Iv—The Problem of Freedom After Aristotle. Thb
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IV—THE PROBLEM OF FREEDOM AFTER ARISTOTLE. Downloaded from BY G. S. BBBTT. THB general conditions under which the Epicurean view of life was evolved are familiar to all. The period is usually re- garded as lacking in constructive power, and against this view http://mind.oxfordjournals.org/ there is little to be said. At the same time some far-reaching changes were made in the doctrines that were being trans- mitted. The problem of conduct held the first place in men's minds: the classical doctrines were revived and adapted to suit this predominant interest, especially in respect of, (a) the relation between human and divine action, and (b) the right of the State over the individual. The purpose of this essay is to elucidate one point, namely the correct interpretation of the ideas about freedom which are found in the Epicurean school at Russian Archive on November 15, 2013 Epicurus, we are told, adopted in the main those theories of the universe which Democritus had made peculiarly his own. Democritus had no distinctively ethical doctrine The problem of conduct as we find it in the post-Aristotelian period is not older than Plato. The return to Democritus, consequently, affords no direct help on these points ; on the contrary it proves a hindrance. From the physics of Dem- ocritus nothing seems to follow except a doctrine of pure fatalism. The problem before a teacher who had used Dem- ocritus as a battering ram against theology was that of find- ing room for the idea of freedom: it was a question of writing a critique of the practical reason after committing oneself to a doctrine of natural causation. The final position of Epicurus may be summed up thus:— (1) Epicurus is opposed to Democntus; (2) his answer to Democntus is baaed on the idea of declination; (3) this declination is not one more form of determination; on the contrary it implies that the mind is capable of any motion up to the time when it actually moves; it is therefore undeter- mined ; it moves only in accordance with the laws of force and is therefore free. 362 G. B. BBETT: The paradoxical character of the last point is only apparent. Gassendi, in his explanation of it, explicitly states that Epicurus defended freedom on the ground that Fate and Nature, or natural causes, are the same thing. In other words, the fallacy of Epicurus' opponents consisted in so interpreting the idea of natural causation S3 to get back to the position of those who maintained fatalism. This ex- planation I believe to be correct. It involves, incidentally, the passage in which Lucretius speaks of the "fatis avolsa Downloaded from potestas ". This I take to be a power saved from the fates (by Epicurus) to be restored to the region of natural law. The natural and superficial way of refuting this interpre- tation is to quote the reputed saying of Epicurus to the effect that " it would have been better to follow the tales about gods than to be slaves to the fate of the physicists ". A very http://mind.oxfordjournals.org/ little logic will be enough to show that this passage does not help us. Epicurus may tell his opponents that of two errors he prefers the less; it does not follow that he adopted either as his final position. The citation is quite irrelevant and need not cause further trouble. We proceed to deal with the question on its own merits. The early Greek philosophers were keenly interested in the question of origins. Somewhere in the beginning of time at Russian Archive on November 15, 2013 there was a beginning of things or, at least, of things as they now are. Democritus attained a solution of the problem which was of first importance as a working solution of the scientific problem. It was at no time found satisfactory in every respect. Anaxagoras represented another line of thought which appeared to his contemporaries likely to be in many respects Detter. The difficulty most keenly felt was that which arose from the consideration of order in the universe. The method of Democritus seemed to involve an absurdity : he had, to quote a modern opponent of material- ism, tried to prove that a shower of letters could result in a Shakespeare. Anaxagoras did at any rate face the problem of order so far as to declare that there was one overruling power that made for order in the universe. But still the difficulty remained that the idea of order seemed to necessitate an intelligent ruler of the universe. Plato, with his strong ethical trend of thought, found Anaxagoras unsatisfactory in this very respect; he desired to go farther and actually to assert that the world is not only intelligible but also derives that character from intelligence. In the recorded objections to Anaxagoras and such passages as Laws, 888 E, we can see the evolution of this point of view. A purely physical THE PROBLEM OF FREEDOM AFTER ABISTOTLE. 363 doctrine really implies that reason works only in the sphere of art; the products of reason are therefore artificial; the State is only an artificial product, a secondary result inferior to the natural; while the natural is best but it is not rational. From this position there was no escape but one: art and Nature must be reconciled through reason and the world must be viewed as the supreme work of a supreme artist. In solving this problem Plato created another. From his statements it seems as if the end of existence was not only Downloaded from the good but also a good which man could not avoid. Heracleitus, Anaxagoras, and Plato were united by the Stoics: the actual opponents whom Epicurus had to face were these latest advocates of a Reason which combined all the advantages of complete causality with an unblushing acknowledgment of fate. In one case particularly Stoicism http://mind.oxfordjournals.org/ was found wanting. Carneades went forth from the Stoic schools a wiser but also a sadder man: he determined to probe further this assertion of predetermination. He dis- covered what Chrysippus before him had been discovering, namely that Plato was not Aristotle and that it was worth while rethinking the Aristotelian idea of co-operating causes. History has repeated this movement in the life of J. S. Mill; he too found that the science of Hartley led to a mechanical system and inevitable necessity; he too denied that a belief at Russian Archive on November 15, 2013 in Freedom meant a return to chaos; in the mediating view of co-operating causes he found the solution of his difficulties. The problem before Epicurus had two distinct aspects. The first is the question, What conception of causation will admit the idea of universal freedom? The second is the question, How can we explain the origin of the world on the fewest possible assumptions ? The two aspects of the problem are united through the fact that both are problems of caus- ation. The ultimate factors are declared to be matter and motion: the matter is of one kind, things being complexes of atoms; but there are different kinds of motion. If any differences are to be discovered in types of causation these will be expressible as different types of motion. We must therefore first consider the species of motion. Epicurus recognised two main types of motion, that which is in a straight line and that which involves a deviation from the straight line. The former is motion Kara <rrd$firjv: the latter Kara irap4yK\itrm or declination. As motion is inherent in the nature of the atom, both these motions belonged to the atom before the formation of bodies. The most important point in the development between Democritus and Epicurus is the degree to which the concept of chaos was progressively 864 Q. 8. BRETT: refined. One after another the writers discovered that the term was being used to cover a multitude of suppositions. The last to be detected and expelled was the notion that directions could be said to exist in a chaos. Directions, properly speaking, can exist only in a cosmos. In fact, the state of chaos, properly understood, is a state devoid alto- gether of predicates. Simplification, that most difficult of all philosophic tasks, was at last achieved, and it was under- stood that an atom in chaos has no relations; as soon as it Downloaded from has relations and predicates it has passed into a eystem and a cosmos.1 Now if a cosmos is essentially a system of things controlled by laws, where do these laws come from? The problem now is to describe accurately the process by which a world generates its own laws. Anaxagoras had seen the problem http://mind.oxfordjournals.org/ but solved it only by positing an agent, a force that made- for order. Plato was, from the scientific standpoint, still more lavish of assumptions. If the Epicurean must not multiply entities beyond necessity, the origin of law must be found as immanent in the very process by which the cosmos forms itself. This was clearly the aim in view. Suppose then that we start with nothing but matter and motion. There will be in the first place no talk of up or down; still less will it be possible to use any teleologies! terms; we shall get rid of the latent assumptions of earlier at Russian Archive on November 15, 2013 physical theories and the explicit assumption of an end in the teleological sense. If motion can be described without any final cause or fixed end of motion, the terms used must refer Bolely to the parts of the vacuum traversed.