Conflict, Governance and Development

CORE POLICY BRIEF 07 2013 Visiting Address: Hausmanns gate 7 gate Hausmanns Address: Visiting NO Grønland, 9229 PO Box (PRIO) Oslo Institute Research Peace Conflict, Governance and Development - 0134 Oslo, Norway Oslo, 0134 Issues of Social Justice and Participation in Jharkhand and Bihar, India This policy brief examines the premises behind various governance ini- [email protected] www.projectcore.eu (CORE) India and Europe in Resolution Conflict and Governance of Cultures tiatives implemented in the region of Bihar and Jharkhand to address the armed struggle that has emerged between the state and the ‘Naxals’ or ‘left-wing extremists’ as a result of feelings of social and economic injustice among the poor and oppressed sections of society.1 In so do- ing, it delineates three major concerns of these initiatives, related to: (1) security and policing, (2) the needs of democratic development, and (3) the politics of social justice. Across these concerns, the governance initiatives are underwritten by a logic of participation, according to which increasing the level of popular participation in the implementation of ISBN: ISBN: www.prio.no governance initiatives promises to provide mechanisms for addressing 978 978 the agrarian social conflict over fair distribution of resources, rights - - 82 82 - - 7288 7288 and the social space. - - 521 522 - - A brief look at the various actors and institutions involved in the prac- 1 8 (online) (print) tice of these governance initiatives is necessary if we are to address the central questions posed by the CORE project, which relate to:2 (1) the underlying rationalities of governance initiatives across the three the- matics outlined above, (2) the character of the social interactions gener- ated by the governance initiatives, and (3) the impact of those social interactions on the process and dynamics of the conflict. Imran Amin Jawaharlal Nehru University Amit Prakash Jawaharlal Nehru University Premises of the Naxal challenge and having serious ‘political, social, economic, and time-bound manner.20 security’ dimensions that required an appro- policy responses The state’s perception of the ‘Naxal’ threat is priate policy response.14 By the time of its based on the premise that the conflict is root- For a long time, the ‘Naxal problem’ was third year in power, and with a new Home ed in the ‘grievances’ of the deprived and the viewed merely as a question of ‘law and or- Minister in office, the UPA government con- marginalized in terms of their access to the der’, and thus came under the responsibility ceded that what had fostered the social and fruits of development, and that these griev- of individual states according to the division political space in which the Naxals could ances emanate from ‘poor governance’ at the of functions and powers set out in India’s operate was a ‘vacuum created by [the] func- grassroots level. However, even within this constitution.3 As a result, in the past, Indian tional inadequacy of administrative and politi- perception, the key issue that is seen as being authorities responded to the problem in a cal institutions’ and the ‘prevalent disaffection necessary for the state to address continues to rather ad hoc fashion, the default response and perceived injustice’ of the ‘under- be the erosion of the latter’s monopoly over being mobilization of the armed apparatuses privileged and remote segments of popula- the use of violence, while restoration of this of the state to uphold ‘law and order’.4 How- tion’.15 It also blamed the Naxals for prevent- monopoly is seen as being fundamental for ever, as overt violence began to take hold, ing the ‘execution and implementation of everything else that is to follow in terms of the welfare policies such as protective discrimina- development projects’; for using violence and development package. Accordingly, before tion through reservation5 (which had previ- terror to create an environment in which ‘the examining the impact of the government’s ously been confined to Schedule Castes and governance structures at field levels are initiatives on the processes of the conflict, a Schedule Tribes, but was extended to Other shown as being ineffective’;16 and for quick overview of policy initiatives across the Backward Castes in 1992),6 the Tribal Sub- ‘keep[ing] the remote and backward areas in a thematic of security, development and social plan, Joint Forest Management,7 and the state of inaccessibility and deprivation’.17 justice will be useful. garibi hatao (poverty reduction) policies based Thus, over the past decade, the Indian gov- on the 20-point welfare programme8 were ernment’s perception evolved from a simplis- The main response of the state has been to initiated to improve the condition of the ‘op- tic understanding of Naxalism as a security initiate a range of security-related measures, pressed exploited classes’.9 Such policies, threat into a relatively more nuanced under- through various schemes dealing with securi- however, form part of the Indian state’s larger standing according to which the roots of the ty-related expenditure, modernization of the ‘development’ programming, and there has problem were located in the larger issues of police forces, specialized training schools for been no ‘sustained administrative and devel- the functional inadequacy of the governance security personnel and the raising of new opment action’10 to address the Naxal conflict, and security apparatus of the state at the Indian Reserve battalions. While the first two as no government report has looked into the grassroots level. This move, in which Nax- initiatives aimed at improving the infrastruc- causes of this discontent11 since the late 1980s alism went from being a ‘threat to the state’ to ture and materials available for anti-Naxal owing to the absence of overt Naxal violence being seen as being embedded in the ‘failures operations, the third provided for specialized in this period. With the extension of the reser- or limits of the state’ itself, represented a training to security personnel in irregular vation policy to the Other Backward Castes, substantial shift in focus. warfare, such as guerrilla warfare, jungle decentralization of power through the estab- combat, etc. For its part, the last of these But, policy responses were not commensurate lishment of Panchayati Raj Institutions, and initiatives was intended ‘to not only supple- with this evolutionary shift in perception. privatization of the economy amid the fragile ment the security apparatus in the States but Governance initiatives continued to be domi- coalitional governments of the 1990s,12 the also provide gainful employment to the youth’ nated by a militaristic, security-based ap- dormant Naxal groups re-emerged and consol- in the Naxal-affected areas.21 In addition, proach, with political and developmental- idated to expand from 55 to 209 districts guidelines for a surrender-cum-rehabilitation delivery measures being the default follow-up across 16 states to become the single largest policy that forms part of the disarmament, procedures. Thus, what started out under the threat to India’s internal security. demobilization and reintegration process for NDA as a modernized and better-trained left-wing extremists were put in place. In this metamorphosed form, the problem of police force carrying out ‘intelligence-based Measures included a monthly stipend of Rs. Naxalism was highlighted by the then ruling coordinated anti-Naxal operations’ and provid- 2,000 for a period three years, vocational train- National Democratic Alliance (NDA) during ing support for ‘local resistance groups at the ing, an immediate grant of 1.5 lakhs and the general election year of 2004. As part of its grass root level’, with a focus on ‘developmen- incentives for the surrender of weapons.22 ‘India Shining’ campaign, the NDA argued tal aspects and public grievance redressal as that ‘increasing incidents of attacks on state additional measures’,18 continues under the To ‘ensure integrated development of Naxal- and private property ... [and] police casualties’ UPA as ‘sustained and effective police action affected districts’,23 the Indian government showed that Naxalism was ‘a serious threat to coupled with accelerated socio-economic proposes to prioritize filling the gaps in exist- internal security in the country ... [and] a development and management of public ing social and physical infrastructure. Accord- matter of grave concern’.13 However, after the perception’.19 The UPA declared that it would ingly, schemes such as the Backward Districts United Progressive Alliance (UPA) came to examine ‘development and governance issues’ Initiative component of the Rashtriya Sam power in 2004 on a populist platform, Nax- in a detailed manner through its short-term Vikas Yojana (National Equitable Develop- alism was no longer seen as ‘merely a law and focus on basic needs and its medium- and ment Programme), the Backward Region order problem’, and was instead viewed as long-term focus on ‘overall development’ in a Grant fund and the Integrated Action Plan CORE POLICY BRIEF 07 2013 www.projectcore.eu have been put forth. In addition, the Indira is deemed necessary for the success of the policing at the grassroots level, as the state Awaas Yojana (Indira Housing Programme), developmental policies, as well as for the continues to depend on central paramilitary the Pradhan Mantri Gram Sadak Yojana creation of socially just access to the fruits of forces for policing activities. Further, efforts to (Prime Minister’s Rural Roads Programme) development. In this context, the Panchayati improve the interactions between the local and the Rajiv Gandhi Grameen Vidyutikaran Raj Institutions are seen as the key mecha- police forces and the general population have Yojana (Rajiv Gandhi Village Electrification nism for ensuring parity of participation been limited and have primarily turned on the Programme) have targeted rural housing, among members of the local population in distribution of items such as blankets and road connectivity and electrification, respec- collective decision and actions.

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