‘Most of the time people don’t like my colour...’ Experiences of dual/multiple heritage and other BME children and their families in Cornwall

By Owen Gill and Aurora Talbot Authors recordings. Jane Stacey supported the work throughout. But obviously our Owen Gill PhD is the Anti Poverty greatest thanks go to the families who Coordinator for Barnardo’s South welcomed us into their homes and West. He has published widely spoke to us so openly. on children in disadvantaged communities. He is joint author of A note on terminology The Child and Family in Context, Russell House Publishing, 2007. In this report we use the term ‘BME (black and minority ethnic) visible by Aurora Talbot carried out this work as colour’ to describe the children and a Barnardo’s research interviewer. She young people. has been a member of the Cornwall and Isles of Scilly Race Equality Council This is because the report focuses on and involved in equalities work in the children and young people who ‘stand county for many years. out’ as a result of their colour in predominantly white Cornwall. Acknowledgements Talking to children and parents it A number of people assisted in the is clear that being visible by colour development of this report. Eileen and standing out in relation to the Bortey, Jenny Lewis, Margaret predominantly white community Boushel, Bhaggie Patel and Anne is one important way in which they Pinney advised on setting up the understand their experiences. research and/or on drafts of the report. Anne Rogers, Carol Blair Photographs and Hilde Mansfield made valuable contacts with local families. Nicola The photographs were taken by Scanlon collected background Stephen Pover. They are not of the information on services in Cornwall. children and families featured in Beccy Whitlock transcribed the the report. Foreword

Barnardo’s is committed to meeting the needs of BME children and their families.

In the South West we recognise that many of our services are based in predominantly white areas and that this presents particular challenges for effective work with BME children who are visible by colour.

This study is part of a wider piece of work that involves interviewing equivalent families in Wiltshire and gathering information from all of our services in the region about this area of work.

The Cornwall consultations highlight the importance of recognising the complexity of children’s backgrounds – particularly in relation to dual and multiple heritage. They highlight the strengths and achievements of these children and families, but also reveal that many children visible by colour in predominantly white Cornwall experience isolation and significant racism.

The target audience for the report is practitioners in Cornwall (teachers, childcare workers, social workers, youth and community workers and health workers).

Heather Colbeck Director of Children’s Services Barnardo’s South West

Contents

Page

Executive summary ...... 2

Introduction...... 4 BME children and young people visible by colour in Cornwall – demographic patterns

Research and theoretical perspectives

The Cornwall Consultation...... 7

Background and definitions of background...... 10

Successes of the children and young people...... 14

Contact with other children and families...... 17

Experiencing racism ...... 19 The child in the community

The child in school: how the school ‘handles race’

Parents receiving and wanting support...... 26

Conclusions and messages for policy and practice ...... 28

References ...... 32 2 ‘Most of the time people don’t like my colour...’

Executive summary

This report is based on in-depth children. Also because of partner interviews with families in Cornwall in changes it could mean two white which there is a BME child or young parents bringing up dual heritage person who is visible by colour. We children visible by colour. interviewed 14 children/young people and 11 parents. These children/young There is much to celebrate in the people and parents come from a total children’s and parent’s description of 14 families. of their lives. The report presents a picture of families who in spite of The study is part of a wider initiative change and pressures are resilient. The in Barnardo’s to understand the report also illustrates the successes experiences of BME children in and joys of the children and young predominantly white areas and the people. A key underlying message is implications for service delivery for that it is important to focus on the ourselves and other service providers. strength of children/young people and their families as well as ‘issues’ they Although the study does not claim to may face. be totally representative of families in Cornwall where a child is BME visible However, in spite of a number of by colour, it does claim to accurately parents reporting general acceptance reflect key themes in the lives of these of their children, the large majority children and parents. of the families had experience of racism directed at their children and There was a wide variety in the young people. Some incidents were backgrounds of the children/young isolated and had happened in the people. The children who had past, but others were current and by backgrounds uniform with both their any standards serious. The clarity parents were in a small minority. The with which the children/young people large majority of the children/young could remember the events indicates people were either dual or multiple their impact. heritage. We believe this accurately reflects the complex backgrounds Bullying was frequently referred to. It of BME children visible by colour in may be that the experience and fear of Cornwall. bullying is particularly acute with these children because they know they stand We were left with a strong impression out as being visibly different. that children and young people wanted to talk about background rather than The children/young people and for it to be disregarded on the basis that their parents said that the first ‘we treat everyone the same’. years in school were particularly associated with racist bullying and There were a significant number of name calling. lone parent families. The parents in these families (typically the mothers) Racial harassment appeared to become were bringing up children who had more significant at times when children partially different backgrounds to were experiencing other challenges their own. This could mean lone white such as poverty and family difficulties parents bringing up dual heritage and separation. Executive summary 3

Several of the children talked about of meeting with other BME unease and wanting more support children/young people visible by when issues of ‘race’ were discussed colour. There was also evidence in the classroom. of white parents wanting help in supporting their children. Typically the families were not part of a ‘community’ that included other The policy and practice BME families but had links with only implications of the families’ one or several similar families. testimonies for schools and agencies working with children A significant number of families and young people in Cornwall are talked about support needs. There drawn out in the conclusions of was reference to the importance the report.  ‘Most of the time people don’t like my colour...’

Introduction

This report describes the results of predominantly white areas by in-depth interviewing carried out in looking at networks of families in the early 2010 with families in Cornwall county where there is a BME child/ where there is a BME child visible by young person visible by colour. colour. We interviewed 14 children/ young people and 11 parents. These BME children and young people children/young people and parents visible by colour in Cornwall – came from a total of 14 families. demographic patterns

There is currently a lack of practice Accurately assessing the number of guidance about working with BME children/young people in Cornwall who children in predominantly white areas. are visible by colour is problematic because the 2001 census is now so badly The majority of current thinking out of date. around meeting the needs of these children/young people derives from Some indication can be obtained work in diverse urban locations. from school BME figures, however these include children from For instance, in the urban context, minority European countries who emphasis is placed on working with would not be identified as visible BME communities. However, in by colour. predominantly white areas such as Cornwall this is not likely to be an OFSTED (2009) reported that appropriate approach. There may be children and young people from small groups of families sharing a minority ethnic groups account for common background but it is more 4.7 per cent of pupils in primary likely that BME children visible by school in Cornwall and 3.8 per colour are isolated or in contact cent of pupils in secondary school. with only one or two families of This is significantly below national equivalent background. averages of 24.5 per cent and 20.6 per cent, respectively. The purpose of the interviews was: In primary and secondary schools in n to present information on the Cornwall there are higher percentages backgrounds of families in of children from ‘Any Other White’ and Cornwall in which there is a BME ‘Any Other Mixed’ backgrounds than child visible by colour any other ‘non-white British’ group n to listen to the children/young people (Cornwall County Council 2009; based and their parents to learn about their on Schools Census 2007). This indicates successes and the challenges they the significance of the number of dual have faced and multiple heritage children in n to give guidance to our own services Cornwall’s schools. and those of other agencies who seek to address the needs of BME children Therefore, the overall picture for visible by colour in Cornwall but who Cornwall appears to be of a relatively may have little information on which small number of children visible by to base their work colour, with a significant proportion of n to contribute more generally to children of mixed backgrounds within the debate about ethnic reach in this group. Introduction 

Research and theoretical 2) Dual and multiple heritage perspectives The position of dual and multiple 1) BME children visible by colour in heritage children in the UK has predominantly white areas received some research attention in recent years. There is only a limited amount of information available about the Much of this has revolved around experience of BME children visible policies in relation to transracial by colour living in predominantly adoption or fostering. In the 1980s white areas. and 1990s a dominant perspective evolved that the dual heritage child There is a small amount of research is in all important respects a black indicating that BME children in child because that is the way she or he predominantly white areas may is regarded by society. The approach experience high levels of racism. Barter was that in order for the dual heritage (1999) for instance concluded that: child to develop emotional health and a ‘In areas where there are few children positive self-image, she or he needed to from minority ethnic communities identify themselves as a black child. It these children may be particularly was argued that in a racist society this vulnerable to racial abuse. The effect was the only way in which a child could is heightened by the lack of access to effectively survive. support from other minority ethnic children’ (p.1). This position has been increasingly challenged by theorists who argue that Scourfield et al (2002) reported on the to do justice to the reality of children’s findings of qualitative research into lives, it is necessary to understand the the experience of minority children complex ways in which these children living in the South Wales valleys. might think about their backgrounds. They reported on a considerable It has been argued that dual and variety of children and young people’s multiple heritage children can relate experiences, mediated by class to the complexity of their background and gender. A small number had and still develop an emotionally experienced significant racism to the healthy identity. extent that their families had removed them from school. Okitikpi (2005) notes ‘The social work profession’s approach towards The Young People in Cornwall Anti children of mixed parentage has Racism Project (2004) painted a bleak tended to owe more to a simplistic picture of the day-to-day experience interpretation of the children’s of young people from visible ethnic racial identity and their cultural minorities in the county. They affiliations rather than an informed concluded that racism was a day-to- understanding or appreciation of their day reality for these young people and interracial background and their self their families, that these minorities perceptions’ (p.1). are treated as invisible by some agencies who do not recognise their Patel (2009) argues for workers who needs and there are poor networks of come into contact with dual heritage support for families. children to recognise the ‘multiple,  ‘Most of the time people don’t like my colour...’

complex and diverse ways in which for practitioners is the clear need to they actually saw themselves’ (p.85). communicate with children about their life experiences and how they Adding to the complexity of identify with the different aspects of understanding and responding to the their background. needs of dual and multiple heritage children in predominantly white areas It is also important to acknowledge the are the complex interactions between context, i.e. the setting in which the racialised identity, class and gender child is growing up. This will include (see for instance: Ali, 2003). Perceptions an examination of family settings of these children will not only be (recognising that the background of influenced by perceptions of their the child may be different from the origins but also of their class position parent/s), neighbourhood settings in and their gender. which the child may be the only BME child visible by colour, and the school Overall the key message from these setting (which may have a very small different theoretical perspectives number of BME children). The Cornwall Consultation 

The Cornwall Consultation

Conducting the in the experience of BME children in research interviews Cornwall who are visible by colour.

Conducting this research presented All of the interviews except two were a number of difficulties, probably carried out by one of the authors reflecting why there has been a lack of (A.T.) who is of Asian background, similar research conducted in Cornwall part of a dual heritage family and already. The main difficulty was making has lived in Cornwall for many years. contact with appropriate families. There We considered it important that the was obviously no established data on interviews were conducted by a person which to base a sampling frame. visible by colour. In order to obtain authentic descriptions of the children’s The families we eventually talked to experiences it was necessary for the were contacted in a variety of ways. interviewer to be perceived by those This involved contact through our interviewed as having shared the same own services and the services of other experience of being visible by colour in agencies, contact through community a white society. groups and also through the personal contact networks of one of the report The interviews were conducted in the authors (Aurora Talbot). participants’ homes and informed consent was obtained from both A significant number of the families the parents and the children/young we contacted did not want to be people who were involved. This interviewed. One reason for this informed consent covered the purpose may have been the parents’ desire of the interviewing, confidentiality, not to focus on their child’s racial and how the report would be background but rather support published and used. them to ‘blend in’. Other reasons we received included not wanting to The interviews varied in length, with revisit painful experiences of racism some of the parents’ interviews taking and also the fear that revisiting ‘racial’ over two hours. The children/young and therefore parental background people’s interviews were generally would evoke painful memories of shorter, although some still lasted over relationship breakdown. an hour.

Other responses included ‘it may not be All interviews were semi-structured so safe’ for them and their children if they there could be some flexibility in terms said anything about difficulties and of following up answers by asking successes, that ‘nothing will change so subsidiary questions. why make it difficult for ourselves’ and ‘we see ourselves as a white family so it We also used questions that allowed doesn’t concern us.’ the parents and children/young people to express their feelings and hopes. We do not claim that our sample of One of these questions that worked families is entirely representative well with the children and young of all families in Cornwall where people was the ‘dream’ question: ‘If there is a BME child who is visible when you went to sleep you had a by colour. However we do believe the dream about the things that would perspectives we heard and the issues make your life better for you at school that were raised reflect key themes what would be in that dream?’  ‘Most of the time people don’t like my colour...’

Obviously ways of talking to the colour, we have taken care to ensure children had to reflect their ages and that none of the families are identifiable. capacity to articulate their situation. In order to achieve this we have in some cases not given full details of events and In general there was very positive family situations described. feedback from being interviewed. For instance, one boy told us: ‘That has Because of the small numbers of these definitely made me think about it. families in Cornwall, giving exact Although I’m a very bubbly person I do descriptions of the family backgrounds seem to hold a lot in. It’s good being would have rendered them identifiable. able to speak to somebody’. In such cases we have not given precise descriptions. In several family or The interviews were recorded and child/young person descriptions we transcribed. All quotes used in this have changed identifying material to report are exactly as they were spoken maintain confidentiality and anonymity. by those interviewed. But in doing this we are confident we have not changed the authenticity of the Offering support family narrations.

One of the ethical issues that research During the interviews, references consultations of this kind raise is were made to specific locations at that the interviewer may have to which racist incidents occurred. This step outside the role of researcher underlines the importance of analysing and respond to expressed needs context. But due to the danger of and difficulties. It may be that these identifying families these locations have children and young people were not been named. talking for the first time with a black adult about issues they were facing in Acknowledging complexity relation to background. We are aware that we are examining The difficulties of two of the families a highly complex area of family life in were such that the interviewer, Cornwall. This complexity is a result of: after discussion and obtaining the permission of the child to convey n very varied family backgrounds information to the parents, supported n varying family structures – for the family to make a referral for instance a dual heritage child will support. These referrals were related have a different experience being to bullying. brought up by a lone white mother compared with a dual heritage child In another family, the interviewer spent being brought up in a two parent considerable time giving advice to one household where the parents reflect of the parents in relation to equalities the child’s background issues she was facing in her workplace. n complexity of gender – the experiences of girls and boys who are Maintaining confidentiality visible by colour may be different. n living in different parts of Because there are a relatively small Cornwall, for instance urban, rural number of families in Cornwall with or semi rural areas, may have a BME child/young person visible by an impact on the experiences of The Cornwall Consultation 

BME children visible by colour. Our interviews showed that there are areas of Cornwall which are perceived to be more accepting of families and children visible by colour than others.

And of course another overriding area of complexity is that the closer the researcher gets to real families the more difficult it is to untangle background from all of the other family strengths and pressures.

In spite of these complexities we believe that through our detailed interviewing we have produced accurate family narratives around the experience of these children. 10 ‘Most of the time people don’t like my colour...’

Background and definitions of background The children and parents interviewed come from a variety of economic backgrounds. Two families have parents in professional roles, one family owns a large business and two families own small businesses, five families have a parent in paid manual or semi-skilled employment and five families are dependent on benefits.

The table below contains descriptions of the 14 families from whom we interviewed 14 children and 11 parents. In total there are 32 children in these families.

Family structure White father and Asian mother living together with their dual heritage, twin daughters aged 13 (interviews were conducted with the twin daughters) Multiple heritage lone mother living with her two multiple heritage daughters aged 13 and five (interviews were conducted with the mother and the 13-year- old daughter) Mother and father from Southeast Asia living with their three-year-old daughter (interview with the father) Dual heritage lone mother living with her two dual heritage (black African- white British) children – daughter aged three and son under one (interview with mother) Chinese lone mother living with her dual heritage (Chinese-white British) three- year-old son (interview with mother) White Cornish mother and white British stepfather living with four children aged 12, 10, five and four. The eldest of the children is multiple heritage, the others are white (interview with mother and 12-year-old multiple heritage boy) Chinese parents living with 14 and 16-year-old Chinese sons (interview with the 16-year-old son) White British lone mother sharing care with black African father living locally and their two dual heritage sons aged 15 and 11 (interviews with mother and two sons) White British mother living with Southeast Asian husband and three dual heritage daughters aged eight, four and one (interviews with mother and eight- year-old daughter) Dual heritage mother living with white husband and three dual heritage children aged 17, 13 and five (joint interview with parents and short ‘interview’ with five-year-old son) Black African mother and father with one-year-old black African daughter (joint interview with parents) Lone white British mother with three dual heritage (white-black African) sons aged 11, nine and four (interviews with mother and 11 and nine-year-old sons) Lone dual heritage mother with three dual heritage children aged 13, nine and eight (interviews with mother and 13-year-old son) Lone black-African mother with 12-year-old dual heritage son and dual heritage (black African-white British) eight-year-old daughter (interviews with mother and both children)

From the above table the complexity of the children’s backgrounds is clear. In 11 of the families the children are either dual or multiple heritage rather than sharing a uniform background with both parents. Background and definitions of background 11

The analysis also shows the variety of Overview family structures. In seven families the children are growing up with a In the above analysis we have stressed lone parent. All of the children in these the complexity of family backgrounds families are dual or multiple heritage and structures. By far the largest so their backgrounds are only partially group of children in the families we represented at home. One of these talked to were either dual or multiple children did however maintain strong heritage children. We believe this links with the father through a shared reflects the general situation in care arrangement. Cornwall in relation to BME children visible by colour and is a key factor in In two families a lone white mother is understanding their experiences. bringing up dual heritage children and in a third family a white mother and a The increasing number of dual and white stepfather are bringing up a dual multiple heritage children is a key heritage child. All of his half siblings demographic change of recent years are white. in all types of areas. But in areas such as Cornwall where there are not large This latter family formation of two communities of BME families, the white parents bringing up a dual proportionately large number of dual heritage child is now, as a result of and multiple heritage children may family separation and change, not be much more marked than in more uncommon in the UK. diverse areas.

The following statements from three The children/young people: of the parents illustrate the complexity being who they are of the way in which the parents define their families and their children. In the interviews the children and young people reflected on Multiple heritage mother of 12-year- their backgrounds. old son: ‘He (son) calls himself black now. I said to him a lot of people will It is impossible to summarise these still say you’re Asian, but he says and come up with a neat description “Well I’m not”. ‘He identifies himself of how those mainly dual and multiple with me. If anyone asks him where his heritage children and young people colour comes from he says it’s from saw themselves. me. He dismisses that he is part Asian. He doesn’t admit to it freely at all.’ Based on an ecological perspective (Bronfenbrenner, Mother: ‘Mum’s white Russian and 1979) their self definitions are dad black Caribbean. I’m adopted, so likely to be the result of the all I know are the very bare bones of complex interplay of experiences my parents. My adopted parents are linked to family, community, both white.’ peer relations and school. They will also be the result of what Father: ‘We’re Asian, not black, brown. their parents have told them We’re not too black, not too white.’ about their background and how 12 ‘Most of the time people don’t like my colour...’

the parents have defined the In some of the interviews it was clear significance of ‘race’ in their lives. that there could be change over time in how the children perceived themselves Also of importance in terms of the and that their self perceptions could be way they think about their ‘racial’ different in different circumstances. background may be the way in which certain events or incidents have It may be that the remark by a young played out in their lives. An incident dual heritage child: ‘It depends what of racist harassment or bullying mood I’m in’ is a casual comment that although it might be regarded is possibly self deprecating. At another as a ‘one off’ by others (including level it may be pointing to an accurate teachers etc) may have a profound statement about background and how it effect and ‘stay with’ the child. can change with feelings and context.

Without trying to categorise them, And in the responses of the children we simply present below some of there was evidence of the way they were the statements the children and reacted to by others and how they in young people made about who they turn reflected on this: are and their understanding of their backgrounds. Thirteen-year-old multiple heritage girl: ’Some people are a bit funny to Nine-year-old dual heritage boy: My start off with and once you get to know family is quite a couple of people. ‘My them they get to realise you’re not Dad is dark. My Mum is quite light.’ any different and you don’t feel any different from anyone else really. I don’t Eleven-year-old dual heritage boy know, if they can see something like talking about his black father who he one of your unconfident things like if does not see: ‘I talk to my friend about you have a spot on your face they might my Dad – he’s black, mixed. Mum is pick on you for that. Like for the first white and Cornish. No one has asked day they meet you, but then you forget me at school about my background. It about it. In primary school it was little upsets me.’ petty things, but it’s nothing serious.’

Eleven-year-old dual heritage boy: And talking about how others react ‘Different, multicultural maybe. to him a 12-year-old dual heritage Because my mum was born in Cornwall boy says: ‘You probably get noticed and my dad in... (African country).’ a bit more, but you don’t necessarily want that do you? I think people are Fifteen-year-old dual heritage boy: ‘I’ve interested a bit in my background but only ever really had to answer it on a it does get a bit annoying.’ form. I put myself down as white and black African.’ And finally it is important to remember in our analysis that children’s Five-year-old dual heritage boy: perspectives on who they are will also ‘Well some people are brown. I’m be a result of the way in which they see just a little bit brown as you can the people in their lives have responded tell. But normally I’m pinkish and to them. Here for instance is an whitish and creamy. ...(brother) is 11-year-old dual heritage boy talking: really brown.’ ‘Just my dad, he just lets me down. He Background and definitions of background 13

was over here [UK] for six weeks and he never came to see me once. He went to see ...(sister) down the road, but he didn’t come and see me. I just thought he was coming to see me and he didn’t. I only found out because my sister saw him in ...(local supermarket).’ 14 ‘Most of the time people don’t like my colour...’

Successes of the children and young people An important aspect of the way in which determination and seeing beautiful we approached the interviewing was results. Seeing the successes of the to look at the strengths and successes children and having those emotional of these families as well as the issues tears when they do really well. The they might face. Exploration of the pride and feeling 10 feet tall.’ experiences of BME children and young people visible by colour too often White mother living with S.E. Asian carry with them an expectation only husband and dual heritage children: of difficult experiences rather than the ‘I think as a family, because we joys, exhilarations and successes of have got connections to two places, children’s and young people’s lives. that’s a really positive thing. I think that’s good for the children’s We therefore had early questions in understanding and awareness in both the parents and the children’s general. I think also you kind of interviews about the successes of the stick together and look after each families and the children. Also we asked other maybe more than you normally the children and young people about would. It’s just fantastic having that what they enjoyed and what made them mixture of culture really. Because happy as well as what made them sad. it’s not just about coming from a different place, it’s having different The parents could all talk about many languages and different memories successes and the strengths of their and a different culture. I think that’s families. The following are examples: quite rich really.’

Multiple heritage lone mother: ‘I think The parents also talked positively about the main strength I have got is that their children: I’ve brought up my children more or less on my own, so I’ve had to be totally White lone parent of dual heritage independent. I had to be the children’s sons: ‘[Eleven-year-old son] is very advocate as a single parent, as I confident on the outside but very haven’t had the solidarity of a father sensitive. He’s confident and capable. figure for them. ‘I’ve been an all round Amazingly I was worried about him parent for them, my roles have been going to secondary school but he got dual I suppose.’ the star pupil for the whole year out of 270 children, I cried!’ Chinese lone mother: ‘I think it’s the culture. I think I give [dual heritage White mother (living with white son] a strength that is different from stepfather) of 12-year-old multiple others because of my culture. You heritage son: ‘All his reports come know the way I act and things. The back saying he is very kind, generous, way I deal with a lot of things. My good natured, very thoughtful child. behaviour, when it comes to my diet, It’s always been very good praise, but everything is different and that makes maybe he could try a bit harder and not [son] different.’ mess around so much in class.’

White lone mother of dual heritage Multiple heritage lone mother of two sons: ‘Support from family, my own multiple heritage children: ‘I think Successes of the children and young people 15

[13-year-old daughter] if I talk about But of course there were descriptions her appearance, the most obvious of the difficulties that any child might thing is that you know automatically face. For instance a 13-year-old multiple she’s mixed race – her skin colour, heritage girl whose parents had her hair colouring. ‘She loves separated when asked what her dream interacting with other children, she’s was said: very social, the best thing is that she likes school. She likes science, ‘Making a wish that I could have and she likes participating in a lot my Mum and Dad back together, of things in and out of school. All none of this ever happened and in all she’s quite an outgoing girl. we were all like we used to be, She loves music. I think she does snuggled up on the sofa together everything that a typical girl at watching telly and we were all just the beginning of her teenage years one happy family.’ should be doing really.’ The children and young people in Although inevitably sometimes positive general were very positive when statements were linked with anxieties: talking about their successes and achievements. This came out clearly White mother of dual heritage with questions about a time when they daughters: ‘[Eight-year-old daughter] had done something they were really is quite sensitive. She’s a bit lacking proud about: in confidence. She’s struggled at school with children bullying her. I Thirteen-year-old multiple heritage think it’s just a girl thing to be honest. girl: ‘I think it was in year seven, I It’s majority girls and I think because had a maths test. Maths wasn’t my of how she is – she’s just very quiet best subject, but when I had my test and gets on with her work – she’s an in year seven I got one of the highest easy target.’ scores in the class and I was really proud of myself.’ When we talked to the children there was much evidence of strong and Eleven-year-old dual heritage boy: supportive families. For instance one ‘Well just last year I got the highly 13-year-old dual heritage girl told us: commended award for the whole of the year, and only a boy and a girl ‘I think it’s nice to have a firm family. I got it for the whole year. It was for think that we tend to do stuff together. all our achievements for the first Sometimes even if it’s just watching half of the year.’ telly it’s nice.’ Fifteen-year-old dual heritage boy: And a 12-year-old multiple heritage boy ‘Really my sport. I’m quite good at the told us: academic side of things but not so much P.E. and sport and science. I’ve got a ‘They’re just a good family. They do all pretty supportive family.’ the regular things they’re supposed to do, tell you what you can do and can’t Eight-year-old dual heritage girl: do and keep you safe.’ ‘The first time when I went to school 16 ‘Most of the time people don’t like my colour...’

I was really nervous. People bigger swimming pool down the road and than me were telling me that maths we would set a race and jumping and stuff like that were really hard and things like that.’ but I was really proud when I did it all and stuff.’ Several of the children however presented a mixed picture of Nine-year-old dual heritage boy: ‘I’m their lives. Here for instance is quite proud of when I went on holiday a 12-year-old multiple heritage and me and [brother] won a dancing boy talking: medal together. We done sort of like line dancing.’ ‘No I don’t do competitions. I haven’t done anything. My best subject at Eight-year-old dual heritage girl: school is science, it’s easy. History. I’m ‘I’m really proud of my running. We no good at sports. I don’t go out much. had this sports teacher in my school There’s no one up here [on the estate and she would get us to set up in the where he lives].’ Contact with other children and families 17

Contact with other children and families We asked the families whether into the nature of this ‘community’ they spend time with other in Cornwall. families who have a member/s who have similar backgrounds. The reality however is that because of the relatively few families in Cornwall Contact with other children/ with a BME child visible by colour, families where there are members contact may be very limited. The who are BME visible by colour is infrequency of seeing other people in likely to be important in terms of Cornwall with a similar background identity development and support. was illustrated by one of the mothers we interviewed who is black African who Also agencies often attempt to said: ‘In Cornwall when you see a black develop strategies of ‘making person it’s like you see your cousin!’ contact with the black community’ in order to engage with BME Answers were complex but the children and families. It is following table gives a summary of therefore important to enquire responses to this question.

Children have occasional contact with Asian maternal grandmother in another part of UK and several dual heritage friends at school One child kept in touch with a family she knew when she was younger who had a child visible by colour and the mother had contact with an African colleague with three children Family has another friend from father’s original country Mother and family have contact with approximately 20 people in families where a member is visible by colour No regular contact reported Contact with dual heritage nephew and another family with a dual heritage child Family members in Cornwall Children have contact with dual heritage children at school Involved with the ‘Colourful Women’s Network’ that brings together women and children from diverse ethnic backgrounds Contact with friends from father’s country of origin who go to the same church Contact with one friend through whom she has met others, but does not see them often Contact with a family with another child visible by colour Family keeps in contact with families from dual heritage mother’s original country, mainly to celebrate traditional family events No information 18 ‘Most of the time people don’t like my colour...’

There was a range in the above I don’t have any time. I am one of responses. Several of the families the exceptions I think. Most Chinese had fairly extensive contact, for people have a lot of Chinese friends instance one of the parents told us: but not me.’

‘I’ve got my friends and my Lone white mother with two dual neighbour. I have a friend from heritage children: ‘We have, but the Kenya and one from Zimbabwe and family we used to see quite regularly another from Zambia. We used to who were Ghanian have moved to work together with the girl from [out of Cornwall]. [Son] has another Zambia and then the Kenyan and friend... but we don’t tend to meet the one from Zimbabwe and every up as families because of what few months we have a gathering. went on at school particularly... I We get together and we cook and wouldn’t actively seek out other we have a chat.’ families because they are dual heritage or whatever. We would just And another said: make friends with whoever we were comfortable with.’ ‘Yes we meet up about six times a year or more. If one of us has a White mother with Southeast Asian birthday we all go out for a meal husband: ‘We’ve just met another and in between we do what we call ...[Southeast Asian] person in ‘cook ups’ where we all take it in Cornwall, the first one. He [husband] turns to go to each other’s houses. knows some Malaysians and they There are about 20 of us and we are speak the same language ...but nobody all black ethnic minorities. Some do close to us I’m afraid.’ bring their white friends with them, but it’s typically black married to Again it is a complex picture. But white people.’ the majority of families talk about having only limited contact with But the majority of the families only had other families where members limited contact. are BME visible by colour. There is little evidence of the families Chinese mother with dual heritage belonging to a ‘community’ of child: ‘No not really. I’m just too busy. similar children or parents. Experiencing racism 19

Experiencing racism

The children talked about their One aspect of this was the fact that a strengths and achievements. They did significant number of these incidents however give us extensive information had happened when the child was in the about the darker sides of their lives and first years of schooling. their experience of racism. A multiple heritage lone mother The following analysis is based on the indicated the significance of the early children/young people’s responses years at school when she talked about to questions about what makes them her two daughters currently aged 13 feel unhappy, whether they feel safe, and five: whether they have ever been picked on because of being from a background ‘It might not have affected [13-year-old] visible by colour and whether bad because she’s older, but [five-year-old] things had happened at school as a is affected in a sense she’s different result of being visible by colour. from her classmates and other children of her age. She goes to [name At least 10 of the 14 families reported of school] which is a predominantly racist behaviour directed at their white background school with just a children. A further two talked about handful of ethnic origin there. She’ll bullying but it was not clear if this say to me “Mummy I’m dark” and had a racist element. she said a few weeks ago that boys in the playground were calling her a The following are examples of the brownie. So that she’s aware that her children/young people who clearly skin colour is slightly different. It’s referred to racist incidents in their lives. weird because when [13-year-old] was that age, she was very much aware Eleven-year-old dual heritage boy: because she used to get teased a lot at ‘I would say occasionally I don’t feel school... She had a good few months safe – very occasionally because if I go of quite unpleasant experiences. At up town just to go out, there’s a park that point [13-year-old] and one other where all these people I described as girl were mixed race and that was it. confrontational hang out, and I’ve had Whereas now, in [five-year-old’s] school abusive things shouted at me just to there are quite a few mixed race pupils, make me feel uncomfortable but it’s so I think it’s more – I won’t say the not as much any more... I just tried to words ‘accepted’ or ‘tolerated’ – but it’s blank it out but it annoys me and upsets deemed more the norm.’ me... I don’t understand why they do it. People that used to live next door... I’ve And the children talked directly been called ‘black trash’ before and they about what happened in the early accused me of calling them ‘white trash’ years of school: but I’d never even heard of either word before then. I was about nine.’ Fifteen-year-old dual heritage boy: ‘When I was in year five in primary Eight-year-old dual heritage girl: ‘When school, I’m not sure if it was because of people say bad things to me, when race, but they just seemed to pick on they’re calling me names like blackie me all the time so I guess it was. One of and all that, I just don’t like it. I don’t the days it just got a bit out of hand and know why they want to do it.’ Later she they pushed me to the floor and started says: ‘It makes me feel sad and mad.’ kicking me and stuff.’ 20 ‘Most of the time people don’t like my colour...’

Thirteen-year-old multiple heritage ‘Well this wouldn’t make it better or girl: ‘Well it was my first year in worse, or anything like that, but it primary school, year three, and I had would sort of stop me getting bullied. a couple of girls coming up to me and Being popular because the bullies are saying things like “You’ve come out always the popular ones.’ of the toilet” or “What happened to you, did you get burnt or something?” And the 16-year-old Chinese boy also and it made me feel really angry and talked about bullying but said it was not emotional about it.’ related to colour:

And a five-year-old dual heritage boy ‘Well sometimes I did get bullied but told us: that wasn’t because of my colour. It was because of the way I am. People saw me ‘Well people fight me and I say stop as a nerd or whatever.’ it and they don’t even stop it. I keep saying stop it. I do nothing, but Although we are indicating some of the when they stop it I go up and tell the complexities of interpretations of the teacher. They punch me like bullies, extent of racism, it is clear that for some a couple of people are bullies in the children racism was a very significant playground. They’ve been pushing me aspect of their experience. To illustrate and punching me and that really hurt this we focus in more detail on one my back.’ family who have experienced significant racism. To maintain the anonymity It was very noticeable how many of the of this family we have changed some children talked about bullying at school. details of family structure and location and all names are pseudonyms. For instance here an eight-year-old girl gives a powerful image of ‘her Liz Gray is a white lone mother living bullies’ sticking to her. She is talking in one of the county’s largest towns. about a forthcoming school outing: She has two sons – Seb aged 11 and ‘And there’s my bullies that are Robert aged nine. Both the sons are bullying me are going.’ dual heritage and Liz defines them as white/black African. The boys have no But this girl did not necessarily contact with their father who lives in associate it with racism: another part of the UK. Talking about nine-year-old Robert, ‘Not because I’m different. I don’t Liz says: ‘Robert gets bullied a lot at know. Sometimes you don’t know why school and he came home one day and they bully you. They just do it for no asked me “Why did you have to have reason. They just normally call me us with daddy. If you’d had us with horrible names, just things like that somebody white I wouldn’t be bullied really, they just do things like bullies all the time.”’ would do. They call me pighead and stuff like that.’ Talking about both the boys she says: ‘My children aren’t accepted When towards the end of the around here, not at all. It comes interview we ask this child if she had from the adults. They’ve been a dream what would be in that dream called all sorts of names like n....., she says: p... and b.... b...... Robert was Experiencing racism 21

pinned in the corner of the park, in There was also some evidence of the the corner and had bleach poured parents not being aware what was all over him. He’s got a scar on the happening to their children. For back of his neck where it burned instance a lone dual heritage mother him. The police came out and they says about 13-year-old dual heritage son: logged it but they went away again ‘I think he deals with stuff and doesn’t and that was it. There was no tell me about it so like I say, you’d need counselling or support. to talk to him really.’ Talking about 11-year-old Seb, Liz says: And when we talk to the 13-year-old ‘Seb was about seven when the bullying he says: started. He was bullied by a boy who was expelled from three different ‘Three people in my school are always schools. It wasn’t ‘til I actually spoke popping racist jokes and stuff like to his parents. ‘The school didn’t help that. It’s fine. I just don’t talk to them, at all. Not at all. Nothing. But I had a and they don’t talk to me. They say guarantee from his mum that it would ‘p...’ and ‘black boy’ and stuff like that. never happen again and now they’re I’m just like ‘whatever’ and then they actually friends.’ stop because I don’t care about it... When we talk to Robert, the picture ‘Yeah, the three boys make everyone is consistent with what Liz has told not like me, they get everyone to all us. Robert tells us: ‘Most of the time jump on top of me. They pick me up people don’t like my colour. They and dump me. I don’t report it. It’s not bully me and tell me nasty things and worth reporting.’ make fun of me. I come back up to the house and sit down. I don’t talk to But several seconds later as he grapples Mum all of the time. Sometimes I just with the pain of this he says: go up to my room and I just sit down and read a book.’ ‘I’m going to the headmistress tomorrow. I’ve always said I’ll go, so I’m And when Robert is asked the question going to do it. I can’t be bothered with about a dream where things are better it any more. It’s rubbish.’ he says: ‘People not bullying me and they be nicer’ and ‘My friends would And one boy made the important pass to me in football and let me play observation that when there with them.’ are difficulties in other parts of But again it is important to their lives then racism can come acknowledge the complexity of views to the fore: around background and present situation. At another stage of the Twelve-year-old dual heritage boy: interview when Robert is asked what ‘When I first started at school I used makes him unhappy he says: ‘When to get loads of racism. Well not loads people are nasty to me about my of it, just one or two things. When colour. Because I’m a bit different you fall out with friends or when to my friends and most of the time I family members fall out with each like being my colour. I’ve got a friend other. That doesn’t happen very often and he’s like me and he likes doing though. You do get little small things most of the things I like doing and he that happen… It wasn’t like seriously keeps me happy.’ picked on for my background but 22 ‘Most of the time people don’t like my colour...’

I would get the occasional person Chinese lone mother: ‘Oh yeah calling me this and that. Like n..... definitely. His daddy is very integrated and whatever. That’s about it really. to society and everyone likes [son]. I It was when I first started at school. think he looks a bit different to other It wasn’t people that I hated, or that kids, and [son] is very sweet, very cute.’ I’d done anything to. They just did it for some reason.’ White mother with dual heritage child: ‘Yes [son] is just treated... like the rest Overview of the boys on the estate. If one gets told off, they all get told off.’ A lasting impression is the high number of families where racist Two examples of the parents who harassment had taken place. answered no are: Also some of the young people talked about bullying but said White lone mother with two dual this was not around colour. It is heritage sons: ‘No, because I’ve seen it not our intention to question the on a day-to-day basis in the past. It was understandings of these young a lot of things and difficult to put into children/people but it is of course one thing. It’s the name calling in the very possible that ‘race’ was street, it’s the dad who said that [son] involved in the bullying. shouldn’t play with his daughter and keep away... it’s boys and girls calling The child in the community them names. It would be different in [large local town] I think, because In this section we examine the it’s a lot more cosmopolitan. I think parents’ responses to a question it’s just small town Cornwall. I think asking: ‘Do you feel you and your on the immediate estate they are children are accepted around where accepted, on our estate here... they you live?’ Of the 11 parents or sets of are respected but not accepted if you parents we talked to, six answered know what I mean.’ yes, two answered no. Three others gave more complicated replies. One Dual heritage mother with three dual said the children were accepted heritage children: around the immediate area, but not in the local large town. One white ‘Round here there are no issues mother said that her black husband but in the wider community I was not accepted but that her think there are. There’s no specific children were. One white husband times, but there are times when said he was but his wife was not and you go places at times and you feel that one of the children was accepted uncomfortable. It’s more seasonal, but the other was not. The following summer is worse.’ are examples of the parents who said their children were accepted locally: And this white mother talking about her husband said: Multiple heritage lone mother: ‘Yes definitely. I don’t have any problems ‘Yeah, I do. I think it’s fine for the at all. This is quite a big estate. [Elder children. It’s more my husband that’s daughter] goes out to play and I know the problem mainly. He has had to deal where she is.’ with a lot of racism.’ Experiencing racism 23

The picture therefore is a mixed Multiple heritage lone mother of two one with the majority of the parents multiple heritage daughters aged 13 saying their children were accepted and five:‘[Five year old] seems settled in the local community. But it does into her school, I had a consultation seem clear that some at least of just before Christmas and she’s on the families did experience racism target with everything she should be in their communities. This could learning. [Thirteen-year-old] got that at times be directed to the parent achievement of excellence at [name of visible by colour rather than the school] and when she got presented child/ren in the family. with it and she had to go up and collect the award and flowers in front of the The child in school: how the school, that was lovely.’ school ‘handles race’ White lone mother of three dual We have shown above that the school heritage children: ‘Yeah [11-year-old setting was one in which a significant son] gets on well at school, he’s actually number of the children and young one of the top in his class, a bit of a people had experienced racism and brain box on the quiet! [Nine-year-old bullying. In this section we look at the son] doesn’t like change very much, so children and parents’ views of how the when he starts in a new class it takes schools had handled ‘race’. him a while to get settled, but once he’s settled he’s fine.’ The children were sometimes the only child visible by colour in a year It is also important to indicate positives group at school or alternatively one in the way that the children/young of a very small number. For instance people responded to questions about one 12-year-old dual heritage boy their background and their schools. told us: For instance one multiple heritage “I’ve been to three primaries. The first 13-year-old girl said: ‘I get a lot of nice one I was the only one, the second one comments about my skin colour from there was three of us and the one after I teachers and students. I get teachers think there was just me again.’ asking me what I am, and they say “Oh that’s nice, that’s different”.’ And a 13-year-old dual heritage girl talking about the number of But some of the parents expressed children in her school from a ‘mixed concern about how incidents of racism background’ said: and bullying had been handled. We asked whether the family had ‘Off the top of my head I think there is experienced difficulties related to one in our year, a couple in years seven, background at the school. Piecing nine and ten and I’m not sure about together the information from what year 11.’ both the parents and the children/ young people told us it is clear that the It should be emphasised that many children/young people in the majority of the children were perceived of the families had experienced some to be doing well at school. The difficulties related to background at following for instance are statements school. It was also clear that there by parents talking about their were very mixed reactions to whether children’s progress. the school had dealt with it effectively. 24 ‘Most of the time people don’t like my colour...’

Multiple heritage lone mother: ‘Yes it [bullying] did. I suppose it was good. I went to the school and I ‘Yes definitely. More so with [13-year- was quite happy with how they dealt old multiple heritage daughter]. It all with it and it gave the opportunity stemmed again from when she was to talk about that with [eight-year- being bullied for maybe just over a old daughter] and kind of prepare year. It sort of died down and then her with knowing what she should it just escalated and escalated. She do if that happens and letting her couldn’t walk out of school without know that’s not right. The school being called some horrible name. I spoke to [daughter] about it and always said to her that if they call spoke to the children who were her names I know it’s hard but you involved about it.’ need to ignore it. And that she must tell a teacher if it gets physical or It was apparent from some of the they threaten you. She was getting children talking that they did not physical threats and there was a in fact inform staff about racist little violence as well. At that point incidents because they thought when she did get threatened and she nothing would happen, or it would was actually hit by another pupil the put the focus on them. teacher didn’t seem to take it very seriously. I think she was trying to Thirteen-year-old dual heritage girl: imply it was six of one and half a dozen of the other.’ ‘There have been a few racist names going about. I don’t want the White lone mother of two dual teachers to be involved. I don’t like heritage sons: talking to teachers. I’ll talk to them ‘Yes there have been issues with happily but not personally if you both children and I don’t know know what I mean.’ about staff, but there was one occasion where a member of staff Sixteen-year-old Chinese boy: had been inappropriate. ‘I think the school have just brushed it under ‘Yes, it used to be so bad I wished I the carpet, and not admitted it’s a was white. Sometimes I talked to my problem because if they do they have parents about it. I didn’t talk to the to deal with it and admit they are school about it. I was very shy back being inappropriate.’ then, probably because I was being picked on. I didn’t want to talk to This mother went on to say: anyone about it.’

‘They need to stop being so worried And one young person felt that the about not doing it correctly and school staff would not acknowledge therefore just not doing anything at all!’ there was a racist component in the bullying he was experiencing: But again this has to be put against the positive statements of some parents. ‘I get a little bit annoyed, because they For instance: don’t deal with the main problem, they deal with the fact there was a fight, but White British mother with three dual not with the main problem that there heritage children: was racism.’ Experiencing racism 25

The interviews also raised an important disturbing and I’d like to express my issue in terms of how teachers should feelings and explain to someone why I approach discussions in class which feel so discomforted about that.’ touched on ‘race’ when there were such small numbers of BME children visible Overview by colour in the school. There was considerable reference At least two children answered in terms by parents and children to racist of their unease in the classroom at incidents at school. Some of the being in such a minority when issues parents responded that they had been relating to ‘race’ came up: ‘handled’ well but others were much less positive. Twelve-year-old dual heritage boy: Also it was apparent from some ‘Not really. I think it’s sort of difficult to children that they didn’t think it come up with things in class sometimes. served any purpose telling staff about Like if the thing you’re going to say racist incidents. involves your colour it’s a bit hard. Like you’re the only one in your class In some of the children’s words there so sometimes it’s hard to say. Like is also a sense that they are playing sometimes we’ll be talking about Africa down the significance of these racist or something like that and you get incidents as a way of ‘blending in’ chosen to speak it’s a little bit harder to and surviving. say. If the school was a bit more inviting for black people – and not just the And finally several of the children school, Cornwall really as well.’ talked about the unease they felt when issues of ‘race’ were discussed And another child told us: in class because they were in such a minority. This presents a real ‘Yes because there have been lessons dilemma to schools, wanting to raise in history when we were doing about issues of race but being aware that the black slave trade and then it makes children who may be part of a very me think if I was back there then would small group of children visible by that have happened to me? It’s quite colour may feel threatened. 26 ‘Most of the time people don’t like my colour...’

Parents receiving and wanting support We asked the parents about what ‘It would be nice just to speak to people support they were currently receiving occasionally who have experiences like and whether they felt they wanted you – someone with an understanding support. Again it was difficult to of how it is to be in a mixed family, isolate issues of race from other issues because my perspective is completely when the parents and children/young different, someone who understands people talk about receiving and their perspective, because their dad wanting support. does, but we don’t always talk the same language. ‘He’s also said to me that Of the 11 parents or couples who I can’t possibly understand. That’s were interviewed five said that either frustrating, because I can’t, but telling themselves or their children were me I can’t doesn’t do anything to help. currently receiving professional The heartache when you see your child support or had received such support in go through something like that is just, I the past. mean I can feel it now. It tugs.’

It appeared that none of this support She goes on to say: was specifically directed at issues the child/young person or family might ‘It’s very difficult sometimes have experienced as a result of being because if you discuss issues as BME visible by colour. The support a white parent with your white included children receiving help at family it doesn’t always help. school when the mother separated Because obviously [they] just get from their father, a mother going overprotective over the children regularly to Women’s Aid, a mother and then that can have a negative receiving help from a CPN (community effect. Not negative but maybe it can psychiatric nurse), a mother receiving be too much for them. They just get help from a family support worker and overwhelmed by it.’ another mother receiving help from an NHS ‘trainer’ for depression. And another white parent with a 12-year-old dual heritage son told us her We then asked the parents if at the concern was: present time they would like any extra professional help for their children. ‘Not knowing how to deal with [son] Five of the parents said yes, although when he’s upset because someone says one of these responses related to something racist to him. That to me I family poverty issues with the parent struggle with.’ saying that her child needed a grant for swimming lessons. Of the remaining And another white lone mother four, one said the child was receiving bringing up dual heritage children and continued to need pastoral support told us: from school. Another white mother with dual heritage sons answered in terms ‘I can feel very isolated as a single white of her boys having someone they could mum with children of mixed heritage, talk to about the experience of being because I am interested in education dual heritage, and included herself in but sometimes it’s really tough for me to needing support in this area: know how it feels.’ Parents receiving and wanting support 27

Later in the interview she says: they could have grown up with it. Because you would have other ‘I think it would be great for me to parents who you could talk to and have been involved with [people] discuss issues with and they could who were with children of mixed act like a buffer zone so you can heritage when they were little, pick up the phone… a support group when they were toddlers, and really as a white parent.’ 28 ‘Most of the time people don’t like my colour...’

Conclusions and messages for policy and practice In this final section we look at the in a very small minority. We believe implications of the children’s and this accurately reflects the varied parents’ narratives for policy and backgrounds of children visible by practice development. There is good colour in Cornwall. work already going on in Cornwall, but our aim is to develop approaches that We were left with a strong impression focus on talking to children visible by that children and young people wanted colour in this predominantly white area. to talk about background rather than for it to be disregarded on the basis that There is much to celebrate in the ‘we treat everyone the same’. children’s and parents’ descriptions of their lives. We have presented a picture Policy and practice implications of families who in spite of change and n It is necessary to start from where pressures are resilient. We have also the child is and explore with her/ illustrated the successes and joys him in an age-appropriate way their of the children and young people. A understandings of their background. key underlying message is that it is n It is particularly important to listen important to focus on the strength of to the dual or multiple heritage BME children/young people who are child in terms of how she/he visible by colour and their families as identifies the different components well as ‘issues’ they may face. of their background. n It is important to map out At the same time, our interviews with the child who in her/his highlight key issues for policy and background contributes to practice. These are considered below positive identity. It is important to and are particularly important when recognise that in predominantly put into the context of professionals white areas there may be no one living and working (and perhaps having who the child can identify with in been born) in Cornwall and having very terms of background. little experience of other cultures. n It is important not to have a predetermined view of how the child There is a real danger that the notion experiences being visible by colour that ‘we treat everyone the same’ is or ‘problems’ or ‘issues’ she/he might seen as an adequate response to dealing encounter as a result of being visible with issues of race. We need to hold by colour. firm to the position that children and n It is important to recognise families are not all the same, and while children may choose to be invisible treating everyone equally, professional and to ‘blend in’ but supporting practice needs to respond sensitively to them to articulate how they see disparate needs and backgrounds. their background. n It is important to recognise Who are the children/families? that because of the different ways in which children and Message parents respond to background There was a wide variety in the there may be significant under- backgrounds of the children/young recording of the number of dual people. Those who had backgrounds and multiple heritage children/ uniform with both their parents were young people in Cornwall. Conclusions and messages for policy and practice 29

Message cultural competence is required for There were a significant number of lone personnel in schools, particularly in parent families. The parents in these reference to mixed families visible families (typically the mothers) were in by colour in a predominantly white a position of bringing up children who area. It is essential that school had partially different backgrounds governors receive this training. to their own. Because of parental n Increased emphasis should be placed separations this could mean lone white on all pupils and their parents being parents bringing up dual heritage aware of policies and procedures for children. Also it could mean two white dealing with racist behaviour and parents bringing up dual heritage the support available. children visible by colour. n Better links should be made between schools and support groups and Practice implications contacts. No child and her/his parent It is important to support parents to experiencing racism should be acknowledge different elements in their without the offer of support from children’s understanding of themselves. a trained advocate who shares the experience of being visible by colour Experiencing racism in predominantly white Cornwall. n In the case of racist incidents there Message should be more emphasis in schools In spite of a number of parents on empowering the child/young reporting general acceptance of their person to say how they would like children in their communities, a large the situation resolved. The child/ majority of the children had experience young person should be asked of racism. Some incidents were isolated if she/he wishes a parent/carer and might have happened in the past, to be involved or whether he/she but others were current and by any would like support from a peer standards serious. The clarity with mentor. All children/young people which the children/young people recall and their parents should – as of past events indicates their impact. right – be given the opportunity There is a danger that name-calling for to access support from a race instance may be regarded as a ‘one off’ equality advocate who shares the or ‘trivial’ part of the normal ‘give and experience of being visible by colour take of childrens’ lives’. But from the in predominantly white Cornwall. children’s perspectives it is very clear n All incidents of racism impacting that these are not events which can be on children/young people should quickly forgotten but may be seen as be followed up six months key indicators of how the outside world after the event to ascertain defines them. what progress has been made and whether there are current Racism occurs in community settings support needs for the children/ as well as in schools. But the children young people and their parents. and parents’ testimony has particular n Tackling racism in Cornwall’s relevance for schools in Cornwall. schools should not be seen as only about reacting to incidents Policy and practice implications of racism. It is also about being n Robust mandatory training in proactive, so that all children/ 30 ‘Most of the time people don’t like my colour...’

young people and their parents It is the combination of robust are made aware on an ongoing reporting systems and the day-to- basis of the seriousness of all day words and actions of staff in aspects of racist behaviour direct contact with children that including name calling. It is important. Children need to be should also be about embedding supported to identify ‘wrong’ actions positive perspectives on and ‘wrong’ words. diversity and the many different backgrounds of children Message – including those of dual and Racial harassment appeared to multiple heritage visible by become more significant at times colour – in Cornish schools. when children are experiencing other challenges such as poverty and family Message difficulties and separation. There was a very high reference to bullying. It may be that the experience Policy and practice implications and fear of bullying is particularly acute Staff working with BME children visible with these children because they know by colour need to be aware that when they stand out as being visibly different. children are facing other challenges, the impact of racism may be exacerbated Policy and practice implications and will need to be addressed. It seems that in many situations there is a tendency for practitioners to Message focus only on the bullying and not see At least two of the children talked the wider possibility of racist intent. about unease and wanting more This is consistent with the recent support when issues of ‘race’ were Cornwall Ofsted (2009) conclusion discussed in the classroom. that ‘the analysis of bullying incidents by age, gender, faith, cultural Policy and practice implications background or sexual orientation is When teachers are discussing slavery not comprehensive and as a result, etc they need to be clearly aware of the partners do not have sufficient impact on the individual children visible information to accurately evaluate the by colour. These children may be the impact of their work’. only ones in the class and therefore experience feelings of unease. Talking Message and support at an individual level may The children/young people and their be needed. parents said that the first years in school were a time when they particularly Making links with a community? remembered experiencing racist bullying and name calling. Message Typically the families were not part Policy and practice implications of a community that included other Teaching staff in primary and families visible by colour but had junior school settings need to be links with only one or several similar strongly focused on challenging families (often with only a child of racism, irrespective of the number similar background). There may be of BME children visible by colour in a small number of ‘communities’ their schools. in Cornwall with families who are Conclusions and messages for policy and practice 31

similarly visible by colour, but visible by colour in Cornwall numerically of more significance are n to support children who are visible the BME children visible by colour by colour to be positive about who are relatively isolated from themselves and their background other similar children. Also because and in the case of dual heritage of differences between children’s children to successfully integrate the backgrounds and the backgrounds different aspects of their background of some of the parents who are n to support white parents who are bringing them up, contacts based on bringing up a child visible by colour a presumed ‘community’ of parents in Cornwall. are often likely to be ineffective. Wider challenges Policy and practice implications Approaches based on working with All of the above policy and practice specific communities in Cornwall messages have to be placed in the for the purpose of making links wider context of staff in schools and with families will only have limited child welfare agencies developing success. Other more individualised cultural competence and working ways of making contact need to to eradicate racism in a proactive be developed. This is particularly rather than a reactive way. The important for agencies such as Sure messages of this report are Start children’s centres that have therefore not just related to the a brief to extend their reach and to needs of individual children who make links with black and minority are visible by colour. ethnic families such as were part of this study. There are many ways in which this can happen and good work The need for support is already going on in Cornwall. It can involve working with local Message communities to support diversity A significant number of children and and increase learning around families talked about support needs. different cultures and different There was reference to the importance backgrounds. It can involve of meeting with other BME children/ offering children first hand young people visible by colour. There experiences of different cultures. was also evidence of white parents It can involve supporting all wanting support in managing the children to challenge racism in ‘racial identity’ of their children. their own communities.

Policy and practice implications This is important for the individual There is a need for support groups for children/young people visible BME children who are visible by colour by colour in Cornwall and their and their parents. The purpose of such families but it is also important support groups is: for all young white people in the n to allow children visible by colour county. Although Cornwall has a and their parents to meet and mix strong identity and its own culture with other such families and traditions, the young white n to explore the joys, challenges and people of Cornwall will take their success stories of bringing up a child place in our highly diverse society. 32 ‘Most of the time people don’t like my colour...’

References Okitikpi, T (2005) Working with children of mixed parentage. Russell Ali, S (2003) To be a Girl: culture House Publishing, Lyme Regis. and class in schools. In Gender and Education, Vol 15, no 3 Sept 2003 Patel, T (2009) Mixed-up kids? Race, pp269-283. identity and social order. Russell House Publishing, Lyme Regis. Barnardo’s (2009) Reach of services to ethnic minorities review Scourfield, J; Evans, J; Shah, W and report. Barnardo’s corporate audit Beynon, H (2002) Responding to the and inspection unit (internal experience of minority ethnic children report), Barkingside. in virtually all-white communities. In Child and Family Social Work 2002, Barter, C (1999) Protecting children vol 7 pp161-175. Blackwell Publishing. from racism and racial abuse: a research review. NSPCC, London. Sibbitt, R (1997) The perpetrators of racial harassment and racial violence. Bronfenbrenner, U (1979) The Ecology Home Office, London. of Human Development. Harvard University Press, Cambridge. Young People Cornwall Anti Racism Project (2004). No problem Cornwall County Council (2009) in Cornwall. Themes of this report Understanding diverse population are summarised by the Cornwall groups in Cornwall. Local Safeguarding Children’s Board 2010. Ofsted (2009) Inspection of Safeguarding and Looked After Children’s Services. Cornwall Council.

‘Most of the time people don’t like my colour...’ Experiences of dual/multiple heritage and other BME children and their families in Cornwall

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The report was written by Owen Gill and Aurora Talbot.

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