“Frozen” Conflicts: Solution Perspectives, Dynamics and Consequences
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The Project "Transnistrian Problem: View from Ukraine"
Strategic and Security Studies Group TRANSNISTRIAN PROBLEM: a view from Ukraine KYIV 2009 STRATEGIC AND SECURITY STUDIES GROUP The publication contains the results of the research of interstate relations between Ukraine and Moldova through the lens of Transnistrian settlement problem. The focal points of the research are the assessment of cooperation between two states, issues of citizenship, border regime, interethnic relations, NGOs partnership etc. The publication is aimed at enhancing the dialogue of Ukrainian and Moldovan experts and politicians. It was prepared within the project “Transnistrian problem: a view from Ukraine” supported by International Renaissance Foundation (project manager – O.Basarab). Chapters 14 and 16 were prepared with the kind assistance of Open Ukraine Foundation and Victor Pinchuk Foundation. The project was implemented by “Strategic and Security Studies Group” (SSSG) - non-governmental organization, which has been working since 2003 in the field of: National security policy and sustainable development of Ukraine International relations and foreign policy of Ukraine Regional and international security European political and integration processes Euro Atlantic dialogue and integration SSSG supports transparency in decision-making process and wider discussion regarding foreign, security and defense policy policy of Ukraine and to promotes democratic changes in society. Our contacts: Info[a]gsbs.org.ua www.gsbs.org.ua + 38 (044) 491 - 3830 Publication edited by S. GERASYMCHUK Authors: N. BELITSER (Pylyp Orlyk Institute for Democracy) S. GERASYMCHUK (Strategic and Security Studies Group) O. GRYTSENKO (Strategic and Security Studies Group) Y. DOVGOPOL (Independent expert) Z. ZHMINKO (Strategic and Security Studies Group) Y. MATIYCHYK (Strategic and Security Studies Group) O. SUSHKO (Institute of Euro-atlantic Cooperation) O. -
Shifting Faces of Terror After 9/11: Framing the Terrorist Threat
SHIFTING FACES OF TERROR AFTER 9/11: FRAMING THE TERRORIST THREAT A dissertation submitted to Kent State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Elena Pokalova Dissertation written by Elena Pokalova B.A., Ural State Pedagogical University, 2002 M.A., Kent State University, 2010 Ph.D., Kent State University, 2011 Approved by Andrew Barnes, Ph.D., Co-Chair, Doctoral Dissertation Committee Landon Hancock, Ph.D., Co-Chair, Doctoral Dissertation Committee Steven Hook, Ph.D., Member, Doctoral Dissertation Committee Karl C. Kaltenthaler, Ph.D., Member, Doctoral Dissertation Committee Accepted by Steven Hook, Ph.D., Chair, Department of Political Science John R.D. Stalvey, Ph.D., Dean, College of Arts and Sciences ii TABLE OF CONTENTS TABLE OF CONTENTS...................................................................................................iii LIST OF FIGURES ............................................................................................................ v LIST OF TABLES............................................................................................................. vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ................................................................................................ vii Note on Transliteration ....................................................................................................viii List of Frequently Used Abbreviations.............................................................................. ix 1. Introduction.................................................................................................................... -
Information Documents
Information Documents SG/Inf(2005)14 22 July 2005 ———————————————— Reports from the Council of Europe Field Offices and Other Outposts* June 2005 ———————————————— * For a more complete list of activities, see Council of Europe activities database (CEAD) – http://dsp.coe.int/CEAD 2 SG/Inf(2005)14 FIELD OFFICES YEREVAN CHISINAU Ms Bojana URUMOVA Ambassador Vladimir PHILIPOV Special Representative of the SG Special Representative of the SG Tel: +374 10 24 33 85 Tel: +373 22 23 50 35 Fax: +374 10 24 38 75 Fax: +373 22 23 50 34 E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] BAKU BELGRADE Mr Mats LINDBERG Mr Stefano VALENTI Special Representative of the SG Special Representative of the SG Tel: +994 124 975 489 Tel: +381 11 2 182 747 Fax: +994 124 975 475 Fax: +381 11 2 631 955 E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] SARAJEVO PODGORICA Mr Tim CARTWRIGHT Mr Vladimir RISTOVSKI Special Representative of the SG Head of Office Tel: +387 33 264 360 or 361 Tel: +381 81 230 819 or +381 81 230 825 Fax: +387 33 233 937 Fax: +381 81 230 176 E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] TBILISI PRISTINA Mr Igor GAON Mr Zurab KATCHKATCHISHVILI Special Representative of the SG Head of Office Tel: +995 32 98 54 40 Tel: +381 38 243 749 Fax: +995 32 98 96 57 Fax: +381 38 243 752 E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] OTHER OUTPOSTS TIRANA SKOPJE Mr Guy-Michel BRANDTNER Mr Michel RIVOLLIER Special Adviser Resident Expert Tel: +355 4 22 84 19 Tel: +389 2 3290 232 Fax: +355 4 24 89 40 Fax: +389 2 3123 617 E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] 3 SG/Inf(2005)14 Yerevan 1. -
Crimea After the Georgian Crisis
Crimea after the Georgian Crisis Crimea After the Georgian Crisis Following the Georgian Crisis, there was frequent speculation in the international media Crimea theCrisis Georgian after about the Ukrainian peninsula of Crimea as the next likely target of Russian military intervention. Logic suggests that Crimea, the only region in Ukraine with an ethnic Russian JAKOB HEDENSKOG majority, with its historical links to Russia and contested affiliation to Ukraine, and with its Hero City Sevastopol (the base of the Russian Black Sea Fleet), would be an easy target for the Kremlin’s neo-imperialist policy. This report aims to compare the situation around Crimea with that regarding South Ossetia and Abkhazia, which led to the Georgian Crisis. The main objective is to identify similarities and differences concerning both the situation on the ground and Russia’s policy towards the regions, in order to determine whether a military scenario for Crimea is impossible, Jakob Hedenskog possible or even likely. For a study (in Swedish) on the Georgian Crisis and its consequences, see Larsson, Robert L., et al. Det kaukasiska lackmustestet: Konsekvenser och lärdomar av det rysk-georgiska kriget i augusti 2008, FOI-R--2563--SE, september 2008. Front cover photo: The chief of the Russian Black Sea Fleet and the Chief of the Ukrainian Marine jointly celebrate the 60th Anniversary of Victory Day, 9 May 2005, © Jakob Hedenskog (2005) FOI, Swedish Defence Research Agency, is a mainly assignment-funded agency under the Ministry of Defence. The core activities are research, method and technology development, as well as studies conducted in the interests of Swedish defence and the safety and security of society. -
Revanchist Russia? Russian Perceptions of Belarusian and Ukrainian Sovereignty, 1990-2008
1 Revanchist Russia? Russian Perceptions of Belarusian and Ukrainian Sovereignty, 1990-2008 Rasmus Nilsson UCL For the degree of PhD 2 I, Rasmus Nilsson, confirm that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Where information has been derived from other sources, I confirm that this has been indicated in the thesis. 3 Abstract The theme of this thesis concerns post-Soviet Russian foreign policy perceptions of Belarusian and Ukrainian sovereignty between 1990 and 2008. In the thesis I argue that Russian perceptions became increasingly revanchist in nature during this period, and that we may distinguish between two different types of revanchism, the consequences of which for Belarusian and Ukrainian sovereignty are quite different. I argue that all Russian perceptions of international affairs are constituted by perceptions of Russia. Thus, perceptions of Belarusian and Ukrainian sovereignty may be divided into three categories, or paradigms, each of which centres on a specific concept that legitimises the existence of Russia, and determines how Belarus and Ukraine are viewed. The three central concepts are the concepts of Law, Power, and Nation, respectively. In the introduction, I outline these paradigms, both in abstract terms and in relation to Russian foreign policy in general, as well as Russian foreign policy towards Belarus and Ukraine. Subsequently, I present my methodology and my literature review, together with a discussion of the theoretical assumptions, which provide the foundation for my argument. Then, I briefly outline Russian foreign policy making during the period relevant for my thesis, before the four main chapters of my thesis outline in roughly chronological fashion how the relative significance of the three paradigms has changed over time. -
Roots of Russia's War in Ukraine Book Author(S): ELIZABETH A
Roots of Russia’s War in Ukraine This content downloaded from 130.64.11.153 on Tue, 19 Jul 2016 22:53:58 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms This content downloaded from 130.64.11.153 on Tue, 19 Jul 2016 22:53:58 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Roots of Russia’s War in Ukraine ELIZABETH A. WOOD WILLIAM E. POMERANZ E. WAYNE MERRY MAXIM TRUDOLYUBOV Woodrow Wilson Center Press Washington, D.C. Columbia University Press New York This content downloaded from 130.64.11.153 on Tue, 19 Jul 2016 22:53:58 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Woodrow Wilson Center Press Washington, D.C. www.wilsoncenter.org Columbia University Press Publishers Since 1893 New York • Chichester, West Sussex cup.columbia.edu Copyright © 2016 Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars All rights reserved Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Wood, Elizabeth A., 1958– author. | Pomeranz, William E., author. | Merry, E. Wayne, author. | Trudolyubov, Maxim. Title: Roots of Russia’s war in Ukraine / Elizabeth A. Wood, William E. Pomeranz, E. Wayne Merry, and Maxim Trudolyubov. Description: Washington, D.C. : Woodrow Wilson Center Press ; New York : Columbia University Press, 2015. | Includes index. Identifiers: LCCN 2015038287 | ISBN 9780231704533 (pbk.) | ISBN 9780231801386 (ebook) Subjects: LCSH: Ukraine Conflict, 2014– —Causes | Ukraine—Foreign relations—Russia (Federation) | Russia (Federation)—Foreign relations— Ukraine. Classification: LCC DK508.852 .W66 2015 | DDC 947.7086—dc23 LC record available at http://lccn.loc.gov/2015038287 Woodrow Wilson Center Press and Columbia University Press books are printed on permanent and durable acid-free paper. -
Author Accepted Manuscript
Public Disclosure Authorized AUTHOR ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT FINAL PUBLICATION INFORMATION Divided Space, Divided Attitudes? Comparing the Republics of Moldova and Pridnestrovie (Transnistria) Using Simultaneous Surveys The definitive version of the text was subsequently published in Eurasian Geography and Economics, 54(2), 2013-08-06 Published by Taylor and Francis Public Disclosure Authorized THE FINAL PUBLISHED VERSION OF THIS ARTICLE IS AVAILABLE ON THE PUBLISHER’S PLATFORM This Author Accepted Manuscript is copyrighted by the World Bank and published by Taylor and Francis. It is posted here by agreement between them. Changes resulting from the publishing process—such as editing, corrections, structural formatting, and other quality control mechanisms—may not be reflected in this version of the text. You may download, copy, and distribute this Author Accepted Manuscript for noncommercial purposes. Your license is limited by the following restrictions: Public Disclosure Authorized (1) You may use this Author Accepted Manuscript for noncommercial purposes only under a CC BY-NC-ND 3.0 Unported license http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/. (2) The integrity of the work and identification of the author, copyright owner, and publisher must be preserved in any copy. (3) You must attribute this Author Accepted Manuscript in the following format: This is an Author Accepted Manuscript of an Article by O’Loughlin, John; Toal, Gerard; Chamberlain-Creangă, Rebecca Divided Space, Divided Attitudes? Comparing the Republics of Moldova and -
Honouring of Obligations and Commitments by Moldova
Parliamentary Assembly Assemblée parlementaire Doc. 11374 14 September 2007 Honouring of obligations and commitments by Moldova Report Committee on the Honouring of Obligations and Commitments by Member States of the Council of Europe (Monitoring Committee) Co-rapporteurs: Mrs Josette DURRIEU, France, Socialist Group and Mr Egidijus VAREIKIS, Lithuania, Group of the European People's Party Summary Since the adoption of the last monitoring report in 2005, Moldova has advanced significantly on the path of democratic reforms. To date, Moldova has signed and ratified 63 Council of Europe conventions. In particular, it was among the first member states to sign and ratify the Council of Europe convention on action against trafficking in human beings. During the past two years the Parliament adopted an impressive number of laws dealing with the country's commitments to the Council of Europe. The Moldovan authorities should now take all necessary steps to make the new legal framework fully operational. Further improvements should also be made to the legislation on the judiciary, the general prosecutor's office, political parties and local self-government. The recent local elections were generally well administered but some aspects of the electoral process still fall short of European standards for democratic elections and substantial improvements should be made to the election legislation and practice in the preparation of the forthcoming parliamentary election to be organised in 2009. The negotiations over the settlement of the Transnistrian conflict within the "5+2" format have so far been stalled. No efforts should be spared to resume the search for a solution. The settlement of the Transnistrian conflict must be based on the principle of full respect for Moldova's territorial integrity and sovereignty. -
Russian 'Separatism' in Crimea and NATO: Ukraine's Big Hope, Russia's
Russian ‘separatism’ in Crimea and NATO: Ukraine’s big hope, Russia’s grand gamble By Elena Mizrokhi Research assistant for the Chaire de recherche du Canada sur les conflits identitaires et le terrorisme and for the Programme Paix et sécurité internationales, Institut québécois des hautes études internationales (HEI) MA student in International Studies at Laval University, Quebec city August 2009 Table of contents Page INTRODUCTION………................................................................................................................1 1. Brief history of Crimea............................................................................................................2 2. “Crimean Identities”…………................................................................................................4 3. The beginning of demands for Crimean autonomy..............................................................4 4. Involvement of Russia in this first phase of “Russian separatism” in Crimea..................8 5. Why was there no war in Crimea?.......................................................................................10 6. Moscow’s entanglement round one: lessons learned...........................................................11 7. Ukraine and NATO…............................................................................................................12 8. Russian separatists 2000 –…….............................................................................................14 9. The significance of the August Crisis -
Crimea – the Achilles‟ Heel of Ukraine
Analysis Crimea – The Achilles‟ Heel of Ukraine Merle Maigre November 2008 www.icds.ee CRIMEA – THE ACHILLES’ HEEL OF UKRAINE | Merle Maigre 2 Executive Summary Since Russia‟s aggression against Georgia in August, a number of Ukrainian and foreign politicians, diplomats and security policy analysts have warned that Ukraine and Crimea could become Russia‟s next target. Indeed, Moscow has persistently intimidated Ukraine ever since the Orange Revolution for its preferences to associate itself with the West and to uphold western political and economic values. Ukraine has angered Moscow by offering to discuss the integration of its early-warning missile systems with the West; by being persistent in its efforts to integrate with NATO and the EU; and by stridently supporting Georgia since Russia‟s incursion into it. Judging from the war in Georgia, Moscow‟s aim is to expand its sphere of influence by gaining control over the domestic, economic and foreign policy orientations of the former Soviet republics. Kremlin regularly provokes and exacerbates conflicts between Crimea and the central government in Kyiv in order to increase its own influence in Crimea and to strengthen its position in the Black Sea region. Key Components of the Conflict There has been much speculation about tensions in Crimea, so it is particularly important to look at the situation on the ground in Crimea, to analyse the key components of the conflict and to discuss what can be done to reduce Russia‟s leverage there. This paper claims that the main threats and challenges to the security of Crimea are: the debated status of the peninsula; the presence of a foreign military base in Sevastopol; Russia‟s active information campaign, which is partly led by its security services; ethnic and inter-religious tensions related to the Crimean Tatars; and the ineffective central government in Kyiv that is unable to control most processes on the peninsula. -
The Crimea: Europe's Next Flashpoint?
The Crimea: Europe’s Next Flashpoint? By Taras Kuzio November 2010 THE JAMESTOWN FOUNDATION Published in the United States by The Jamestown Foundation 1111 16th St. N.W. Suite 320 Washington, D.C. 20036 http://www.jamestown.org Copyright © 2010 The Jamestown Foundation All rights reserved. No part of this report may be reproduced in any manner whatsoever without written consent. For copyright permissions information, contact Jamestown Foundation, 1111 16th St. N.W., Washington, D.C. 20036. The views expressed in the report are those of the contributing authors and not necessarily those of the Jamestown Foundation. For more information on this report of the Jamestown Foundation, email [email protected]. Jamestown’s Mission The Jamestown Foundation’s mission is to inform and educate policy makers and the broader community about events and trends in those societies which are strategically or tactically important to the United States and which frequently restrict access to such information. Utilizing indigenous and primary sources, Jamestown’s material is delivered without political bias, filter or agenda. It is often the only source of information which should be, but is not always, available through official or intelligence channels, especially in regard to Eurasia and terrorism. Origins Launched in 1984 by its founder William Geimer, The Jamestown Foundation has emerged as one of the leading providers of research and analysis on conflict and instability in Eurasia. The Jamestown Foundation has rapidly grown to become one of the leading sources of information on Eurasia, developing a global network of analytical expertise from the Baltic to the Horn of Africa. -
The Russo-Georgian Conflict and Crimea
SIPU report for the Swedish International Development Agency (SIDA) Under contract ‘Advisory Services for EU – Ukraine, Sida ref: 2007.002743’ Date: 5 September 2008 REF: SIPU/JMWEN ASS. 02 The Possible Effects of the Russian-Georgian Conflict for the Situation in Crimea Author: Natalya Shapovalova Key Points: • Crimea is the only Ukrainian region where, due to historical reasons, Russians are the major ethnic group; • Russia’s influence over the region is very high due to presence of the Black Sea Fleet, the dominance of Russian media, and the power of pro- Russian political parties; • The government in Kyiv cannot manage to integrate Crimea in Ukraine's political and social context nor can it resist growing influence from Russia; • The potential for ethnic conflict is high and could be sparked either by an attempt on the part of the Ukrainian government to change any part of the status quo, or by the resistance of the Ukrainian government of demands for even greater local autonomy, the use of Russian as a second official language, or further moves on the part of Ukraine towards NATO; • Russian military intervention in the case of ethnic conflict in Crimea, no matter how this may arise, cannot be ruled out. I. Crimea as a Distinct Region of Ukraine Crimea is a distinct region in Ukraine in terms of its ethnic and language composition, its constitutional status and its historical background. First, it is the only Ukrainian region where, due to historical reasons, Russians are a major ethnic group. According to the 2001 all-Ukraine census, they are 58.5% of the population of Crimea, while ethnic Ukrainians are 24.4%.