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“Bleeding Kansas”: the 1850S Political Crisis in Nebraska Territory

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“Bleeding Kansas”: the 1850S Political Crisis in Nebraska Territory Nebraska History posts materials online for your personal use. Please remember that the contents of Nebraska History are copyrighted by the Nebraska State Historical Society (except for materials credited to other institutions). The NSHS retains its copyrights even to materials it posts on the web. For permission to re-use materials or for photo ordering information, please see: http://www.nebraskahistory.org/magazine/permission.htm Nebraska State Historical Society members receive four issues of Nebraska History and four issues of Nebraska History News annually. For membership information, see: http://nebraskahistory.org/admin/members/index.htm Article Title: North of “Bleeding Kansas”: The 1850s Political Crisis in Nebraska Territory Full Citation: James B Potts, “North of ‘Bleeding Kansas’: The 1850s Political Crisis in Nebraska Territory,” Nebraska History 73 (1992): 110-118. URL of article: http://www.nebraskahistory.org/publish/publicat/history/full-text/NH1992Politics1850s.pdf Date: 1/20/2015 Article Summary: The creation of Kansas and Nebraska in 1854 climaxed a decade-long effort by Senator Stephen A Douglas and other expansionists to open the area west of Missouri and Iowa for settlement and railroad expansion. However, this evolved into a debate over the extension of slavery. Cataloging Information: Names: Stephen A Douglas, Thomas B Cuming, Mark Izard, J Sterling Morton, William Richardson, James Buchanan, Robert W Furnas, Fenner Ferguson, Bird B Chapman, Benjamin P Rankin, Samuel W Black, Samuel G Daily, Experience Estabrook, James Craig Keywords: Kansas-Nebraska Act; Missouri Compromise; “Bleeding Kansas”; Nebraska Act of 1854; Omaha Land Company; “Florence Legislature”; Florence Secession; Lecompton Constitution Photographs / Images: Broadside issued by the “rump” legislature at Florence, Nebraska Territory, January 9, 1858; Robert W Furnas, 1854; Anti-Morton diatribe for supporting land sales in Nebraska Territory, 1860; Samuel W Black; Samuel G Daily; Experience Estabrook NORTH OF "BLEEDING KANSAS": THE 18508 POLITICAL CRISIS IN NEBRASKA TERRITORY By James B. Potts The creation of Kansas and Ne­ Nebraska Act kindled new fires of sec­ southern section to Kansas. After 1858, braska territories by act of Congress in tional discord marked by intense local political parties did become more 1854 climaxed a decade-long effort by congressional de bate and eventually involved in national concerns. Still, Senator Stephen A. Douglas and other the shattering of the existing national Nebraskans stopped short of joining western expansionists to open the area party alignment. The Democratic party the mainstream of American political west of Missouri and Iowa for settle­ lost its ascendancy in the non-slave­ activity that was increasingly domi­ ment and railroad development. holding "free" states (as anti-Nebraska nated by the crisis of slavery and Although born of western politics and Democrats withdrew in protest), while disunion. railroad promotion, the territorial issue the new northern-based Republican Within the cloudy meaning of party evolved into a debate over the exten­ party triumphed with a commitment to labels during the 1850s, Nebraska was a sion of slavery. Ordinarily, the Kansas­ federal aid for economic development Democratic territory: Party regulars Nebraska Act might not have aroused and a halt to the western extension of occupied the territorial offices until much contention. As pressures for slavery.2 1861, and most residents professed organization of the trans-Missouri Application of the act also created loyalty to the national Democratic region mounted, most restless the well known historical memory of administrations that controlled the Americans at mid-century regarded "Bleeding Kansas" as popular federal patronage and the federal the opening of this vast area to settle­ sovereignty became a pawn in the purse. Still, party lines were not well ment as long overdue. l But Senator national contest over slavery. The drawn in the territory, and national Douglas, the measure's primary stipulation by Congress that the issues rarely intruded into election author, included in the territorial bill a residents of the newly organized campaigns before 1858. Political com­ section that provided for self­ territories could decide for themselves petition involved local and personal determination for the territories ­ whether or not to legislate slavery interests, and electoral contests were commonly called popular sovereignty invited pro- and anti-slavery parties in essentially struggles over issues of - not only as a concession to settlers, Kansas to engage in what became a governmental control and economic but also as a national solution to the viciously fought struggle for political development. A major difference slavery problem. In order to make pop­ control. Kansas Territory soon stemmed from a bitter controversy ular sovereignty meaningful (and also became, in the public mind at least, a over the location of the territorial capi­ to ensure southern support for the bloody battleground for slavery and tal, an issue that dominated political measure), Douglas's bill also provided freedom, and "Bleeding Kansas" itself discussions for several years, and was for the repeal of the Missouri Com­ a cause of national controversy - and exacerbated and prolonged by per­ promise's restriction ofslavery north of for a time, the dominating issue in sonal rivalries, factional disputes, and the line, 36° 30' - in effect, opening American politics.3 sectional divisions within the territory. both Kansas and Nebraska territories By contrast, slavery differences did The Nebraska Act of 1854 permitted to the expansion of slavery. not disrupt the frontier territory to the the governor to designate the meeting Contrary to Douglas's hopes for north and there was, of course, no place of the first assembly and pro­ diminished tension, the Kansas- "Bleeding Nebraska." That territory, vided that thereafter the site was to be which lacked a real party system until determined by the legislature. In James B. Potts is associate professor of his­ 1859, experienced political conflict December 1854 Territorial Secretary tory at the University of Wisconsin­ over such local issues as the location of Thomas B. Cuming (then acting gover­ LaCrosse. the capital and schemes to join its nor and also a member of the Omaha no 1850s Political Crisis Land Company) named Omaha City the first capital. The first legislature, stacked by Cuming to do his bidding, approved the secretary's choice on February 22, 1855. However, Omaha's status as capital was never secure. Rep­ resentatives of Bellevue, Florence, and the South Platte towns refused to let the issue die, and after 1855 made repeated attempts to move the govern­ ment elsewhere. In 1856 "removalist" members of the second legislature attempted without success to relocate the capital at a place called Chester. In 1857 Governor Mark Izard, who like Cuming was linked with Omaha townsite promoters, vetoed a bill passed by the third assembly to move the capital to Douglas City - "a float­ ing town," presumably located in Lan­ caster County. Another removal effort by the fourth assembly culminated in the complete breakdown of legislative organization. During the 1857-58 ses­ sion, after a brawl that witnessed "the brandishing of dirks and threats of shooting," the anti-Omaha majority (composed mostly of South Platte members) bolted the capital and adjourned to nearby Florence. The "Florence Legislature" then voted to ttI'1/,fll F~LOIU tH~ t. change the government site to J A;\1.£" l1. JJl:CKt:i!. Spffll.U oj th. lloN"t oj RtpHmJal..... J. (;. AIllll.:. • . Neapolis, but the new governor, WllLL\M 1..1. l3I:CK. IV (i eRA wnl!W, William Richardson, refused to JOm; C. CA~1pnl:LL. 4 SA;\iLEL A.lHAMlJI:R:S. recognize the action. PAklUS G. COOP.t;H, £om.: r-m A. DONI~LAN, The Florence Secession, for all its ].AllIES D.\"!'D~()~ •. JoSEPH YA:'> HOlt!', excitement, produced little in the way ,0.:,\105 GATe:'. of legislation. It did, however, Pli:~rlli;l~~ !i~~ !/\i;~:i:,,\\:\ Y. .'I1,,,,h....J Ih. II"...., i<,f /(Iprmnlllh , ... WIN(•.\Tt:'l,l;\t;. reawaken interest in the South Platte .1-'. :\1. iliA IHit'!:l'! r. D.ll. llVllll. region for annexation of southern Ne­ r. M. HOl.LH:>. J.H.tl~'" S. :-TJ:\\, ,\I\T braska to Kansas. In 1855 J. Sterling L SHELn()~ . I-IJ...... ~ .1-.. o.,'fHH "1.,<\,\1) Morton, then a member of the J . ;\1. TAW;·\lIT A. J, 11f:srmn. assembly from Nebraska City, had ALO:\.zo I'1')(hl". introduced a bill memorializing Con­ l.f\ \ n r J. 1'.\ t:;\. 1'",,<1",/...f t .,' C,~nnl gress to move the boundary of Kansas Territory northward to the Platte River. Opponents killed the resolution, and the matter slumbered until 1858. Broadside issued by the "rump" legislature at Florence, Nebraska Territory, January 9, 1858. (NSHS­ D637-131) 111 Nebraska History - Fall 1992 Florence, Nebraska Territory. Leslie's Illustrated Weekly, December 4, 1858. dominated political activity as it had Despite the prediction that the Ne­ previously. After 1858, in fact, political braska Democracy was "approaching a activity was steadily rechanneled along new era," Democratic power was on the party lines and although important dis­ decline by 1858.8 The combined After the Florence affair, however, tinctions existed between local and activities of local and national rep­ South Platte politicians revived the national issues, political divisions in resentatives of the party had already idea and -- perhaps encouraged by
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