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Post-Truth Politics and Richard Rorty's Postmodernist Bourgeois Liberalism
Ash Center Occasional Papers Tony Saich, Series Editor Something Has Cracked: Post-Truth Politics and Richard Rorty’s Postmodernist Bourgeois Liberalism Joshua Forstenzer University of Sheffield (UK) July 2018 Ash Center for Democratic Governance and Innovation Harvard Kennedy School Ash Center Occasional Papers Series Series Editor Tony Saich Deputy Editor Jessica Engelman The Roy and Lila Ash Center for Democratic Governance and Innovation advances excellence and innovation in governance and public policy through research, education, and public discussion. By training the very best leaders, developing powerful new ideas, and disseminating innovative solutions and institutional reforms, the Center’s goal is to meet the profound challenges facing the world’s citizens. The Ford Foundation is a founding donor of the Center. Additional information about the Ash Center is available at ash.harvard.edu. This research paper is one in a series funded by the Ash Center for Democratic Governance and Innovation at Harvard University’s John F. Kennedy School of Government. The views expressed in the Ash Center Occasional Papers Series are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of the John F. Kennedy School of Government or of Harvard University. The papers in this series are intended to elicit feedback and to encourage debate on important public policy challenges. This paper is copyrighted by the author(s). It cannot be reproduced or reused without permission. Ash Center Occasional Papers Tony Saich, Series Editor Something Has Cracked: Post-Truth Politics and Richard Rorty’s Postmodernist Bourgeois Liberalism Joshua Forstenzer University of Sheffield (UK) July 2018 Ash Center for Democratic Governance and Innovation Harvard Kennedy School Letter from the Editor The Roy and Lila Ash Center for Democratic Governance and Innovation advances excellence and innovation in governance and public policy through research, education, and public discussion. -
May 8, 2020 the Honorable Michael E. Horowitz Inspector General U.S. Department of Justice, Office of the Inspector General
May 8, 2020 The Honorable Michael E. Horowitz Inspector General U.S. Department of Justice, Office of the Inspector General 950 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW Washington, DC 20530 Dear Inspector General Horowitz: Like many Americans, we are deeply concerned by the Department’s decision to move to dismiss the criminal case against Michael Flynn, who briefly served as President Trump’s National Security Advisor. Under a generous plea deal with Special Counsel Robert Mueller, Mr. Flynn was allowed to plead guilty to a single charge of making false statements to federal investigators and avoid prosecution for other serious alleged crimes.1 In measuring the impact of the decision to dismiss these charges, it is important to observe the divide between Attorney General William Barr and the career staff at the Department of Justice. Hours before the government moved to dismiss the case, Brandon Van Grack—an experienced prosecutor who had worked the Flynn case from its inception—abruptly withdrew from the matter. On the merits, the government’s argument for dismissing the case appears to be inaccurate, politically biased, and inconsistent with the Department’s own guidelines.2 The government’s brief is signed only by Timothy Shea—the acting U.S. Attorney for the District of Columbia, promoted from the Attorney General’s personal staff to his current post earlier this year—and not by a single career prosecutor.3 1 Michael D. Shear and Adam Goldman, Michael Flynn Pleads Guilty to Lying to the F.B.I. and Will Cooperate with Russia Inquiry, N.Y. TIMES, Dec. 1, 2017; see also James V. -
Contempt of Courts? President Trump's
CONTEMPT OF COURTS? PRESIDENT TRUMP’S TRANSFORMATION OF THE JUDICIARY Brendan Williams* Faced with a letter from the American Bar Association (ABA) assessing him as “arrogant, lazy, an ideologue, and lacking in knowledge of the day-to-day practice,” Lawrence VanDyke, nominated by President Trump to serve on the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals, cried during an October 2019 confirmation hearing before the Senate Judiciary Committee.1 Republican senators dutifully attacked the ABA as liberally-biased.2 In a Wall Street Journal column, a defender of VanDyke assailed what he called a “smear campaign” and wrote that “[t]he ABA’s aggressive politicization is especially frustrating for someone like me, an active member of the ABA[.]”3 VanDyke was confirmed anyway.4 Contrary to Republican protestations, the ABA has deemed 97% of President Trump’s nominees to be “well qualified” or “qualified.”5 Indeed, in the most polarizing judicial nomination of the Trump Administration, Justice Brett Kavanaugh, Kavanaugh’s defenders pointed to the ABA having rated him “well qualified” despite the association having once, in 2006, dropped his rating to “qualified” due to concerns about his temperament.6 *Attorney Brendan Williams is the author of over 30 law review articles, predominantly on civil rights and health care issues. A former Washington Supreme Court judicial clerk, Brendan is a New Hampshire long-term care advocate. This article is dedicated to his father Wayne Williams, admitted to the Washington bar in 1970. 1Hannah Knowles, Trump Judicial Nominee Cries over Scathing Letter from the American Bar Association, WASH. POST (Oct. 30, 2015). 2Id. -
Report on Possible Misconduct by Department of Justice in Dropping the Prosecution of Gen
Report on Possible Misconduct by Department of Justice in Dropping the Prosecution of Gen. Michael Flynn Background: The Flynn Case Michael Flynn was the first senior Trump Administration official who pleaded guilty and pledged to cooperate with the Special Counsel investigation into Russian election interference. As the former National Security Advisor to President Trump, his cooperation was viewed as a critical point of vulnerability to President Trump and other Trump campaign officials targeted by the Special Counsel investigation. However, Flynn’s degree of cooperation varied over time. After a federal judge expressed skepticism over Flynn’s conduct and the fulsomeness of his cooperation, Flynn changed course and decided to challenge his prosecution. The judge rejected his claims of prosecutorial misconduct. He then attempted to withdraw his guilty plea. When the judge expressed reluctance to accept his withdrawal, too, the Department of Justice—in an unprecedented move—filed a motion to withdraw Flynn’s prosecution by Special Counsel Mueller. Did officials at the Department of Justice violate the law when they moved to undo the guilty plea entered by Flynn? What possible charges could be investigated? What did Flynn do? Before his tenure in the Trump Administration, Lt. General Michael Flynn held a senior position at the Office of the Director of National Intelligence (ODNI) during the Obama Administration.1 Obama nominated Flynn to become the 18th Director of the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) in April 2012.2 During his service, Flynn became the first U.S. officer to be allowed inside the Russia military intelligence (GRU) unit headquarters.3 He later expressed a desire to invite high-ranking GRU officials to the U.S. -
The Fascist Theory Behind Mark Penn
Click here for Full Issue of EIR Volume 35, Number 16, April 18, 2008 perfected the manipulation of mass psychology, or “group dy- told Clinton that he must become a “fiscal conservative,” and namics,” in affiliation with the British Royal Family’s Tavis- move against the “entitlements” such as Social Security, or he tock Institute. Adolf Hitler, in Mein Kampf, among others, would not be re-elected. drew upon the Bernays and le Bon work for much of the fas- On April 4, 2008, Penn apologized for “an error in judg- cist theory of crowd control. ment,” after being publicly exposed for working, as CEO of It was David Ogilvy’s WPP, through its subsidiary Hill & WPP’s Burson-Marsteller, on contract with the Colombian Knowlton, that in 1991 ran the “Iraqis kill Kuwaiti babies” government to promote George Bush’s Colombia-U.S.A. free campaign of deceit, to soften opposition to the invasion of Iraq trade treaty. Hillary Clinton was then in the closing weeks of that Thatcher had urged on President George H.W. Bush. the crucial Pennsylvania primary race, in which her stand In 2003, it was WPP, through its subsidiary BKSH—Rog- against free trade had become the central issue. er Stone’s old firm—that managed the Iraqi National Con- Two days later, on April 6, 2008, the London Daily Mail gress/Ahmed Chalabi campaign of lies behind British Prime disclosed that British Prime Minister Gordon Brown “is secret- Minister Tony Blair’s push for a new Iraq war. ly planning to headhunt the world’s most expensive polling ex- By this time, Mark Penn was chief executive of WPP’s pert in an attempt to revive his political fortunes.” The Daily worldwide subsidiary Burson-Marsteller, of which the old Mail commented that “Mr. -
Political Interference and the Challenges Facing the US
THE YALE LAW JOURNAL FORUM JANUARY 15, 2021 Treat Every Defendant Equally and Fairly: Political Interference and the Challenges Facing the U.S. Attorneys’ Offices as the Justice Department Turns 150 Years Old Joyce White Vance abstract. The US Attorneys’ Offices are the flagships of the federal government’s law-en- forcement work. But as the Department of Justice (DOJ) approaches its 150th anniversary, there are deep concerns for their future. The four years of the Trump Administration have shaken public confidence in DOJ, and during his tenure, Attorney General William Barr all too ofen took on the role of the President’s lawyer rather than upholding the integrity and credibility of line prosecutors to work free from political interference. This Essay, written in the weeks leading up to the 2020 presidential election,1 argues that, in a new administration, there must be a hardcore realignment of cultural values inside of the Justice Department that supports its independence and permits line prosecutors to effectively resist and reject political interference in criminal matters. The past four years have revealed frailty in the Department that requires more than the new laws and new poli- cies that will be designed to shore up some of the weaknesses that have been revealed. Ultimately, even with those new laws and policies, there must be a culture restoration that guarantees they will be implemented effectively so that the independence of prosecutions from political influence, which is critical to our criminal-justice system, is firmly in place. introduction The moment when Aaron Zelinsky, an Assistant United States Attorney (AUSA) in the District of Maryland, refused to silently stand by while Attorney 1. -
12-05-20 Roger Stone Interim
DuCharme, Se·th (ODAG) From: DuCharme, Seth (ODAG) Sent: Tuesday, February 4, 2020 10: 17 PM To: Hovakimian, Patrick (ODAG) Cc: Rosen, Jeffrey A. (ODAG) Subject: Re: Stone sentencing I am tracking. Sent from my iPhone > On Feb 4, 2020, at 9:03 PM, Hovakimian, Patrick {ODAG) <[email protected]> wrote: > > Papers a re due from the United States on Friday, according to Metcalf. > > Patrick Hovakimian > (b) (6) 0106 Document ID: 0.7.4262.5159 Zelinsky, Aaron (USAMD) From: Zelinsky, Aaron (USAMO} Sent: Monday, February 10, 2020 1:59 PM To: Metcalf, David {OOAG) Subject: Re: I'm back in my office Meeting with my trial team. Will let you know when done. Sent from my iPhone On Feb 10, 2020, at 1:56 PM, Metcalf, David (ODAG} <[email protected]> wrote: I just stopped by. Where are you? Sent from my iPhone On Feb 10, 2020, at 1:43 PM, Zelinsky, Aaron (USAMD) (b)(6) per EOUSA wrote: (b) (6) Sent from my iPhone On Feb 10, 2020, at 1:37 PM, Zelinsky, Aaron {USAMD) (b)(6) per EOUSA wrote: Dave, (b)(6) Best, Aaron 0117 Document ID: 0.7.4262.7445 Metcalf, David (USADC) From : Metcalf, David (USADC) Sent: Tuesday, February 11, 2020 10:28 AM To: Metcalf, David {OOAG) Subject: Fwd: Stone's Sentencing Memo Sent from my iPhone Begin forwarded message: From: "Eva ngelista, Alessio {USADC)" (b)(6) per EOUSA Date: February 11, 2020 at 10:20:49 AM EST To: "Cooney, Joseph (USADC)" (b)(6) per EOUSA , "Crabb, John 0. (USADC)" (b)(6) per EOUSA Cc: "Metcalf, David (USADC)" (b )(6) per EOUSA Subject: Stone's Sentencing Memo 0124 Document ID: 0.7.4262.7444 Metcalf, David (USADC) From : Metcalf, David (USADC) Sent: Tuesday, February 11, 2020 10:28 AM To: Metcalf, David {OOAG) Subject: Fwd: Stone sentencing memo Attachments: stone sentencing memo 2-10-20.docx; ATT0OOOl.htm Sent from my iPhone Begin forwarded message: From: "Cooney, Joseph (USADC)" (b )(6) per EOUSA Date: February 10, 2020 at 4:25:40 PM EST To: "Metcalf, David (USAOC)" , "Evangelista, Alessio {USAOC)" (b)(6) per EOUSA , "Crabb, John D. -
1:19-CR-00018-ABJ UNITED STATES of AMERICA, V. ROGER
Case 1:19-cr-00018-ABJ Document 141 Filed 06/27/19 Page 1 of 11 IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA Case No.: 1:19-CR-00018-ABJ UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, v. ROGER J. STONE, JR., Defendant. ______________________________/ RESPONSE TO MINUTE ORDER ALLOWING RESPONSE TO GOVERNMENT’S MOTION FOR AN ORDER TO SHOW CAUSE AND FOR A HEARING (DKT. 136) Justice Breyer, concurring in part and dissenting in part in Iancu v. Brunetti, -- S.Ct. ---, 2019 WL 2570622 (June 24, 2019), wrote: “I would appeal more often and more directly to the values the First Amendment seeks to protect. As I have previously written, I would ask whether the regulation at issue ‘works speech-related harm that is out of proportion to its justifications.’ United States v. Alvarez, 567 U.S. 709, 730 (2012).” See, Opinion of Breyer, J., at *8. In Alvarez, Justice Breyer’s concurrence in the decision relating to the Stolen Valor Act concluded that “the statute as presently drafted works disproportionate constitutional harm.” Alvarez, 567, U.S. at 739 (Breyer, J. concurring). The government’s June 20, 2019 Motion For An Order To Show Cause And For A Hearing (Dkt. 136), is a disproportionate response to Roger Stone’s exercise of his First Amendment rights within the confines of this Court’s Order. The government, presenting several Instagram posts, writes: These posts are not the first statements that appear to have run afoul of the Court’s order. The government is bringing this matter to the Court’s attention now because Stone’s most recent posts 1 Case 1:19-cr-00018-ABJ Document 141 Filed 06/27/19 Page 2 of 11 represent a direct attempt to appeal to major media outlets to publish information that is not relevant to, but may prejudice, this case. -
June 10, 2020: Amicus Brief Filing in United States V. Michael Flynn
IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, v. MICHAEL T. FLYNN, Case No. 17-cr-00232 (EGS) Defendant. BRIEF OF THE CHAIRMAN AND MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY, U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES AS AMICI CURIAE IN SUPPORT OF NEITHER PARTY DEEPAK GUPTA GUPTA WESSLER PLLC 1900 L Street, NW, Suite 312 Washington, DC 20036 (202) 888-1741 [email protected] June 10, 2020 Counsel for Amici Curiae TABLE OF CONTENTS Table of authorities ..............................................................................................................ii Interest of amici curiae ........................................................................................................ iv Introduction ......................................................................................................................... 2 Argument ............................................................................................................................. 5 I. Attorney General Barr’s obstruction of the House Judiciary Committee’s oversight only underscores the need for this Court’s careful scrutiny under Rule 48(a). ................................................................ 5 II. Federal courts possess inherent supervisory authority over the administration of criminal justice to ensure the integrity of the system. ........................................................................................................ 10 III. Rule 48(a)’s “leave of court” requirement authorizes courts to prevent -
Doj's Arguments in Trump Litigation Should Benefit Other Defendants
NEW YORK LAW JOURNAL SPECIAL REPORT White-Collar Crime WWW. NYLJ.COM VOLUME 264—NO. 102 MONDAY, DECEMBER 7, 2020 DOJ’s Arguments in Trump Litigation Should Benefit Other Defendants BY HARRY SANDICK AND JACOB TUttLE NEWMAN n the past year, we have seen the Department of Justice (DOJ), under I the direction of Attorney General William Barr, present arguments in sev- eral cases that implicate the conduct of either President Donald Trump or his close advisors. In this article, we consider certain positions taken by DOJ in cases involving Roger Stone, Michael Flynn and the subpoenas duces tecum issued by the New York District Attor- ney’s Office in connection with its inves- tigation into the Trump Organization. In each instance, DOJ has taken positions that diverge from the positions usually taken by DOJ prosecutors in ordinary they are friends with the president. This ‘United States v. Roger Stone’ criminal prosecutions. is why bar associations and former This has led to understandable criti- prosecutors have spoken out against Roger Stone, a longtime Republican cism: Why should DOJ treat President these steps. Rather than insist that operative and a friend and advisor of Trump or his advisors differently than the president’s associates be treated President Trump, was convicted of other defendants are treated? Equal jus- more harshly, we offer this modest pro- crimes relating to the obstruction of tice under law is the highest value of posal: Remedy the unequal treatment the Mueller investigation into Russian our legal system, and no one should by affording to all criminal defendants interference with the 2016 presidential receive preferential treatment because the same consideration accorded to election. -
The Chronology Is Drawn from a Variety of Sources Including
Chronology and Background to the Horowitz Report The chronology is drawn from a variety of sources including, principally, The Russia investigation and Donald Trump: a timeline from on-the-record sources (updated), John Kruzel, (Politifact, July 16, 2018). Spring 2014: A company, the Internet Research Agency, linked to the Kremlin and specializing in influence operations devises a strategy to interfere with the 2016 U.S. presidential election by sowing distrust in both individual candidates and the American political structure. June 16, 2015: Donald Trump announces his candidacy for president. July 2015: Computer hackers supported by the Russian government penetrate the Democratic National Committee’s (DNC) computer network. Summer and Fall of 2015: Thousands of social media accounts created by Russian surrogates initiate a propaganda and disinformation campaign reflecting a decided preference for the Trump candidacy. March 19, 2016: Hillary Clinton’s presidential campaign chairman, John Podesta, falls victim to an email phishing scam. March 2016: George Papadopoulos joins the Trump campaign as an adviser. While traveling in mid-March, Papadopoulos meets a London-based professor, Josef Mifsud, who Papadopoulos understands to have “substantial connections to Russian government officials.” March 21, 2016: Trump identifies Papadopoulos and Carter Page as members of his foreign policy team, in an interview with the Washington Post. March 29, 2016: Trump appointed Paul Manafort to manage the Republican National Convention for the Trump campaign. March 31, 2016: Following a meeting with Josef Mifsud in Italy, Papadopoulos tells Trump, Jeff Sessions, Carter Page and other campaign members that he can use his Russian connections to arrange a meeting between Trump and Putin. -
Download Report
CITIZENS FOR RESPONSIBILITY AND ETHICS IN WASHINGTON 1 The case for the impeachment of Attorney General Bill Barr Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington (CREW) has previously called on the United States House of Representatives to initiate a formal impeachment inquiry into Attorney General William Barr. Today, CREW outlines the contours of that inquiry, which should assess whether Attorney General Barr abused the powers of his office by engaging in a course of conduct that impaired the Special Counsel investigation of President Trump, the conduct of lawful inquiries by the United States Department of Justice (DOJ) and the purpose of that agency, and the oversight and impeachment powers of the United States House of Representatives. These actions violate DOJ’s founding principal to maintain the independence and impartiality of federal prosecutions from political intervention. The inquiry should also assess whether Barr directed federal law enforcement officers to violate the First and Fourth Amendment rights of American citizens who gathered to engage in peaceful protest outside of the White House and across the United States. Article I of the U.S. Constitution vests the House of Representatives with the power to impeach a federal official for “Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors” and the Senate with the power to try all impeachments and convict if it deems that individual’s removal from office both merited and wise. The term “high Crimes and Misdemeanors” refers to serious abuses of official power (Sunstein at 36-37). As Alexander Hamilton explained in Federalist 65, impeachment proceedings are reserved for “offenses which proceed from the misconduct of public men, or, in other words, from the abuse or violation of some public trust.” Cabinet officials have faced impeachment proceedings for such abuses of power, including the 1876 impeachment of Secretary of War William Bellknap and the impeachment inquiry of Secretary of the Treasury Andrew Mellon, which was abandoned after his resignation in 1932.