28) ..................... 63-64 PATES{OF A~NUNNA(NO . 31)................... 65 INCANTATION. KITLIALOF THE DEAD(NO . 33) .... 66 SUMERIANLETTER ON FII;LI)S AND ORCHARDS (N0.34) .................................. 67 ~NCANTAT~ONBY 'THE BROKENREED OF APSU (NO. 3j) .................................. 68 FRAGMENTOF TI-IE CODE,SLAVES' WAGES (NO . 39) 70 HYMNTO NINAZU(NO . 41) ..................... 71-74 RUILDING~NSCR~PT~ON OF DUNGI(NO . 42) ....... 74-77 BUILD~NC~NSCRIPTION (NARAMSIN, HAMAZI) (No. 43) .................................. 77-78 1-ITURGY OF PA-GIBIL-SAG(NO . 44) .............. 78-80 TUMMALOF NINLIL (NO . 48) ................. 80-82 PRAISEOF LIBIT-ISTAR(NO . 49) .............. 82-83 (3) PAGE ,\ IJ~r2SE FOR LAND,THk; j.lH YEAR AFTER 'IIIE CAPTUREOF ISIN (NO.