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Administration of Donald J. Trump, 2020 Proclamation 10080
Administration of Donald J. Trump, 2020 Proclamation 10080—National Gang Violence Prevention Week, 2020 September 18, 2020 By the President of the United States of America A Proclamation During National Gang Violence Prevention Week, we reaffirm our unwavering commitment to ensuring gang members are removed from our streets and prosecuted for their crimes, so all Americans can live and thrive in a safe and peaceful environment. Our Nation's law enforcement officials are our first line of defense against gang violence, and we continue to express our eternal gratitude for their selfless devotion to upholding the rule of law and keeping us safe. Street gangs pose grave threats to the safety of communities and the well‐being of children, teenagers, and families. Gangs aim to perpetuate the trafficking and smuggling of humans, weapons, and drugs. They destroy public and private property, corrupt America's youth, and ruin businesses. To break the pernicious cycle of gang violence and crime, my Administration has enacted comprehensive solutions focused on prevention, intervention, and suppression. In July, we launched Operation LeGend—a sustained and coordinated law enforcement surge in communities across the Nation. Operation LeGend is named in honor of 4-year-old LeGend Taliferro, who was shot and killed while he peacefully slept early in the morning of June 29 in Kansas City, Missouri. This unfathomable tragedy is one of many examples of the scourge gangs pose to our youth and to our communities. The eponymous operation spans every Federal law enforcement agency and is being executed in conjunction with State and local officials. -
Was Trump's Deployment of Federal Officers to Portland, Oregon And
University of San Diego Digital USD Undergraduate Honors Theses Theses and Dissertations Spring 5-18-2021 Was Trump’s deployment of federal officerso t Portland, Oregon and other cities during the summer of 2020 legal and constitutional? Celina Tebor University of San Diego Follow this and additional works at: https://digital.sandiego.edu/honors_theses Part of the American Politics Commons Digital USD Citation Tebor, Celina, "Was Trump’s deployment of federal officerso t Portland, Oregon and other cities during the summer of 2020 legal and constitutional?" (2021). Undergraduate Honors Theses. 83. https://digital.sandiego.edu/honors_theses/83 This Undergraduate Honors Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses and Dissertations at Digital USD. It has been accepted for inclusion in Undergraduate Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of Digital USD. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Honors Thesis Approval Page Student Name: Celina Tebor Title of Thesis: Was Trump’s deployment of federal officers to Portland, Oregon and other cities during the summer of 2020 legal and constitutional? Accepted by the Honors Program and faculty of the Department of Political Science, University of San Diego, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Bachelor of Arts. FACULTY APPROVAL _Del Dickson_______ ___Del Dickson______________ 5/14/21_ Faculty Project Advisor (Print) Signature Date Dr. Susannah Stern _______________________ __________________ Honors Program Director Signature Date Was Trump’s deployment of federal officers to Portland, Oregon and other cities during the summer of 2020 legal and constitutional? ___________________ A Thesis Presented to The Faculty and the Honors Program Of the University of San Diego ____________________ By Celina Buenafe Tebor Political Science & Communication Studies 2021 Tebor 1 I. -
Inclusion, Accommodation, and Recognition: Accounting for Differences Based on Religion and Sexual Orientation
INCLUSION, ACCOMMODATION, AND RECOGNITION: ACCOUNTING FOR DIFFERENCES BASED ON RELIGION AND SEXUAL ORIENTATION DOUGLAS NEJAIME* This Article analyzes the rights claims and theoreticalframeworks deployed by Christian Right and gay rights cause lawyers in the context of gay-inclusive school programming to show how two movements with conflicting normative positions are using similar representational and rhetorical strategies. Lawyers from both movements cast constituents as vulnerable minorities in a pluralis- tic society, yet they do so to harness the homogenizing power of curriculum and thereby entrench a particularnormative view. Ex- ploring how both sets of lawyers construct distinct and often in- compatible models of pluralism as they attempt to influence schools' state-sponsored messages, this Article exposes the strengths as well as the limitations of both movements' strategies. Christian Right lawyers'free speech strategy-articulatingrelig- ious freedom claims through the secular language of free speech doctrine-operates within an inclusion model of pluralism. This model stresses public participationand engagement with differ- ence. After making significant advances over the past several years, lawyers have begun to employ the inclusion model with some success in the school programming domain, despite signfi- * Sears Law Teaching Fellow, The Williams Institute, UCLA School of Law; Associ- ate Professor, Loyola Law School (Los Angeles) (beginning Summer 2009). J.D., Harvard Law School, A.B., Brown University. I am indebted to the -
WILS Connect a Publication of the Women in Law Section of the New York State Bar Association
2021 | VOL. 2 | NO. 1 WILS Connect A publication of the Women in Law Section of the New York State Bar Association WILS PAST, PRESENT AND FUTURE: WOMEN IN LAW: ALWAYS WORKING, REFLECTIONS ON RUTH BADER Q & A with Terri Mazur and GAPPED ATTORNEYS ARE RETURNING GINSBURG Sheryl Galler TO LAWYERING FOR CASH CLE All Access Pass Maximize Your Time and Earn CLE Credits with On-Demand Learning Now Includes Access hundreds of programs Annual Meeting 2021 online and satisfy your MCLE Programs! requirement for one low price. > Gain access to all CLE Online video programs and course materials for one year > New programs added each month $495 for > Monthly billing option NYSBA Members For more information visit NYSBA.ORG/ALLACCESSPASS Online only. Does not include live programs, CD or DVD products. All Access Pass requires member login and cannot be transferred. Annual subscription required. Contents Features WILS Past, Present and Future: Q & A with Terri A. Mazur 7 and Sheryl Galler Linda Redlisky WILS Members Contribute to a First-of-Its- 14 Kind NYSBA Publication: Virtual Lawyering WILS Connect Fa La La La La and the Practice of Law in the COVID-19 Age 2021 | Vol. 2 | No. 1 16 Leona Krasner Regulars Women in Law: Always Working, Gapped Attorneys Are 17 Returning to Lawyering for Cash Message From the Chair Neva D. Strom 3 Terri A. Mazur Sharing a Coffee, Zoom-Style Message From the Editors 18 Leona Krasner Terri A. Mazur and 4 Laura Sulem Celebrating and Remembering Trailblazing Women Message From 19 Monumental Women Unveil Historic Women’s Rights the President Pioneers Monument in Central Park 5 Scott M. -
UNITED STATES of AMERICA, ) ) V
Case 1:19-cr-00018-ABJ Document 362 Filed 04/16/20 Page 1 of 81 UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA ____________________________________ ) UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, ) ) v. ) Crim. Action No. 19-0018 (ABJ) ) ROGER J. STONE, JR., ) ) Defendant. ) ____________________________________) MEMORANDUMOPINION INTRODUCTION On November 15, 2019, the jury returned a unanimous verdict in the case of United States v. Roger J. Stone. It found the defendant guilty of seven crimes: one count of obstructing a Congressional investigation, in violation of 18 U.S.C. § 1505; five separate counts of making a false statement to the government in violation of 18 U.S.C. § 1001; and tampering with a witness, in violation of 18 U.S.C. § 1512(b)(1). Once the verdict had been returned,the jurors were officially released from the prohibition against discussing the case that had beenin effect during the trial. A week later, one of the jurors published a column in the Washington Post describing his experience. Likejurors everywhere,none of us asked for thisresponsibilitybut each of usacceptedit willingly. We served the propositionthat everyoneisentitled to a fair trial and that everyoneis innocentuntilprovenguilty. * * * The evidence in this case was substantialand almost entirely uncontested. We listened carefully to the testimony of a series of witnesses and carefullyexaminedevery element of every charge and its defense,and we unanimouslyagreedthat each had been provedbeyonda reasonabledoubt. * * * 1 Case 1:19-cr-00018-ABJ Document 362 Filed 04/16/20 Page 2 of 81 I am proud of our democratic institutions; their value was reaffirmed for me because of the process we went through and the respect we accorded it. -
May 8, 2020 the Honorable Michael E. Horowitz Inspector General U.S. Department of Justice, Office of the Inspector General
May 8, 2020 The Honorable Michael E. Horowitz Inspector General U.S. Department of Justice, Office of the Inspector General 950 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW Washington, DC 20530 Dear Inspector General Horowitz: Like many Americans, we are deeply concerned by the Department’s decision to move to dismiss the criminal case against Michael Flynn, who briefly served as President Trump’s National Security Advisor. Under a generous plea deal with Special Counsel Robert Mueller, Mr. Flynn was allowed to plead guilty to a single charge of making false statements to federal investigators and avoid prosecution for other serious alleged crimes.1 In measuring the impact of the decision to dismiss these charges, it is important to observe the divide between Attorney General William Barr and the career staff at the Department of Justice. Hours before the government moved to dismiss the case, Brandon Van Grack—an experienced prosecutor who had worked the Flynn case from its inception—abruptly withdrew from the matter. On the merits, the government’s argument for dismissing the case appears to be inaccurate, politically biased, and inconsistent with the Department’s own guidelines.2 The government’s brief is signed only by Timothy Shea—the acting U.S. Attorney for the District of Columbia, promoted from the Attorney General’s personal staff to his current post earlier this year—and not by a single career prosecutor.3 1 Michael D. Shear and Adam Goldman, Michael Flynn Pleads Guilty to Lying to the F.B.I. and Will Cooperate with Russia Inquiry, N.Y. TIMES, Dec. 1, 2017; see also James V. -
Justice John Paul Stevens Retires from the Bench
VOLUME XXXII NUMBER 2, 2010 JUSTICE JOHN PAUL STEVENS RETIRES FROM THE BENCH On Monday, June 29, 2010, Justice John Paul Stevens Justice Stevens was raised in Chicago by an influential sat in a formal session of Court for the last time as an active family that operated the Stevens Hotel. At the time, that hotel member of the Supreme Court of the United States. He an- was the largest in the world, boasting 3,000 rooms. nounced on April 9, 2010 his intention to resign in a letter Justice Stevens attended the University of Chicago and to the President. Justice Stevens wrote: “Having concluded then the Northwestern University School of Law. As with that it would be in the best interests of the Court to have my many of his generation, his education was interrupted by successor appointed and confirmed well in advance of the service in the Navy during World War II. When speaking of commencement of the Court’s Photo credit—Photo by Steve Petteway his military experience, Ste- Next Term, I shall retire from vens is fond of reporting that regular active service as an he joined the Navy on Dec. Associate Justice . effec- 6, 1941. “I’m sure you know tive the next day after the how the enemy responded Court rises for the summer the following day,” he quips, recess this year.” His resigna- alluding to the attack at Pearl tion had been anticipated for Harbor that took place on some time following unof- December 7, 1941. Like his ficial comments he made and previous colleague Lewis F. -
Report on Possible Misconduct by Department of Justice in Dropping the Prosecution of Gen
Report on Possible Misconduct by Department of Justice in Dropping the Prosecution of Gen. Michael Flynn Background: The Flynn Case Michael Flynn was the first senior Trump Administration official who pleaded guilty and pledged to cooperate with the Special Counsel investigation into Russian election interference. As the former National Security Advisor to President Trump, his cooperation was viewed as a critical point of vulnerability to President Trump and other Trump campaign officials targeted by the Special Counsel investigation. However, Flynn’s degree of cooperation varied over time. After a federal judge expressed skepticism over Flynn’s conduct and the fulsomeness of his cooperation, Flynn changed course and decided to challenge his prosecution. The judge rejected his claims of prosecutorial misconduct. He then attempted to withdraw his guilty plea. When the judge expressed reluctance to accept his withdrawal, too, the Department of Justice—in an unprecedented move—filed a motion to withdraw Flynn’s prosecution by Special Counsel Mueller. Did officials at the Department of Justice violate the law when they moved to undo the guilty plea entered by Flynn? What possible charges could be investigated? What did Flynn do? Before his tenure in the Trump Administration, Lt. General Michael Flynn held a senior position at the Office of the Director of National Intelligence (ODNI) during the Obama Administration.1 Obama nominated Flynn to become the 18th Director of the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) in April 2012.2 During his service, Flynn became the first U.S. officer to be allowed inside the Russia military intelligence (GRU) unit headquarters.3 He later expressed a desire to invite high-ranking GRU officials to the U.S. -
Nontraditional Criminal Prosecutions in Federal Court
Nontraditional Criminal Prosecutions in Federal Court Jonathan Remy Nash* ABSTRACT Who, besides the U.S. Department of Justice, can prosecute criminal actions in federal court? This Article considers this question, which has arisen recently in various contexts—the DOJ’s attempt to abort the prosecution of former National Security Advisor Michael Flynn, the contempt prosecution of former Sheriff Joseph Arpaio (who received a presidential pardon), the confrontation over the court-appointed interim U.S. Attorney in New York, and a local District Attorney’s threats to prosecute lawbreaking federal law enforcement officials. Consider first nontraditional, trial-level federal prosecutions. The Constitution’s Take Care and Appointments Clauses, as well as standing doctrine, preclude private prosecutions and prosecutions by states and Houses of Congress. Court-appointed interim U.S. Attorneys may oversee federal prosecutions, and court-appointed special prosecutors may prosecute criminal contempt cases. However, court-appointed attorneys likely cannot undertake broader responsibilities. Consider next criminal appeals. While the Supreme Court has acknowledged the possibility of a state’s appellate standing where the DOJ declines to appeal a federal criminal decision holding a state statute unconstitutional, that precedent is dubious. Moreover, even if a state’s standing is sometimes proper, the case for appellate standing of a House of Congress is weaker. Finally, consider state prosecutions in federal court. A state should have standing to appeal criminal cases to the Supreme Court and to pursue properly removed state criminal prosecutions in the lower federal courts, as should any properly designated state governmental entity. To the extent a * Robert Howell Hall Professor of Law and Associate Dean for Research, Emory University School of Law; Director, Emory University Center for Law and Social Science; Director, Emory Center on Federalism and Intersystemic Governance. -
Struggle for Power: the Ongoing Persecution of Black Movement the by U.S
STRUGGLE FOR POWER T H E ONGOING PERSECUTION O F B L A C K M O V E M E N T BY THE U.S. GOVERNMENT In the fight for Black self-determination, power, and freedom in the United States, one institution’s relentless determination to destroy Black movement is unrivaled— the United States federal government. Black resistance and power-building threaten the economic interests and white supremacist agenda that uphold the existing social order. Throughout history, when Black social movements attract the nation’s or world’s attention, or we fight our way onto the nation’s political agenda as we have today, we experience violent repression. We’re disparaged and persecuted; cast as villains in the story of American prosperity; and forced to defend ourselves and our communities against police, anti-Black policymakers, and U.S. armed forces. Last summer, on the heels of the murders of Breonna Taylor and George Floyd, millions of people mobilized to form the largest mass movement against police violence and racial injustice in U.S. history. Collective outrage spurred decentral- ized uprisings in defense of Black lives in all 50 states, with a demand to defund police and invest in Black communities. This brought global attention to aboli- tionist arguments that the only way to prevent deaths such as Mr. Floyd’s and Ms. Taylor’s is to take power and funding away from police. At the same time, the U.S federal government, in a flagrant abuse of power and at the express direction of disgraced former President Donald Trump and disgraced former Attorney General William Barr, deliberately targeted supporters of the movement to defend Black lives in order to disrupt and discourage the movement. -
Political Interference and the Challenges Facing the US
THE YALE LAW JOURNAL FORUM JANUARY 15, 2021 Treat Every Defendant Equally and Fairly: Political Interference and the Challenges Facing the U.S. Attorneys’ Offices as the Justice Department Turns 150 Years Old Joyce White Vance abstract. The US Attorneys’ Offices are the flagships of the federal government’s law-en- forcement work. But as the Department of Justice (DOJ) approaches its 150th anniversary, there are deep concerns for their future. The four years of the Trump Administration have shaken public confidence in DOJ, and during his tenure, Attorney General William Barr all too ofen took on the role of the President’s lawyer rather than upholding the integrity and credibility of line prosecutors to work free from political interference. This Essay, written in the weeks leading up to the 2020 presidential election,1 argues that, in a new administration, there must be a hardcore realignment of cultural values inside of the Justice Department that supports its independence and permits line prosecutors to effectively resist and reject political interference in criminal matters. The past four years have revealed frailty in the Department that requires more than the new laws and new poli- cies that will be designed to shore up some of the weaknesses that have been revealed. Ultimately, even with those new laws and policies, there must be a culture restoration that guarantees they will be implemented effectively so that the independence of prosecutions from political influence, which is critical to our criminal-justice system, is firmly in place. introduction The moment when Aaron Zelinsky, an Assistant United States Attorney (AUSA) in the District of Maryland, refused to silently stand by while Attorney 1. -
Playing for the Rules: How and Why New Christian Right Public Interest Law Firms Invest in Secular Litigation
Playing for the Rules: How and Why New Christian Right Public Interest Law Firms Invest in Secular Litigation AMANDA HOLLIS-BRUSKY and JOSHUA C. WILSON This article catalogues and analyzes the litigating behavior of four of the leading New Christian Right Public Interest Law Firms (NCR PILFs). Consistent with the finding from judicial politics that all PILFs seek first and foremost to have policy influence, we find that most of the litigation these PILFs invest in is either explicitly or implicitly religious or mission driven. However, we also observe a trend of increased participation in secular cases by the two largest NCR PILFs in our study. Through in-depth, qualitative content analysis of the briefs submitted in these secular cases, we show that while some of this behavior can be attributed to organizational maintenance or coalitional goals, most of this secular participation appears motivated by a desire to influence the legal rules rather than the outcome of the particular case. In doing so, this article shows how PILFs engage with an increasingly complex legal and political landscape. INTRODUCTION In 2007, Christian Advocates Serving Evangelism, doing business as the American Center for Law and Justice (ACLJ), filed an amicus curiae brief vigorously defending an individ- ual’s constitutional right to keep and bear arms, in what would become the most impor- tant Second Amendment Supreme Court decision in half a century—District of Columbia v Heller (2008). A few years later, the largest and most well-funded New Christian Right Public Interest Law Firm (NCR PILF), Alliance Defending Freedom (ADF), filed an amicus curiae brief in the landmark case of Citizens United v FEC (2010), urging the Supreme Court to strike down key provisions of the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act for violating the First Amendment’s political expression protections.