Doing Good Or Doing Better Development Policies in a Globalizing World
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Variants of Corporatist Governance: Differences in the Korean and Japanese Approaches in Dealing with Labor
Variants of Corporatist Governance: Differences in the Korean and Japanese Approaches in Dealing with Labor By Taekyoon Kim Many scholars have highlighted Japan and South Korea (hereafter, Korea) as distinctive models of the “developmental state”, which can share common features in terms of the condensed economic development.1 The close strategic relationship between the bureaucratic government and big businesses has been often cited as one of the many similarities in which the two countries pursued rapid economic growth.2 Another trend in comparing the modern economies of Korea and Japan highlights the state’s embedded autonomy in directing industrial transformation.3 Overall, scholarly interest in the comparison of the two Asian countries’ modernization has been, hitherto, limited to economic and political development, rather than focusing on social relations underlying the political economy of post-war development. Indeed, a comparative analysis of the similarities and differences in the his- torical patterns of the emergence of “systems of interest intermediation” in dealing with labor in Japan and Korea is a relatively unexploited topic.4 There have only been a few attempts made at comparing the national bargaining arrangements among major interest groups and governments. Although some pioneering Japanese works introduce a corporatist account for its post-war labor relations5 and a historical analysis of negotiation characteristics of social contracts6, they all simply classify the Japanese case as an anomaly with the emphasis on the state’s deliberate management of weak labor forces. Like- wise, the existing literature related to Korea’s labor politics and civil society tends to emphasize the uniqueness embedded in its social and industrial relations – the confrontation between “the strong state and the contentious society.”7 Thus, the dearth of comparative perspective in this area results in Taekyoon Kim received his D.Phil at the University of Oxford. -
With Or Without Class: a Comparative Study of Union-Worker Cooperative Relations in the U.S
University of Denver Digital Commons @ DU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Graduate Studies 1-1-2016 With or Without Class: A Comparative Study of Union-Worker Cooperative Relations in the U.S. and South Korea Minsun Ji University of Denver Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.du.edu/etd Part of the International and Area Studies Commons, and the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Ji, Minsun, "With or Without Class: A Comparative Study of Union-Worker Cooperative Relations in the U.S. and South Korea" (2016). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 1230. https://digitalcommons.du.edu/etd/1230 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate Studies at Digital Commons @ DU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ DU. For more information, please contact [email protected],[email protected]. With or Without Class: A Comparative Study of Union-Worker Cooperative Relations in the U.S. and South Korea ____________ A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Josef Korbel School of International Studies University of Denver ____________ In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy ____________ by Minsun Ji November 2016 Advisor: Dr. George DeMartino Author: Minsun Ji Title: With or Without Class: A Comparative Study of Union-Worker Cooperative Relations in the U.S. and South Korea Advisor: Dr. George DeMartino Degree Date: November 2016 ABSTRACT This dissertation examines to what extent union-cooperative partnerships in the U.S. and S. Korea might revitalize labor movements and to what extent class-based narratives (or their absence) shape labor movements. -
The Social Democratic Full-Employment Model in Transition: the Scandinavian Experiences in the 1980S and 1990S
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Jochem, Sven Working Paper The social democratic full-employment model in transition: The Scandinavian experiences in the 1980s and 1990s ZeS-Arbeitspapier, No. 02/1998 Provided in Cooperation with: University of Bremen, Centre for Social Policy Research (ZeS) Suggested Citation: Jochem, Sven (1998) : The social democratic full-employment model in transition: The Scandinavian experiences in the 1980s and 1990s, ZeS-Arbeitspapier, No. 02/1998, Universität Bremen, Zentrum für Sozialpolitik (ZeS), Bremen This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/41521 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu Sven Jochem The Social Democratic Full-Employment Model in Transition - The Scandinavian Expe- riences in the 1980s and 1990s ZeS-Arbeitspapier Nr. -
Soc Reg 2000
THE CHIMERA OF THE THIRD WAY A L A N Z U E G E Trapped between a shifting social base and a contracting political horizon, social democracy appears to have lost its compass. In such altered conditions, is it likely to undergo a new mutation? Once, in the founding years of the Second International, it was dedicated to the general overthrow of capitalism. Then it pursued partial reforms as gradual steps towards socialism. Finally it settled for welfare and full employment within capitalism. If it now accepts a scaling down of the one and giving up the other, what kind of movement will it change into?1 HE REALIGNMENT OF IDEOLOGY and policy in left parties over the past Ttwo decades leaves increasingly little doubt as to the kind of movement social democracy has become. But judging from recent social democratic discussions about alternatives – not to mention ongoing struggles over the direction of left governments and parties – one could well form the impression that social democracy still has more potential than simply adding a sugar coating to the bitter pill of neo-liberal austerity. Reformists may, as Perry Anderson suggests in the quotation above, have lost their compass. But a growing body of work by left intellectuals has emerged intent on setting a new course for social democracy, hoping to construct a hegemonic project appropriate to the ‘new times’ ushered in by recent political and economic transformations. The electoral successes of left-of-centre parties in the mid to late 1990s, breaking the momentum of the political right, are thus presented as an opportunity for the moderate left to reinvent itself. -
Social Democracy and Full Employment. Discussion Paper FS-I 95 - 302
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Glyn, Andrew Working Paper Social democracy and full employment WZB Discussion Paper, No. FS I 95-302 Provided in Cooperation with: WZB Berlin Social Science Center Suggested Citation: Glyn, Andrew (1995) : Social democracy and full employment, WZB Discussion Paper, No. FS I 95-302, Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin für Sozialforschung (WZB), Berlin This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/44095 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu discussion paper FS I 95 - 302 Social Democracy and Full Employment Andrew Glyn* February 1995 ISSN Nr. 1011-9523 Corpus Christi College Oxford and Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin für Sozialforschung (WZB) Revised version of paper prepared for "When Social Democracy Dissolves", Nordic Journal of Political Economy Conference, Oslo 18-19 November 1994. -
Social Corporatism and Capital Accumulation: the Fate of the Nordic Model
Forum DOI: 10.1007/s10272-018-0749-0 Jonathan Perraton Social Corporatism and Capital Accumulation: The Fate of the Nordic Model The recent crisis of Anglo-Saxon capitalism has gener- industries. National wage bargaining was to be driven by ated renewed interest in more cooperative national ar- the sectors exposed to international competition (largely rangements, partly in view of the relative resilience of Nor- manufacturing in the post-war period), refl ecting the evo- dic economies. Strong trade unions operating through lution of world prices confronting small open economies coordinated wage bargaining systems combined with and the productivity growth in the exposed industries developed welfare states appeared capable of deliver- (which were assumed to be the most technologically dy- ing successful economic performance with relatively high namic). Coordinated bargaining was designed to ensure levels of equality. Much of the recent academic and policy that wage settlements throughout the economy were discussion of these arrangements has focused on wheth- set according to rates validated by a capacity to main- er they are effective at achieving suffi cient wage fl exibility tain external competitiveness. These arrangements saw to ensure low rates of unemployment. In earlier work, by the evolution of bargaining regimes between organised contrast, capital accumulation was regarded as central to labour and businesses combined with relatively egalitar- ensuring growth of wages and employment over the me- ian societies and developed welfare states.2 Coordinated dium and longer term. wage bargaining systems of this form may mitigate the potential downsides of union power; highly coordinated The concept of social corporatism unions with large memberships have incentives to en- sure bargains consistent with high levels of employment, Corporatism is a multifaceted concept, covering organ- avoiding insider-outsider splits. -
Goodbye to Competitive Corporatism in Spain? Social Pacting And
doi:10.5477/cis/reis.148.79 Goodbye to Competitive Corporatism in Spain? Social Pacting and Conflict in the Economic Crisis ¿Adiós al corporatismo competitivo en España? Pactos sociales y conflicto en la crisis económica Sergio González Begega and David Luque Balbona Key words Abstract Employers The economic crisis has placed the corporatist framework in Spain Associations under significant strain. Labour unrest has also intensified, shifting to • Labor Disputes the political arena and threatening to overwhelm existing institutional • Corporatism channels. This article evaluates the tendencies toward consensus and • Economic Crisis conflict in democratic Spain, examining the theoretical debate on the • Collective Bargaining competitive reorientation of national models of corporatism in Southern • Labor Policy Europe within the context of the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU). • Unions In addition, it examines the symptoms of erosion in the Spanish corporatist experience within a scenario of economic crisis. The article emphasizes the underlying continuity in the political exchange between government and social partners and concludes that, despite the deterioration of social dialogue, the mechanisms for the production of social pacts in Spain have not completely fractured, and there are possibilities for their reactivation. Palabras clave Resumen Asociaciones de La crisis económica ha erosionado el marco corporatista para la empresarios producción de políticas socioeconómicas, laborales y de bienestar en • Conflictos laborales España. -
Crisis Corporatism and Trade Union Revitalisation in Europe
Crisis corporatism and trade union revitalisation in Europe Hans-Jürgen Urban1 1. Introduction: the return of the state and of the trade unions? In the European employment model, governments and trade unions have a key role to play. However, in terms of their ability to act, neither seems to be in a good position. There is a broad consensus in the literature that the pressure to change in the transition to deregulated financial market capitalism has forced both of them onto the defensive. This pressure for change is the result of both external and internal factors. Particularly important among these are the increasingly trans- national nature of economic and political relations (‘globalisation’); structural changes in economic, technological and social contexts; and altered lifestyles and patterns of consumption among the population (Bosch, Rubery and Lehndorff 2007a and 2007b). Welfare states have lost their ability to act, and comprehensive re-structuring and de- structuring programmes have led to institutions and benefits being scaled back (cf. Pierson 2001). The trade unions, too, have had to relinquish negotiating and organisational power, as well as political influence. Declining membership and financial resources, degressive levels of organisation, the erosion of trade unions’ secure place within firms, a decline in their redistributive power in the fields of company and wage policy and, not least, the erosion of their lobbying power, all bear witness to this (Brinkmann et al. 2008; Dörre 2010). Nevertheless, in the crisis of global financial market capitalism, the state and the trade unions seem set for a political comeback. Many governments demonstrated an ability to act that it was thought they were no longer 1. -
Failure of Labour Politics in Britain, 1964-79
In Place of Liberation - Failure of Labour Politics in Britain, 1964-79 Shannon Ikebe 2011 Politics Honors Thesis Contents Introduction: Keynes’ Children in the 1970s - 3 Chapter 1: Post-Fordism That Never Was - 7 Chapter 2: Ideas and Political Economy - 25 Chapter 3: Welfare State and the Social Wage - 46 Chapter 4: Trade Unions and the Social Contract - 96 Conclusion: How Did the Lights Go Out? - 141 2 Introduction: Keynes’ Children in the 1970s “Objective conditions have never made socialism seem so necessary and so achievable. Capitalism’s self-justification as the natural means of meeting human needs and expanding human possibilities seems more obviously groundless than ever, with every structure of the economy out of joint with human needs… moreover, the means – or at least the groundwork – for achieving such a society, the organizations created by working people themselves, have grown… as the crisis has deepened.” – Hilary Wainwright, Beyond the Fragments (1979) In the midst of the Great Depression, John Maynard Keynes wrote a pithy tract envisioning an optimistic future in which the “economic problem” no longer exists.1 In Economic Possibilies for Our Grandchildren, he posited in 1930 that the generation of his grandchildren would be freed from the struggle for subsistence, because of the tremendous growth in productivity; the opportunity to transcend economic insecurity would be a world-historical moment, in which humanity overcomes what “always has been hitherto the primary, most pressing problem of the human race” and faces a delightful prospect of emancipation from economic imperatives.2 In the past centuries or even millenia, freedom from alienating labor was the privilege for the few, directly dependent upon exploitation of the mass of workers; because of technological transformations, Keynes posited, the realm of freedom could soon be universally accessible. -
The Austrian Social Partnership and Democracy
The Austrian Social Partnership and Democracy Ewald Nowotny Professor, Department of Economics University of Vienna February 1993 Working Paper 93-1 © 1997 by the Center for Austrian Studies. Permission to reproduce must generally be obtained from the Center for Austrian Studies. Copying is permitted in accordance with the fair use guidelines of the US Copyright Act of 1976. The the Center for Austrian Studies permits the following additional educational uses without permission or payment of fees: academic libraries may place copies of the Center's Working Papers on reserve (in multiple photocopied or electronically retrievable form) for students enrolled in specific courses: teachers may reproduce or have reproduced multiple copies (in photocopied or electronic form) for students in their courses. Those wishing to reproduce Center for Austrian Studies Working Papers for any other purpose (general distribution, advertising or promotion, creating new collective works, resale, etc.) must obtain permission from the Center. Social Partnership - Institutional Foundations Austria is a democratic, "Western-style" federal republic.(1) What distinguishes Austria from other West-European political systems is the scope and influence of its specific form of "social partnership".(2) In contrast to other countries, social partnership in Austria is not just a system of labor management relations or of wage bargaining, but a system of institutionalized cooperation between labor, business and government that is involved in all important aspects of economic and social policy. The Austrian social partnership was formed on a voluntary and informal basis by the Austrian Trade Union Federation and the Chambers of Agriculture, of Commerce, and of Labor to control post-war inflation in the early 1950s. -
Review of Social Corporatism: a Superior Economic System
The Journal of Sociology & Social Welfare Volume 21 Issue 3 September Article 20 September 1994 Review of Social Corporatism: A Superior Economic System. Hukka Pekkarinen, Matti Pohjola, and Bob Rowthorn. Reviewed by James Midgeley, Louisiana State University. James Midgeley Louisiana State University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/jssw Part of the Social Work Commons Recommended Citation Midgeley, James (1994) "Review of Social Corporatism: A Superior Economic System. Hukka Pekkarinen, Matti Pohjola, and Bob Rowthorn. Reviewed by James Midgeley, Louisiana State University.," The Journal of Sociology & Social Welfare: Vol. 21 : Iss. 3 , Article 20. Available at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/jssw/vol21/iss3/20 This Book Review is brought to you by the Western Michigan University School of Social Work. For more information, please contact wmu- [email protected]. 232 Journal of Sociology & Social Welfare did not sufficiently understand that his economic arguments led to the conclusion that "the only workable complex classless economies are socialist economies with competitive markets." The idea that scientific socialism was often at odds with the moral and philosophical presuppositions of Marx is hardly new. Scholars are disparate as Mircea Eliade and Robert Tucker have long argued that Marx was essentially a mythopoeic thinker, a moral philosopher, and not an economist or a sociologist. Moore adds a clever twist to this perspective, however, by focussing on the issue of commodity exchange, or -
Quantitative Indicators of Corporatism: a Survey and Assessment Lane Kenworthy
Quantitative Indicators of Corporatism: A Survey and Assessment Lane Kenworthy 00/4 Max-Planck-Institut für Gesellschaftsforschung Paulstrasse 3 50676 Köln Germany Telephone 02 21 /2767 -0 Fax 0221/2767-555 MPIfG Discussion Paper 00/4 E-Mail [email protected] ISSN 0944–2073 Home Page http://www.mpi-fg-koeln.mpg.de November 2000 2 MPIfG Discussion Paper 00/4 Abstract Corporatism has been one of the most heavily studied concepts in comparative po- litical economy over the past two decades, and quantitative indicators of corpora- tism have played a central role in the corporatist literature. This paper offers a sur- vey and assessment of 42 such indicators. The principal aims are to provide an in- ventory of existing indicators, to examine their relative trustworthiness and utility, and to assess the robustness of empirical findings on the effects of corporatism on macroeconomic performance and income distribution and redistribution. Among the more noteworthy conclusions I reach are the following: (1) While quantitative corpo- ratism measures have improved substantially in recent years, substantial gaps re- main. (2) There is little justification for continued use of time-invariant measures. (3) Composite corporatism measures are commonplace, yet their creators and users have yet to offer a compelling explication of how corporatist effects are generated in such a way that they are more accurately captured by aggregated indicators than by narrowly-targeted ones. (4) There is fairly strong indication that one or more aspects/ types of corporatism were associated with nominal wage restraint, low inflation, low unemployment, and low income inequality during the 1970s and 1980s.