CONCLUSION

Although the revolutionaries of 1789 found inspiration in the writings of all the major intellectual figures of the French Enlightenment, only Diderot can be truly counted as their spiritual contemporary. It has been rightly contended that Montesquieu, Voltaire, the philosophes, and even Rousseau, while they were opposed to the glaring injustices and abuses of the Ancien Regime, sought to alter its inequitable practices through the processes of reform alone. It is therefore remarkable that Diderot, who in so many ways epitomised the philosophical and moral preoccupations of his generation and shared many of its social and political objectives, should have late in life rejected reform for revolution. His apparently anomalous position within the general context of the political thought of the French Enlightenment cannot be adequately explained by referring to his tem• perament or social position. Although his early release from family res• traint and a natural impetuousness combined to form an attitude of ebullient independence towards convention, at a deeper level he was cautious, at times to the point of timidity. And it is caution which pre• vailed in his relations with authority. Doubtless the deep sense of social responsibility inherited from his father contributed to his hostility to a regime which he looked upon as being socially irresponsible, and to his frustration over his own political impotence within a system which denied the right of the citizen to have a say in the running of society; but this alone cannot account for his adoption of a revolutionary stance when others in a similar position to himself continued to opt for reform. So• cially the middle-aged Diderot was a wealthy, respected, and influential member of the upper bourgeoisie, who had assured his daughter's future and social respectability by marrying her to a member of the minor aris• tocracy: hardly what one might expect of a potential revolutionary. The key to Diderot's emergence as the only significant theorist of revolution before 1789 lies elsewhere: in his ability to develop from his materialism a 230 CONCLUSION new understanding of the relationship of the individual to society, and to adapt the latest techniques of empirical investigation to the study of the structure and mechanisms of society. From the beginning the focal point of Diderot's preoccupation was morality, but it was clear to him that as a means of determining the right• ness and desirability of human action it required a firm philosophical foundation, without which it must necessarily degenerate into a list of arbitrary preferences and desiderata. The initial effect of Diderot's trans• ference of philosophical allegiance from deism to materialism was how• ever to deprive his moral philosophy of its prescriptive dimension and reduce it to a purely descriptive science of manners. The ambiguities in• herent in such a situation which opened the door to nihilism and moral anarchy could not be ignored. Only by the prolongation of morality into the realm of political philosophy could these dangerous ambiguities be countered; the solution proposed was enlightened absolutism, the only doctrine consonant with the rigid and oversimplified view of human na• ture which Diderot held at the time. While the weaknesses of such a utopian doctrine are evident, it nonetheless marks an important develop• ment: for the first time a logical continuity between philosophy, morality, and politics existed. With the subsequent shift in emphasis from the spe• cies to the individual, rendered possible by a literary investigation into the complexities of human behaviour, Diderot's materialism in alliance with the latest discoveries in medicine and physiology led him to dis• cover through an analysis of the workings of the human consciousness that human happiness if, achieved through a dynamic and positive rela• tionship between the individual and society, in which self-fulfilment and social duty are identified. This identification by its very nature is only feasible in an atmosphere of freedom which allows the individual to satis• fy the needs of his personality through the fulfilment of his social duties without direction or hindrance from outside. The elaboration of the doc• trine of popular sovereignty, the political theory to which this principle corresponded, was made possible by the rejection of a rationalist approach to politics for one which made an objective study of the facts of political life. Furthermore, an empirical analysis of the nature of absolutism and the psychology of the absolute ruler convinced Diderot that reform as a way of transferring sov~'"eignty, usurped by the ruler, back to the people was destined to fail. Revolution alone could achieve the desired aim of restoring to men control over their own lives, individually and collec• tively, without which their happiness must remain an unattainable goal. In assessing the originality of Diderot's political thought it is tempting CONCLUSION 231 to conclude that at the end of his life he had reached a similar position to that held by Rousseau twenty years earlier. There is a certain amount of truth in this view, but it ignores the areas where Diderot's audacity carried his thinking into realms in which Jean-Jacques did not care to venture. It also fails to appreciate that Diderot's political doctrine enjoys the support of a more sturdy philosophical foundation than the one that Rousseau was able to provide for his in many ways more impressive struc• ture. It is these two areas of Diderot's political thought which require final consideration if we are to establish his originality in comparison with the man who has constantly overshadowed all other theorists of his genera• tion. As we have seen in the course of this study the two men had a very different approach to politics and the elaboration of political theory, which reflected their opposing temperaments. For Rousseau objective political realities fonned a catalyst which set off a subjective process of a highly intimate and personal nature, which in due course produced a complex and original response in the form of a new order which was a rejection of the old. In the last resort the Rousseauesque society of the contract makes its appeal not so much by a description of what society could be, based upon an objective analysis of its potentialities, but more by an emotive portrait of what it ought to be, which appeals strongly to a non-rational millenarian sentiment. The channel of communication which Rousseau establishes between himself and his reader is a subjective one. He uses facts and rational analysis, it is true, but they are not determi• native in his political thinking, which is in the profoundest sense creative. With Diderot, on the other hand, the political gaze is always outward. This is true of him even before his thought managed to break out of the dead-end utopianism of enlightened absolutism which ensnared him un• til Galiani came to his rescue by showing him the rich possibilities that an empirical approach to politics could open up. For during this time his attention was directed in the first place towards the leaders of the great political debate which had been going on in Europe for the past hundred years, not in order to subject them to searching and often damaging cri• ticism as does Rousseau, but to learn from them; in the second place towards the enlightened monarchs of the age and of history, such as Catherine II and Henri IV, around whom he believed, mistakenly as it happened, he could construct a doctrine of practical application. Once the bubble of utopian illusions had been burst Diderot's attraction to the facts and realities of political life is indisputable; from his first excursion into the difficult field of economics where his sober realism contrasts 232 CONCLUSION favourably with the doctrinaire babble of the physiocrats, to the revolu• tionary call of the Histoire des deux Indes which arises out of a convinc• ing analysis of the politics of oppression, the dominant formative influence on his thought is the real world, where men's fortunes and aspirations, indeed their lives, are dependent on the shifting patterns of power within society. The difference in the modes of political thought of Diderot and Rous• seau accounts for some of the weaknesses of the former, but it also points to his strengths. Since the evolution of Diderot's ideas was inextricably linked to the progress of external events he could not accomplish the sud• den and vast conceptual leaps which enabled Rousseau to produce works of such dense and sweeping intuition. While Rousseau's society of the contract may be seen as an answer to many of his private obsessions, frus• trations, and longings, Diderot's revolutionary bourgeois democracy was the outcome of a long process of observation, analysis, and testing of the facts of political life. For a man whose respect for the complex and mul• tifaceted nature of objective truth in the field of science and technology led him to devote twenty years of his life to the Encyclopedie, it is not surprising that he should devote another twenty years to the search for political truth. Unfortunately such a concern for objective truth, coupled with a refusal to indulge in the sophistries of which he frequently accused Rousseau, resulted in such a fragmentation of his ideas that he has failed to gain anything approaching a reputation as a political theorist, while lesser men of his generation such as Morelly and Mably have managed to earn themselves a place in the history of French political thought. It is this fragmentation of Diderot's political views and their dispersion over so many different writings which place him at a disadvantage when set against not only Rousseau but all the minor thinkers who succeeded in expressing their ideas in a more sustained, cogent and economic manner. Nowhere does he provide us in one work, or even in two or three related works, with a proper exposition of his doctrine; though, had he had the time and inclination towards the end of his life to write a fully-fledged treatise in which his ideas were coherently presented, it is not idle to suppose that he would now enjoy a reputation as the most important political philosopher of his generation after Rousseau. Diderot's achievement is to have related the principles of political theory which he holds in common with Rousseau to a searching critique of existing institutions. In this sense his political thought provides a valu• able complement to Jean-Jacques'. Whereas Rousseau's conceptions of popular sovereignty, the general will and civil liberty are drawn from a CONCLUSION 233 highly abstract and general analysis of the origins and evolution of human society, Diderot's are much more closely linked to an examination and refutation of the contemporary power structure with its inherent abuses and injustices. Indeed an important contribution to political history would be made if it could be established to what degree Diderot, particularly through the Histoire des deux Indes, opened the way to the application by the men of 1789 of the theories contained in the Contrat social. It would be forcing an historical analogy to breaking-point to pretend that he played a pre-revolutionary Lenin to Rousseau's Marx, but it is not too much to assume that in the critical period leading up to the French Re• volution and during the Revolution itself, when the political writings of the Enlightenment were consumed more avidly than at any previous time, the freres ennemis were posthumously united in providing both theory and directions for its practical application. Diderot transcends Rousseau, however, in the revolutionary aspect of his politics. Although Jean-Jacques takes up a more radical stance in such key notions as economic equality and democracy, unlike Diderot he could not bring himself to accept that the only way to the realisation of his po• litical beliefs lay through the violent overthrow of the existing order. Where Rousseau failed to face up to the inevitability of violent change, partly because of his naive belief in the power of education and persuasion to change men's minds, Diderot with an implacable logic born of ex• perience courageously rejected the empty attractions of reform, which had been tried and found wanting, for the dangers of revolution. But it would be wrong to end with a picture of Diderot handing down to the next generation a full and detailed programme for revolution. Apart from a general call for the destruction of the existing order he does not proffer any advice on the strategy and tactics to be adopted. Neither does he furnish more than the broad outlines of the political structure of the new order that the revolution will usher in. These gaps may be counted as major inadequacies within the general framework of his revolutionary doctrine; on the other hand it can be argued that his refusal to tie the revolution to a strict programme, thereby allowing it a reasonable flexi• bility, was the consequence of his political empiricism which made him keenly aware that success must depend on the ability to adapt to the swiftly changing conditions that were bound to occur. When it is re• membered that so many subsequent revolutionary movements have failed to live up to their noble aims because of their unbendingly doctrinaire attitudes, Diderot's prudence is commendable. It is something of a paradox that Diderot's commitment to revolution 234 CONCLUSION should go hand in hand with a relative absence of dogmatism regarding the course it should take, whereas the fearfulness displayed by Rousseau towards the very idea of violent political upheaval daes not preclude some brutal assertions of an unambiguously totalitarian nature in the Contrat social. Such a contrast reinforces the impression that, philosophical con• siderations apart, Diderot's politics flow from a generous and humanita• rian sentiment, while Rousseau is fired by a puritanically austere and righteous fervour. The one adopts extreme measures which are in contra• dictian to his natural inclinatian to moderatian, while the other eschews them despite the fact that the radical nature of his thought could be argued to' draw him logically in their directian. It is consequently hard to escape the conclusion that on the issue of revolutian Diderot may be admired nat only for his audacity but for his maral courage, while Rous• seau may be criticised for a lack of consistency which verges on hypo• cnsy. It must be left to the political historian to' determine whether an ideo• logy is more successful in its appeal if it is firmly rooted in a philosophy of the human canditian which can make a substantial claim to' intellec• tual plausibility. From a purely analytical point of view one of the main weaknesses of Rousseau's politics, and one of the reasons why they have been open to' such varied interpretations, is that they lack any such firm philosophical graunding, stemming as they do from a semi-inchoate ideal• ism. Diderot's final political positian, hawever, is the culminatian and highest expressian of a materialism which has evolved to provide a tho• rough and coherent explanation of the needs of the individual and the means by which man may satisfy these needs through a readjustment of the social order. From the descriptian of matter, via the explana• tian of man's physiological organisatian and the theory of consciousness, to the analysis of the interactian of the individual and society, and the justificatian af the principle of popular sovereignty, each link is connected with the one preceding it, forging an unbroken chain. However, with the doctrine of revolutian, which rests on premises which deny some of the basic tenets of his materialist view af the origins af society, the con• tinuity of Diderot's thought appears to' be disrupted. But as we have seen 1 the reason far this is the inadequacy of his canceptual apparatus which forced him to' make concessians to' idealism. The break is one of logic and nat of structure as was subsequently demonstrated by Marx's solutian to' the problem by his adaptatian of the Hegelian dialectic af histary. This is not to' say that Diderot was an historical materialist avant la lettre, far

1 Part II, Chap. IV. CONCLUSION 235 right to the end his politics remained tainted with an ineradicable pessi• mism: revolution may bring about a new age of justice and equality in which men are free to determine their own lives, but it cannot last; the best men can hope to do is to slow down the inevitable progress towards dissolution which affects all societies. Although Diderot's belief in the cyclical theory of history, which he shared with d'Alembert, had its coun• terpart in his biological transformism, he never successfully integrated it into an overall materialist view. This pessimistic attitude towards the evolution of society finds an echo in Montesquieu's conviction that all forms of government are destined to inevitable decline and in a similar though more hesitant belief expressed by Rou~au, and it marks the one point at which Diderot's politics remained incongruously within the idealist tradition. Among the political theorists of the French Enlightenment whose ideas had some influence during the course of the Revolution only Morelly and Mably are unmarked by any trace of pessimism. The extreme nature of their optimism is matched by an equally extreme radicalism which makes Diderot seem singularly cautious in contrast. If, however, we compare the essentials of their political views with those of Diderot we will discover that their greater audacity is more apparent than real. For many years Morelly's Code de la nature was wrongly ascribed to Diderot as it had been erroneously included in one of the first editions of his works. It is difficult to explain why this case of mistaken identity should have persisted so long after overwhelming evidence had been sup• plied to show that not only was Diderot not the author of the Code but that he had never even read it. One possible reason may be that his re• putation as a materialist and a militant atheist inclined people to believe that he was capable of advocating a society run on communist lines, which is the book's main conclusion. There are, it is true, certain views that the two men hold in common as a consequence of their materialism. Morelly, like Diderot, believes that man is naturally sociable and that an irresistible force brings individuals together to live in society so that the citizens of a republic exist in a state of mutual dependence. But this is where the similarity ends, for Morelly with a naive logic of which Diderot is not guilty, sees the solution to man's present miseries in the abolition of pro• perty, which is the essential obstacle to the complete socialisation towards which his whole being tends, and the setting up of a perfect communist utopia in which the state provides for and controls the lives of the ci• tizens. How men are ever to reach this happy state Morelly does not say, for nowhere does he envisage sudden change or violent revolution. Both 236 CONCLUSION men start Dut with the same philDsophical premises, they both reject the perversiDn of human nature, the injustice, misery, and oppressiDn of which contemporary society is the cause, but whereas MDrelly escapes into. a dream wDrld Df wish-fulfilment without practical cDnsequence, apart from the Babouvist aberration, Diderot aVDids the temptation of a mathema• tically perfect but cDmpletely unrealistic doctrine fDr the much mOore ar• duous task of aligning theory with practice. In one respect only, had he opened the Code de La nature, might he have profited from his reading, for Morelly held that the human race was constantly eVDlving tDwards a higher degree of perfection, thus imposing upon the historical process a more consistent materialist interpretation than did Diderot. Although not a materialist, Mably was strongly influenced by the sensualist philDsOophy of his half-brOother, CDndillac, and in his logical con• clusion that a sensualist morality founded on personal interest must lead to communism he shDwed greater audacity than Diderot. Unlike Mo• relly, however, he counterbalanced his utDpianism by an analysis of the contemporary situation and the outline of a strategy aimed at the destruc• tion Df monarchical despotism, which took the form of a revolutionary doctrine. The similarities with Diderot are evident, particularly the em• phasis on the direct experience of poHtics buttressed by a knowledge Df the past, as the means by which men may discOover how to regain their lost liberties. Like Diderot he was in advance of his contemporaries who for the most part still argued about society in terms better suited to physics and geometry. His justification of revolution also bears a close similarity to Diderot's, fOor he argues that sovereign power lies with the people who are free at any time to reinterpret their contract with their rulers, and change the laws which govern their lives. With Diderot too he believes that the role of political writers is to enlighten the nation on its rights and prepare it fDr the day when the Third Estate will come to power. But although Mably had a revolutionary dOoctrine he did not know how to apply it, for he failed to realise that the revolutionary ideas require re• volutionary fDrces to put them into effect. Although DiderDt was intent on bringing the property-owning middle classes to power, his call to in• surrection is made to the nation as a whDle, whereas Mably's suspicion of the masses and his fear that the handing of power to the populace would lead to civil war and the aggravation of despotism deprived him of the means of bringing abDut the revolution. While Diderot was aware of the corrupting effect that commerce and industry could have on a na• tion's morale, he knew that they were the principal means by which the middle classes could consolidate their political power. In contrast Mably's CONCLUSION 237 desire to impose limits on commerce and industry would hinder the de• velopment of the very class that was supposed to direct the revolution. By refusing to succumb to the temptations of the utopianism which vitiates the ideas of Morelly and Mably, Diderot arguably limited his vision of the evolution of society. His politics, within the European con• text at least, are restricted to the formulation of a bourgeois property• owning ideology. But in contrast to the millenarian he has the considerable merit not only of defining the principles but of describing the means by which social and political change can be initiated. However, beyond the immediate concern for the liberation of the middle classes, Diderot's poli• tics do contain the germ of a doctrine of much broader application. By insisting that integration within a free social structure is essential to the fulfilment of the individual at the deepest moral and psychological level, and that the citizen can count on no-one but himself to establish and maintain this freedom, Diderot is a forerunner of all those who see the source of human unhappiness first and foremost in the political, economic, and physical exploitation of the weak by the strong, and for whom the solution lies in the overthrown of the oppressors by the oppressed. The oversimple picture of the French Enlightenment as an age of op• timism and unqualified belief in the progress of the human race is in the process of being drastically revised. It is now increasingly recognised that the men of the 18th century were less unaware of the huge obstacles which lay in the path of the advancement towards the good life than has generally been considered the case. The evolution 01 Diderot's politics bears out this conclusion. With maturity he came to realise that an under• standing of man's needs and a knowledge of present realities were in themselves insufficient to remove the errors and injustices from which man living in society suffered. A clear definition of aims and a frank realisation of the obstacles which lay in the way of their fulfilment must be reinforced by a knowledge of how to exploit and direct the potential dynamic for change existing within society. "Savoir comment les choses devraient etre," wrote Diderot, "est d'un homme de sens; comment elles sont, d'un homme experimente; comment les changer en mieux, d'un homme de genie." 2 His politics, we believe, reveal a further notable di• mension of his genius.

! MEM., p. 110. BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Aguesseau, Henri-Franc;:ois d', 94 Catherine II, empress of Russia, 58 n., 75, Alembert, Jean Le Rond d', 93, Ill, 205, 96,101 n., 107,117,118-119,129,190, 235 192, 193, 195,201,205, 218, 231; Dide• Alexander, I. W., 63 n., 64 n., 65 n. rot's first contacts with, 108-112; and Di• Angiviller, Charles-Claude de Flahaut de la derot in Russia, 141-142, 151-117; des• Billarderie d', comte, 200 potism attacked by Diderot, 178-188; and Annee Litteraire (Freron), 74 La Riviere, 111-112 Anti-Machiavel (Frederick II), 130 Caylus, Charles de, bishop of Auxerre, 94n. Apologie de l'abbe de Prades (Diderot), 209- Ceci n'est pas un conte (Diderot), 54, 55, 58-59 210,217 Chambers, Ephraim, 216 Apologie de Galiani (Diderot), 58 n., 97, 119, Charlemagne, 161 125-128,200,204,217 Chinard, Gilbert, 41, 41 n. Apostrophe aux Insurgents d'Amerique (Diderot), Choiseul, Etienne-Franc;:ois, due de, 96, 99, 208-209 118, 123 n., 194 Aristippus, 34, 87-89, 197 Cicero, 79 Assezat, Jean, 74, 74 n., 78 Cobban,Alfred,189 Code de la nature (Morelly), 235-236 Bailyn, Bernard, 206 n. Commentaire de Hemsterhuis (Diderot), 57, Baudeau, Nicolas, abbe, 121 68-73, 78, 154, 155 Beccaria, Cesare, 108 Common Sense (Paine), 209 Benot, Yves, VII, 178 n., 179 n., 184, 209, Condillac, Etienne-Bonnot, abbe de, 17,59, 213,215,215 n., 222, 226 236 Bentinck, Charles, 146 Condorcet, Antoine-Nicolas de, 205 Bentinck, William, 146 Confessions (Rousseau), 9, 28 Besse, Guy, 68, 72, 156 n. Considerations sur Ie gouvernement de Pologne Bestermann, Theodore, 152 (Rousseau), 166-167, 173, 175 Betzki, Ivan Ivanovich, 108, 109, 112 Conti, Louis-Franc;:ois, prince de, 201 Bijoux indiscrets (Diderot), 43 Contrat social (Rousseau), 9, 166, 233, 234 Biollay, Leon, 120 n. Correspondance litteraire (Grimm-Meister), Bonneville, Douglas A., 73 n., 74, 74 n., 12 n., 97 n., 135, 140, 145, 147, 176 n., 78 n. 206 n. Bordeu, Dr. Theophile de, 18 Cotta, Sergio, 155-158 Boston Gazette, 207 Crocker, Lester, 45, 54 Boxer, C. R., 149 Cyclopedia (Chambers), 216 Brugmans, H. L., 130 n. Buffon, Georges-Louis Leclerc, comte de, 2, 18 Dakin, Douglas, 196 n., 201 n., 202 n. De la Legislation et du commerce des grains Calas, Jean, 80, 135 (Necker), 201 248 NDEX

De l'Homme (Helvetius), 68, 145, 153; and Essai sur ies prijuges (d'Holbach), 130-132 Diderot,59-67 Essai sur les regnes de Claude et de Neron (Dide• De l' Ordre naturel et essentiel des societes politi• rot), 57, 58 n., 73--89, 208 ques (La Riviere), 115, 121, 122, 182; in• Examen de l' Essai sur les prijuges (Frederick fluence on Diderot, 100-107 II), 130-132 Dei delitti e delle pene (Beccaria), 108 Derathe, Robert, 152-153, 167 Fabre, Jean, 87 n., 207 n. Descartes, Rene, 64 Falconet, Etienne-Maurice, 28 n., 99, lOIn., Deschamps, Dom Leger-Marie, 73 n., 96; 105, 108, 109, 110; and La Riviere, 112- and Diderot, 114-117 113 Deux amis de Bourbonne (Diderot), 43, 44 n., Fellows, Otis, 111 n. 55, 58, 81 Fils Naturel (Diderot), 52 Devaines, Jean, 109 Fragmentl echapph (Diderot), 97 n., 139-140, Dialogues sur le commerce des bles (Galiani), 170, 189 121-123, 128 Fragments imprimis (Diderot), 193 n. Dickinson, John, 205-207 Fragments politiques (Diderot), 97 n. Diderot, Angelique, see Vandeul, Angelique Frederick II, king of Prussia, 118, 138, 152, (nee Diderot) 162; and Diderot, 128-134 Dieckmann, Herbert, 39, 41, 44 n., 54, 68, Freron, Elie-Catherine, 74 115, 141 n., 154 Discours sur l'inegalite (Rousseau), 3, 9, lO- Galiani, Ferdinando, 204; and Diderot, ll, 27-28, 55, 209, 211, 213 119-128; and Turgot, 201-202 Duchet, Michele, VII, 96 n., 141 n., 193 n. Galitzin, Dmitri Alexevich, prince, 144- Dulac, Georges, 154 145, 177, 190 Dupont de Nemours, Pierre-Samuel, 122, Gay, Peter, 129 n. 200-201, 200 n. Geoffroy, -, 78 Durand de Distroff, Franc;ois-Michel, 159 Goens, Rijkloff Michael van, 150, 150 n. Gournay, see Vincent de Gournay, Jacques- Elementa physiologiae corporis humani (Haller), Claude-Marie 18 Grimm, Friedrich Melchior, 38, 57, 74,89, Elements de physiologie (Diderot), 58 n., 61 n. 112, 135, 203 Eleutheromanes (Diderot) 196, 196 n. Grotius, Hugo, 209; influence on Diderot, Elizabeth, empress of Russia, 131 5--8 Eloge d'Eliza Draper (Diderot), 97 n. Guy, Basil, 170 n. Encyclopedie, VIII, 2, 13, 14, 18, 19, 27, 28, Haller, Albrecht von, 18 75,93-99, 104, 119, 141, 154, 163, 190, Hazard, Paul, 49 n., 152 195, 209, 215, 217, 232; Diderot's ar• Helvetius, Claude-Adrien, 3, 22, 68-72 pas• ticles in: Agriculture, 10, 210 n. ; Animal, sim, 82, 85, 153; and Diderot 59-67 2; Autorite politique, 7-9, 13-14,23,35, Hemsterhuis, Franc;ois, and Diderot, 68-71 94,94 n., 99-100, 104, 110, 165,209; Ci• Henri IV, king of France, 13, 14, 23, 35, te, 8; Citoyen, 8, 10, 210 n.; Delicieux, 101,231 65; Droit naturel, 11,26 n.; Misere, 13; Histoire ... (des) deux Indes (Raynal), VII, 87, Multitude, 13; Populaire, 13 88,96,97 n., 130, 141, 170, 178 n., 179, Entretien d'un pere avec ses enfants (Diderot) 193 n., 208, 211-212, 214-216, 217, 218- 31-36, 38, 53 228, 232, 233 Entretiens sur Ie Fils Naturel (Diderot) 13, 23, Histoire du Parlement de Paris (Voltaire), 135 24 Histoire du Stadthourllrat (Raynal), 193 n. Epicurus, 82--85 Histoire naturelle (Buffon), 2 Epinay, Louise de La Live d', and Turgot, Hobbes, Thomas, 13, 209; influence on 201-202,204 Diderot, 5--8 Esprit des lois (Montesquieu), 107, 108, 169 Ho1bach, Paul Thiry, baron d', 59, 96, 106, Essai sur le merite et la vertu (Diderot), 3-4, 29, 153, 176 n.; and Frederick II, 130-132 29 n. Homer, 80 INDEX 249

Inquiry concerning virtue and merit (Shaftes• Marx, Karl, 233, 234 bury), 1 Maupeou, Rene-Nicolas, 1I8, 130, 143, Instruction de S.M.I. pour la commiJsion ••. (Ca• 147, 194, 195,205; and Diderot, 134-138 therine II), 108, 109, 109 n., 118, 144, Maupertuis, Pierre-Louis Moreau de, 18 159, 171, 177, 178-190, 192 Maurepas, jean-Frederic Phelypeaux de, Intblt ginlral de I' Etat ou La Liberti du com• 194 merce des bles (La Riviere), 121 May, Georges, 68, 70 n. Meaux,jeanne-Catherinede (nee Quinault), Jacques Ie FataliJte, 31-32,42-43, 45-53, 56, 26, ll8, 123 57,58,59, 139 Meister,jakob Heinrich, 147, 176 n. janet, Paul, 49 n., 61 n. Melanges XXXVIII (Fond Vandeul) (Dide• rot), 130, 131,208-209 La Barre, jean-Franl,;ois, chevalier de, 98, Melon, jean-Franl,;ois, 186 135 Mhnoire sur les municipalitBs (Turgot), 200- La Harpe, jean-Franl,;ois de, 205 201 La Mettrie, julien Offray de, 82, 84-85 Memoires pour Catherine II (Diderot), VII, 34, La Riviere, see Mercier de la Riviere 136-137, 143, 144, 154-175, 186, 192, Labriolle-Rutherford, M. R. de, 186 n. 195, 198,214,218 Le Breton, Andr6-Franl,;ois, 75, 93 Mercier de La Riviere, Pierre-Paul, 96,115, Lecercle, jean-Louis, 216 195; and Diderot, 100-107, 113-114, 117, Lenin, Vladimir Ilyich, 233 120-121, 138, 182; and Catherine II, Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania (Dickin• 111-113 son), 205-207 Meslier, jean,S, 196, 196 n., 209 Lettre Ii LandoiJ (Diderot), 4, 33 Mirabeau, Victor Riqueti, marquis de, 181 Lettre apologetique de l'abbe Raynal Ii M. Grimm Mondain, (Voltaire), 187 (Diderot), 87-88, 113 n., 131 n. Montaigne, Michel de, 55, 79 Lettre sur les aveugles (Diderot), 1-2, 17-18, Montesquieu, Charles-Louis de Secondat, 25, 29, 58 n., 69 baron de, 106, 146, 226, 229, 235; and Lettre sur l'homme et ses rapports (Hemster• Diderot, 107, 151, 156-158, 169, 176 huis), 68-71, 145 MoreIlet, Andre, abbe, 122, 123, 124-128, Lettres d'un amateur "A l'abbe Galiani" (Bau- 202 deau), 121 Morelly, -, 232, 235-236 Lettres philosophiques (Voltaire), 221 Mortier, Roland, 13 n. Lettres sur I' esprit du sUcle (Deschamps), 114 Munich, Ernest Gustave, comte de, 58 n. Locke, john, 5, 6, 8, 59, 102 n., 209 Murris, R., 147 n. Longecour, Thibaut de, 116 Lortholary, Albert, 152 Naigeon, jacques-Andre, 75, 76, 77 Lough, john, 9 n., 94 n. Nakaz (Catherine II), see Instruction de Louis XIV, king of France, 96, 135 S.M.I. pour la commiJsion . .. Louis XV, king of France, 129 n., 193, 197 Naville, Pierre, 176 n. Louis XVI, king of France, 141, 193-194, Necker,jacques, 122 n.; and Diderot, 199- 197 205 Loy, j. R., 49 n., 58, 73, 82-85 Neveu de Rameau (Diderot), 31-32, 42-43, Lucan, 80 45-53,56,58, 71, 77,80, 127, 139 Lucretius, 2, 82-83 Nicolini, Fausto, 201 n. Niklaus, Robert, 44 Mably, Gabriel-Bonnot de, 105, 132, 232, Noailles, Antoine, marquis de, 60 236-237 Madame de la Carlibe (Diderot), 54, 55 Observations morales (Deschamps), 114-116 Mahomet (Voltaire), 80 Observations sur Ie Nakaz (Diderot), 97 n., Malesherbes, Chretien-Guillaume de La• 144,154,157,158,172 n., 174, 177, 178- moignon de, 94, 202 190, 192, 196 n. Maria Theresa, empress of Austria, 131 O'Gorman, Donal, 111 n. 250 INDEX

Oiseau blanc, conte bleu (Diderot), 43 Reveries d'un promeneur solitaire (Rousseau), Orlof, Grigor, prince, 201 28,65 n. Rey, Marc-Michel, 59, 205 Pages contre un ryran (Diderot), 51, 132-134, Roth, Georges, 101 n., 113 136 Rousseau, Jean-jacques, 51, 63 n., 65 n., Paine, Thomas, 209 73 n., 78, 81, 94-95, 102, 110, 126, 154 n., Paradoxe sur Ie comedien (Diderot), 24, 145 181; influence on Diderot, 9-10, 14,27- Paul, tsarevitch, 172 n. 28; Diderot opposed to, 3-4, 10-12, 55, Pechmeja, jean de, 216, 226 72-73,82-85; and Diderot on sovereign• Pensees detachies (Fonds Vandeul) (Diderot), ty, 166-167,210; and Diderot on general 126,140,141,171,193 n., 214-215, 218- will and franchise, 173-176, 189-190; 222 Diderot more radical than, 196, 211-213, Pensees philosophiques (Diderot), 1, 134, 225 216,229; political thought complemented Pensees sur l'interpretation de la nature (Diderot), by Diderot's, 231-235 2, 3, 13, 18, 123 Peter the Great, 108, 154 n. Sallust, 198 Philosophie des Brames (Diderot), 97 n. Salon de 1767 (Diderot), 17, 19,23-24,34,52, Plan d'une universiti russe (Diderot), 81-82, 87, III n. 201 Sartine, Antoine-Raymond-j ean-Gualbert• Plans et statuts pour l' education de la jeunesse Gabriel de, 93, 94, 100, 114, 122 n., 194, (Catherine II), 190 202 Pomeau, Rene, 135, 137, 153 Satire contre Ie luxe (Diderot), 34 Premwre saryre (Diderot), 145 Schalk, Fritz, 73 n., 74 Principes de politiques des souverains (Diderot), Schlesinger, Arthur M., 207 n. 198 Segur, Louis-Philippe, comte de, 170, 177 Prqfession de foi du vicaire savoyard (Rous• Seneca, 75-89, 219 seau),55 Seznec, jean, 87-88 Projet de constitution pour la Corse (Rousseau), Shaftesbury, Anthony Ashley Cooper, earl 173-174 of, I, 14, 17,52 Promenade du sceptique (Diderot), 1 Swcle de Louis XIV (Voltaire), 129 n. Proust, jacques, VII, 2, 2 n., 5 n., 6, 8, 12, Socrates, 25, 34, 55, 87-89 19, 29 n., 101 n., 104-105, 110, 209 Spinoza, Baruch, 2, 5, 55 Pufendorf, Samuel, 209; influence on Dide• Supplement au Voyage de Bougainville (Diderot), rot, 5-8 31-33, 36-42, 53, 55, 115, 119 Sur la civilisation de la Russie (Diderot), 97 n. Quesnay, Franc;ois, 100, 120 Sur la Russie (Diderot), 140-141, 154 Sur lesfemmes (Diderot), 97 n. Racine, jean, 80 Systeme social (d'Holbach), 176 n. Raynal, Guillaume-Thomas-FranIYois, ab- be, 96, 131 n., 141, 193 n., 216, 226 Terray, joseph-Marie, abbe, 123 n., 194 Recreations economiques (Galiani), 122 n. Testament (Meslier), 196 n. Rejiextons sur un ouvrage ... (Diderot), 12 Thomas, Jean, 76, 116 n. Refutation des Dialogues sur Ie commerce des Tronchin, Dr. Theodore, 18, 57 bleds (Morellet), 122, 122 n., 123, 124- Trudaine de Montigny, Jean-Charles-Phili• 126,202 bert, 120 Rifutation de l'ouvrage d' Helvetius intitute Turgot, Anne-Robert-Jacques, 122, 122 n., L'Homme (Diderot), 3, 22, 49 n., 57, 59- 136, 196 n., 197; and Diderot, 194-196, 73, 78, 79, 85, 154, 155, 179, 186, 190, 199-205 194, 195, 196-197,214,221 Tyler, Moses Coit, 207 n. Renier, G.J., 148, 149, 150 Reve de d'Alembert (Diderot), 18-23, 33, 36, Vandeul, Abel-Franc;ois-Nicolas Caroillon, 38, 45, 52, 58 n., 59, 61, 63, 65, 69, 109, de, 178 n., 200 165 Vandeul, Angelique (nee Diderot), 200, 229 INDEX 251

Varloot, Jean, 200 n. Voyage de Bougainville, 38 Venturi, Franco, 116 n. Voyage de Gratz a La Haye (Montesquieu), Vercruysse, J eroom, 149 n. 146 D. Verniere, Paul, VII, 58, 122 n., 132, 164, Voyage de Hollande (Diderot), 58 n., 144, 172 n., 178 n. 145-151, 190-193,218 Vincent de Gournay, Jacques-Claude-Ma• Vrai sysUme (Deschamps), see Observations rie, 120 morales Voix de La raison contre La raison du temps (Deschamps), 116 Wilkes, John, 214 n. Volland, sisters, 144, 145; Sophie, 106, lOS, William V, stadtholder, 150 n. 115, llS, 17S, 193,204 Wolpe, Hans, VII, 193 n. Voltaire, Fran«;ois-Marie Arouet de, 17, 108, 126,129 n., 130, 149n., 159, 205, 226, 229; Yvon, Claude, abbe, 2 and Diderot, 80, 134-138, 152-153, 186- IS7 Zeno of Citium, S2-S3, 85 Voyage a Bourbonne et a Langres (Diderot), 123 n.