EXTENSIONS of REMARKS July 16, 1991 EXTENSIONS of REMARKS LET's EASE the SUFFERING of in Iraq

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

EXTENSIONS of REMARKS July 16, 1991 EXTENSIONS of REMARKS LET's EASE the SUFFERING of in Iraq 18548 EXTENSIONS OF REMARKS July 16, 1991 EXTENSIONS OF REMARKS LET'S EASE THE SUFFERING OF in Iraq. As a result, Saddam is free to per­ Emaciated pets now prowl Baghdad alleys, THE PEOPLE OF IRAQ secute his own people just as he persecuted set loose by owners who can no longer afford the people of Kuwait. to feed them. International aid has thus far HON. WM. S. BROOMREID We may not be able to remove Saddam, but staved off the apocalyptic rates of disease we can certainly ensure that his people, and and malnutrition feared a few months ago, OF MICHIGAN but conditions remain ripe for an epidemic. not he and his cronies, are in a position to IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES On a back street of Saddam City, the Mosan benefit from the country's financial assets and family spent a recent day bailing raw sewage Tuesday, July 16, 1991 its great wealth of natural resources. from the front room of their mud brick Mr. BROOMFIELD. Mr. Speaker, yester­ In the recent war in the gulf, America's great home. With Iraq's water system crippled by day's Wall Street Journal brought a fresh re­ scientific minds and military strategists were bomb damage and lack of spare parts, pipes minder of the pain and suffering being en­ able to wage a war of terrific ferocity but lim­ often burst, flooding streets with fetid green dured by the people of Iraq. ited scope. Many Iraqi civilians died, but I'd sludge. The Mosans' three-room hovel, home to 13 In the words of the Journal's reporter, Tony like to think that many more survived because America was intent on aiming its precision people, has no furniture and only one appli­ Horwitz, who is in Saddam City, "Iraq's econ­ ance: a creaking refrigerator cooling crusts omy is in a free fall, and so are most of its weapons against Saddam and his military and of bread and chunks of fat, the poor Iraqi's people. In the poorest districts, barefoot chil­ sparing as much as possible Iraq's civilian cooking oil. A teen-age boy smiles from a dren scavenge the streets for edible garbage. population from the horrors of war. photo on the wall. The Mosans' oldest son, he Huge lines form, Moscow-like, on the rumor of It's time for some precision diplomacy. We was killed in the Iran-Iraq war and remains meat arriving at government shops. Beggars want to make sure that the outcome of this the family's main breadwinner, earning $30 a are suddenly rife, as are young prostitutes, war is not only the defeat of a reckless dic­ month in death benefits. In this Shiite Muslim district, where riots peddling sex for $10." tator but the development of lasting friend­ ships with the people of Iraq and the Middle erupted in March, there is little love for Sad­ In case anyone gets the impression that the dam Hussein. But for 17-year-old Kadriya misery is universal, Horwitz points out that East. I believe the Penny resolution is a good Mosan, sanctions make no sense. "The Ku­ Saddam's corrupt inner circle is benefiting step in that direction, and urge my colleagues waitis have their country back," she says. hugely from the post-war economic confusion, "So why are we still being punished?" to support it. I insert the Wall Street Journal's and that Saddam's son, Oday, frequently ar­ article in the RECORD: RUNAWAY INFLATION rives at the five-star Rasheed Hotel "in his [From the Wall Street Journal, July 15, 1991] Nearby, at the Saddam Hussein Hospital, black Porsche, wearing a silk shirt and smok­ CASUALTIES OF WAR-IN IRAQ TODAY, CHIL- shortages are forcing X-ray teams to use ex­ ing a Havana cigar, to visit the hotel's posh DREN SCAVENGE FOR FOOD, ECONOMISTS pired film, which often clouds in developing. discotheque." DRIVE CABS A lack of anesthetics limits surgeons to In the war against Saddam Hussein, Amer­ emergency cases. There are no gloves and no (By Tony Horwitz) catheters. At other hospitals, patients on ica scored one of the most convincing and SADDAM CITY, lRAQ.-Khalid Saad measures clear-cut battlefield victories in its 200-year machines needing constant electricity, such despair in the quantity of gold swaying on as kidney dialysis, are dying during power history. his jeweler's scales. outrages. To find a parallel, you would have to go On a stifling day in this poor Baghdad sub­ In Saddam City and other destitute areas, back to America's participation in World War urb, a pregnant woman pauses in the cool of war and sanctions have deepened chronic II. Yet one reason we look with so much pride Mr. Saad's shop. She stands as if to go-then poverty. Many residents are accustomed, to our participation in that effort was the diplo­ gropes inside her abaya and unclasps the however grimly, to living on the margin. necklace nuzzling her breast. Much more sudden is the impoverishment of matic victory we achieved in the aftermath of "Are you sure?" Mr. Saad asks. She nods the war. Our two major opponents are now and turns away as the gold chain clatters middle-class Iraqis, and of the once-pristine among our closest allies. onto his scales. The necklace, a wedding capital they inhabit. In World War II, America was unrelenting in present, fetches the equivalent of $80 for the Downtown Baghdad, a modern sprawl of 19-year-old newlywed. "My husband will for­ crisp towers and futuristic monuments, is its prosecution of the war, yet it was generous acquiring the shabby air of poor Arab cities to those it defeated. We have never been in­ give me," she says, "when he sees all the food I bring home." such as Cairo. In the clotted traffic, snarled terested in waging war against people of other For Mr. Saad, such scenes have become a by the bombing of Tigris River bridges, taxis nations, but always against those unscrupu­ dispiriting ritual. Hoisting a sack holding with broken windshields cough and gasp on lous officials in power who force their people one day's haul of purchased jewelry, he says, the impure, low-octane fuel sold at local into foolhardy military adventures. "Before the war, I would not buy this much pumps. Lights dim as merchants turn on air It's time we turned our most recent victory in a month." conditioners. Whole sections of the city peri­ on the field of battle into a convincing victory Iraq's economy is in free fall, and so are odically black out. Most telephones are use­ most of its people. In the poorest districts, less. And to keep pace with runaway infla­ in the field of diplomacy. tion, the state is printing bank notes so flim­ To help get that process moving, I recently barefoot children scavenge the streets for ed­ ible garbage. Huge lines form, Moscow-like, sy that some bills are printed on only one cosponsored a concurrent resolution offered on the rumor of meat arriving at govern­ side. by Congressman PENNY that would encourage ment shops. Beggars are suddenly rife, as are THE DEATH OF SOCIALISM? our Government to ask the United Nations to young prostitutes, peddling sex for SlO. The state also is abandoning market con­ release a portion of Iraq's frozen assets to NO EPIDEMIC-YET trols in hopes that the private sector can UNICEF. Iraq's plight poses a conundrum for the shore up this once-centralized economy. The sole purpose of this move would be to West as it debates continuing sanctions. Eco­ Each week brings new decrees, relaxing rules provide medical and humanitarian assistance nomic despair clearly sharpens discontent; it on import licenses or currency exchange. As to the Iraqi people, particularly its children. appears that most Iraqis blame Saddam Hus­ a result, Baghdad now teems with vendors The funds would be funneled through UNICEF sein, not the allies, for their country's col­ and hustlers. Even state food stores have so that the money would be used to feed and lapse. But because Iraqis feel powerless to spawned bazaars, with government workers change their regime, sanctions are admin­ buying goods at subsidized prices and then clothe hungry Iraqi citizens and not to fill up istering pain without any promise of a cure. reselling them at a 200% markup on the side­ the gas tank in Oday Hussein's black Porsche. "The embargo doesn't touch Saddam or the walk outside. After World War II, American troops occu­ people around him," says a Baghdad shop­ This sudden opening of the economy "is pied both Germany and Japan. We have nei­ keeper, lunching on cucumber and bread. the unannounced death of the socialist sys­ ther the ability nor the desire to do the same "All you are doing is starving us." tem of the Baath Party," says Dominique • This "bullet" symbol identifies statements or insertions which are not spoken by a Member of the Senate on the floor. Matter set in this typeface indicates words inserted or appended, rather than spoken, by a Member of the House on the floor. July 16, 1991 EXTENSIONS OF REMARKS 18549 Dufour, head of the Red Cross delegation in recently went to India and flew a plane-load a Baghdad auction house, buyers bid up to Iraq. "It's a free-for-all." of parts from there to Jordan. In Amman, he 12,000 dinars (about $1,500) for silk carpets Job security is one of the first casualties.
Recommended publications
  • Stalin Revolutionary in an Era of War 1St Edition Pdf, Epub, Ebook
    STALIN REVOLUTIONARY IN AN ERA OF WAR 1ST EDITION PDF, EPUB, EBOOK Kevin McDermott | 9780333711224 | | | | | Stalin Revolutionary in an Era of War 1st edition PDF Book It was under this name that he went to Switzerland in the winter of , where he met with Lenin and collaborated on a theoretical work, Marxism and the National and Colonial Question. They argue that in the article On the Slogan for a United States of Europe the expression "triumph of socialism [ Seller Rating:. Vladimir Lenin died in January and by the end of that year in the second edition of the book Stalin's position started to turn around as he claimed that "the proletariat can and must build the socialist society in one country". Modern History Review. Refresh and try again. Tucker's subject, however, which isn't Mont I have admired Robert Tucker's work for decades now, and I am glad at long last to take up the first of his two volume study of Stalin. Brazil United Kingdom United States. Retrieved August 27, Egan The major difficulty is a lack of agreement about what should constitute Stalinism. Stalin and Lenin were close friends, judging from this photograph. He wrote that the concept of Stalinism was developed after by Western intellectuals so as to be able to keep alive the communist ideal. Retrieved September 20, Palgrave Macmillan UK. Antonio rated it it was amazing Jun 04, Retrieved 7 October During the quarter of a century preceding his death, the Soviet dictator Joseph Stalin probably exercised greater political power than any other figure in history.
    [Show full text]
  • FOR the THIRD CAMP! an Editorial
    TBElfEW April 1940 A Monthly Organ of Revolutionary Marxism FOR THE THIRD CAMP! An Editorial MAX SHACHTMAN: JAMES BURNHAM: THE U.S.S.R. AND THE WAR THE POLITICS OF DESPERATION Why We Must Re"ise A Reply to Trotsky's Our Traditional Policy t:~ Petty-Bourgeois Opposition oj t:t:Unconditional Defense" In the Social Workers Party" ( DWIGHT MACDONALD: The United States in the War SHERMAN STANLEY: India and the Third Camp CARTOON BY CARLO Fifteen Cents Single Copy Subscription Per Year $1.50 The Voice of the Third Camp Must Be Heard! Statement by the Editors THE CONVENTION of the Socialist Workers Party, held at as the organized movement of the Fourth International in this the end of several months of internal discussion, has just been con~ country, the Opposition constitutes a clear majority of the total eluded in New York. A majority of the delegates elected to the membership. convention voted for the resolutions on the Russian and organiza­ Under these conditions, to continue to remain silent inside the tional questions presented by the Majority faction, and which can ranks of the party would be unforgivable in a revolutionist. Under be read in the post-convention issue of the Socialist Appeal. these conditions, to place confidence in the democratic guarantees How deep-going and vigorous was the discussion in the S.W.P. offered by the official party leadership which has given the minority may be judged by the fact that it has brought the party to the no cause to place confidence in it during the course of the internal brink of a split, the danger of which is by no means dispelled.
    [Show full text]
  • Bio-Bibliographical Sketch of Max Shachtman
    The Lubitz' TrotskyanaNet Max Shachtman Bio-Bibliographical Sketch Contents: • Basic biographical data • Biographical sketch • Selective bibliography • Notes on archives Basic biographical data Name: Max Shachtman Other names (by-names, pseud. etc.): Cousin John * Marty Dworkin * M.S. * Max Marsh * Max * Michaels * Pedro * S. * Max Schachtman * Sh * Maks Shakhtman * S-n * Tr * Trent * M.N. Trent Date and place of birth: September 10, 1904, Warsaw (Russia [Poland]) Date and place of death: November 4, 1972, Floral Park, NY (USA) Nationality: Russian, American Occupations, careers, etc.: Editor, writer, party leader Time of activity in Trotskyist movement: 1928 - ca. 1948 Biographical sketch Max Shachtman was a renowned writer, editor, polemicist and agitator who, together with James P. Cannon and Martin Abern, in 1928/29 founded the Trotskyist movement in the United States and for some 12 years func­ tioned as one of its main leaders and chief theoreticians. He was a close collaborator of Leon Trotsky and translated some of his major works. Nicknamed Trotsky's commissar for foreign affairs, he held key positions in the leading bodies of Trotsky's international movement before, in 1940, he split from the Socialist Workers Party (SWP), founded the Workers Party (WP) and in 1948 definitively dissociated from the Fourth International. Shachtman's name was closely webbed with the theory of bureaucratic collectivism and with what was described as Third Campism ('Neither Washington nor Moscow'). His thought had some lasting influence on a consider­ able number of contemporaneous intellectuals, writers, and socialist youth, both American and abroad. Once a key figure in the history and struggles of the American and international Trotskyist movement, Shachtman, from the late 1940s to his death in 1972, made a remarkable journey from the left margin of American society to the right, thus having been an inspirer of both Anti-Stalinist Marxists and of neo-conservative hard-liners.
    [Show full text]
  • Helen Schiff Papers
    Helen Schiff Collection Papers, 1940-1967 .5 linear feet 1 manuscript box Accession #1172 OCLC # The papers of Helen Schiff were placed in the Archives of Labor and Urban Affairs in 1970 by Helen Schiff and were opened for research in May of 1984. In 1940 the Socialist Workers Party split into majority and minority factions over the Hitler-Stalin Pact. The majority faction followed Leon Trotsky's unconditional defense of the Soviet Union's policies; the minority condemned the Hitler-Stalin Pact as an unjustifiable alliance. These differences led the minority faction to leave the Party and to form the Workers Party. In 1957 young members of the Socialist Workers Party joined with left-wing members of the independent Young Socialist League, who were in opposition to their organization's proposed merger with the Socialist Party-Social Democratic Federation, and members of the Labor Youth League, youth section of the Communist Party-USA, to form the Young Socialist Supporters and to publish Young Socialist. In April 1960 the Supporters held a convention and reorganized themselves into the Young Socialist Alliance, youth section of the Socialist Workers Party. In 1965 Young Socialists (Canada) was founded as the youth section of the League for Socialist Action, a fraternal organization of the SWP. The Helen Schiff Collection consists of materials documenting the 1940 split in the Socialist Workers Party and the founding of the Young Socialist Alliance and the Young Socialists (Canada) in the early 1960's. In addition, it contains miscellaneous reports, bulletins, and newsletters of the Socialist Workers Party and the Fourth International.
    [Show full text]
  • The Historical and International Foundations of the Socialist Equality Party
    The Historical and International Foundations of the Socialist Equality Party Adopted by the SEP Founding Congress August 3-9, 2008 © 2008 Socialist Equality Party Contents The Principled Foundations of the Socialist Equality Party ......................................................................................................................1 The Origins and Development of Marxism .................................................................................................................................................2 The Origins of Bolshevism ..........................................................................................................................................................................3 The Theory of Permanent Revolution ........................................................................................................................................................4 Lenin’s Defense of Materialism ...................................................................................................................................................................5 Imperialist War and the Collapse of the Second International ..................................................................................................................6 The Russian Revolution and the Vindication of Permanent Revolution ..................................................................................................8 The Communist International ..................................................................................................................................................................10
    [Show full text]
  • Albert Glotzer Papers
    http://oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/13030/tf1t1n989d No online items Register of the Albert Glotzer papers Finding aid prepared by Dale Reed Hoover Institution Library and Archives © 2010 434 Galvez Mall Stanford University Stanford, CA 94305-6003 [email protected] URL: http://www.hoover.org/library-and-archives Register of the Albert Glotzer 91006 1 papers Title: Albert Glotzer papers Date (inclusive): 1919-1994 Collection Number: 91006 Contributing Institution: Hoover Institution Library and Archives Language of Material: English Physical Description: 67 manuscript boxes, 6 envelopes(27.7 Linear Feet) Abstract: Correspondence, writings, minutes, internal bulletins and other internal party documents, legal documents, and printed matter, relating to Leon Trotsky, the development of American Trotskyism from 1928 until the split in the Socialist Workers Party in 1940, the development of the Workers Party and its successor, the Independent Socialist League, from that time until its merger with the Socialist Party in 1958, Trotskyism abroad, the Dewey Commission hearings of 1937, legal efforts of the Independent Socialist League to secure its removal from the Attorney General's list of subversive organizations, and the political development of the Socialist Party and its successor, Social Democrats, U.S.A., after 1958. Creator: Glotzer, Albert, 1908-1999 Hoover Institution Library & Archives Access The collection is open for research; materials must be requested at least two business days in advance of intended use. Publication Rights For copyright status, please contact the Hoover Institution Library & Archives. Acquisition Information Acquired by the Hoover Institution Library & Archives in 1991. Preferred Citation [Identification of item], Albert Glotzer papers, [Box no., Folder no.
    [Show full text]
  • By Sean Matgamna the Formation of the SWP
    Workers’ Liberty Volume 3 No 38 March 2013 £1 Reason in revolt The formation of the SWP By Sean Matgamna The formation of the SWP “Standing resolutely on the side of the proletariat, the so - to the working class in East London; and others. cialists do everything in their power to facilitate and hasten Even then the leadership of the De Leonites never joined its victory. But what exactly can they do in this case? the Communist Party. Sylvia Pankhurst was soon expelled. “A necessary condition for the victory of the proletariat is But the main bulk of the organisations stayed. its recognition of its own position, its relations with its ex - There is no magic formula that will bring about unity at ploiters, its historic role and its socio-political tasks. will. But we can consciously create a culture where real dia - “For this reason the socialists consider it their principal, logue is possible, and a will to find unity in common areas of perhaps even their only, duty to promote the growth of this activity. consciousness among the proletariat, which for short they And we can foster a culture of democracy. Splits may hap - call its class consciousness. pen anyway, however good the movement’s democracy. But “The whole success of the socialist movement is measured splits are absolutely inevitable given a culture where the ma - for them in terms of the growth in the class consciousness jority rules absolutely and the minority must not only ob - of the proletariat. Everything that helps this growth they serve unity in action — which was Lenin’s conception — but see as useful to their cause: everything that slows it down also be silent and publicly pretend to agree with politics they as harmful” Plekhanov, The Tasks of the Social Democrats in do not really agree with and may detest.
    [Show full text]
  • The Third Camp As History and a Living Legacy Alan Johnson
    “Neither Washington Nor Moscow”: The Third Camp as History And a Living Legacy Alan Johnson SOCIALISM FROM BELOW IS DISTINGUISHED FROM SOCIALISM FROM ABOVE by its understanding that the agency of social change is the self-controlling emancipatory struggle of the mass of the people.1 In Marx’s famous dic- tum, socialism is “the self-emancipation of the working class.” What has this meant for socialists at the level of international politics? Three key “moments” can be identified in the development of a revolutionary demo- cratic internationalism. The key figure in the first moment is Marx. Alan Gilbert has shown how Marx drew upon Aristotle’s insight that Athenian imperialism abroad was a threat to Athenian democracy at home and that citizens should oppose policies of conquest for they would produce only greed and tyranny at home. Marx argued that in the epoch of capi- talism the ideals of democratic liberalism had been cast down for the radicals to pick up. Basic internationalist ideas from “the recognition of the universal human capacity for moral personality and the justice of democratic movements” for self-determination, were ignored in practice by the liberals and so fell to the radicals to defend.2 In 1847 Marx changed the slogan of the League of Communists to “Proletarians of All Coun- tries Unite!” and insisted the ideal of human brotherhood, proclaimed by the French Revolution, must now be given a class basis. The ideal of self- determination had also been passed to the radicals. For Marx, “there is absolutely no contradiction in the international workers party striving for the establishment of the Polish nation.”3 The only kind of brother- hood the bourgeoisie could know was “the brotherhood of the oppressors against the oppressed, of the exploiters against the exploited.”4 The Second International, amid the growth of labor aristocracies and social democratic bureaucracies, regressed from these positions.
    [Show full text]
  • Archive: the Left and Korea
    Archive: The Left and Korea Susan Green Editor’s Note: Susan Green’s article was published as ‘Summing up the discussion on the Korean Statement’ in Forum, the internal bulletin of The Independent Socialist League, in 1950. [1] The ISL (called the Workers Party from 1940-49) was a small American democratic socialist organisation. It published the weekly newspaper Labour Action, edited by Hal Draper (and, before him, Irving Howe, the founder of Dissent), and the magazine The New International, edited for much of the 1950s by Julius Jacobson (Julius Falk), who went on to found and edit New Politics with his wife Phyllis Jacobson. Stanley Aronowitz has justly called the WP- ISL ‘the most intellectually vital of all the radical formations [in the United States] in the 1940s and 1950s.’ Republishing Susan Green’s article is no exercise in antiquarianism. With due alteration of details, the issues at stake in 1950 are at stake again in 2006. Should democratic socialists extend critical support to capitalist democracies in their wars against totalitarian threats, while continuing the fight for socialism, as Susan Green thought? Or should democratic socialists refuse support of any kind to capitalist democracies – ‘Neither Washington Nor Moscow’ – as the ISL Political Committee thought? Susan Green embraced lesser-evilism without apology. ‘Stalinism must be defeated. Therefore, critical military support of the United States is in order.’ She refused to accept that capitalist democracy and totalitarianism were equals. ‘Under the one democratic and Socialist progress is doomed for an historic era. Under the other progressive forces may continue their fight.’ With Nazism, as well as Stalinism, in mind, she argued that ‘there are some junctures in human affairs of national or international scope, when everything depends on defeating the immediate menace.’ Green denied that her position entailed giving up the fight for socialism.
    [Show full text]
  • In Defence of Trotskyism No. 19 £1 Waged, 50P Unwaged/Low Waged, €1.50
    In Defence of Trotskyism No. 19 £1 waged, 50p unwaged/low waged, €1.50 From left to right, Ribbentrop, Stalin, and Molotov at the signing of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact (23/8/1939). In Mein Kampf Hitler laid “Mistakes on the question out the main tenets of his of defence of the USSR racist worldview and out- most frequently flow from lined his political goals. an incorrect understanding Two of his main objectives of the methods of were the racial upbreeding “defence”. Defence of the of the German people and USSR does not at all mean the conquest of living rapprochement with the space [Lebensraum] in Kremlin bureaucracy, the Eastern Europe. Hitler ex- acceptance of its politics, plained that it was neces- or a conciliation with the sary to fight the “Jewish- politics of her allies. In this Marxist world conspiracy” question, as in all others, and to pursue a merciless we remain completely on racial war against the Sovi- the ground of the interna- et Union. Adolf Hitler, Mein tional class struggle.” Trot- Kampf, Volume 1 (1925). sky (25/9/1939). Workers Liberty and the Third Camp: Reply by Gerry Downing to Workers Liberty; The Two Trotskys, How the “Orthodox” in the 1940s buried the spirit of one Trot- sky to save the ghost of another and to other Third Campists Introduction Workers Liberty’s Sean Matgamna wants to rotsky sums up the petty bourgeois op- persuade us all, and his own young members T position as a whole just after the split in in particular, that they are the genuine one of the SWP (US) in April 1940 in his article, Petty- the “two Trotskys” and the other, the Bourgeois Moralists and the Proletarian Party: “orthodox”, personified by the post-Trotsky “The petty-bourgeois minority of the SWP split leadership of JP Cannon of the US SWP, Ern- from the proletarian majority on the basis of a est Mandel, Michel Pablo, Gerry Healy, Ted struggle against revolutionary Marxism.
    [Show full text]
  • Third Camp Politics in Theory and Practice: an Interview with Joanne Landy and Thomas Harrison
    Third Camp Politics in Theory and Practice: An Interview with Joanne Landy and Thomas Harrison Kent Worcester, Marymount Manhattan College Joanne Landy (1941–2017) and Thomas Harrison (1948–) became socialists as teenagers and have remained involved in the democratic left ever since. They were active in the student protest movement at the University of California at Berkeley in the 1960s, where they met and became close friends and collabora - tors. During the 1970s, they became increasingly interested in the issue of labour rights in Central and Eastern Europe, and they worked to link democratic and so - cial justice struggles in the Eastern Bloc with social movements in the United States, the West, and the Third World. Until Joanne Landy’s death in October 2017, they were the co-directors of the Campaign for Peace and Democracy (CPD), which was founded in 1982. Initially, the organization was called the Cam - paign for Peace and Democracy/East and West, but with the end of the Cold War the title was shortened. The Campaign promoted a policy of “détente from below” and worked to advance “a new, progressive, and non-militaristic US foreign policy—one that encourages democracy and social justice by promoting solidarity with activists and progressive movements throughout the world.” 1 During the Cold War, the Campaign defended independent human rights, labour, and peace activists in So - viet Bloc countries and enlisted support for them among labour, human rights and anti-war activists in the West. CPD also mounted campaigns in opposition to US-supported dictatorships in Latin America like Chile and Nicaragua and organ - ized public support for these campaigns by Eastern Bloc dissidents.
    [Show full text]
  • Everyday Movement Against Capitalism: Prospects for a Prefigurative Strategy Toward Open Utopia
    AN ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS OF Alexander Riccio for the degree of Master of Arts in Interdisciplinary Studies in Ethnic Studies, Sociology, and Philosophy presented on May 26, 2017. Title: Everyday Movement Against Capitalism: Prospects for a Prefigurative Strategy toward Open Utopia. Abstract approved: ______________________________________________________ Robert D. Thompson, Jr. Across the U.S. social activism is on the upsurge, offering possibilities for a revolution against capitalism. However, these possibilities are potentially undermined by entrenched factionalism amongst the left. At root, such in-fighting is fostered by the creation of false dualistic frameworks on the transition out of capitalism and into the next social system. These frameworks are categorized into two typologies labelled the “strategic” and “prefigurative” camps. Blasting open these dualisms can bridge the left and allow for fresher views on revolution and the role of the state, leadership and vanguardism, the significance of democracy, and the value of utopian dreaming. Replacing these frameworks is a methodology called the radical imagination, which poses that within everyday life exist creative opportunities for rebellion. The radical imagination enables the process of seizing spaces for revolutionary (re)production. By viewing daily life as the struggle against alienation, possibilities abound in capturing previously mundane spaces and injecting them with revolutionary activity. ©Copyright by Alexander Riccio May 26, 2017 All Rights Reserved Everyday Movement
    [Show full text]