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Article Title: North of “Bleeding Kansas”: The 1850s Political Crisis in Nebraska Territory

Full Citation: James B Potts, “North of ‘Bleeding Kansas’: The 1850s Political Crisis in Nebraska Territory,” Nebraska History 73 (1992): 110-118.

URL of article: http://www.nebraskahistory.org/publish/publicat/history/full-text/NH1992Politics1850s.pdf

Date: 1/20/2015

Article Summary: The creation of Kansas and Nebraska in 1854 climaxed a decade-long effort by Senator Stephen A Douglas and other expansionists to open the area west of Missouri and Iowa for settlement and railroad expansion. However, this evolved into a debate over the extension of slavery.

Cataloging Information:

Names: Stephen A Douglas, Thomas B Cuming, Mark Izard, J Sterling Morton, William Richardson, James Buchanan, Robert W Furnas, Fenner Ferguson, Bird B Chapman, Benjamin P Rankin, Samuel W Black, Samuel G Daily, Experience Estabrook, James Craig

Keywords: Kansas-Nebraska Act; Missouri Compromise; “Bleeding Kansas”; Nebraska Act of 1854; Omaha Land Company; “Florence Legislature”; Florence Secession; Lecompton Constitution

Photographs / Images: Broadside issued by the “rump” legislature at Florence, Nebraska Territory, January 9, 1858; Robert W Furnas, 1854; Anti-Morton diatribe for supporting land sales in Nebraska Territory, 1860; Samuel W Black; Samuel G Daily; Experience Estabrook NORTH OF "BLEEDING KANSAS": THE 18508 POLITICAL CRISIS IN NEBRASKA TERRITORY

By James B. Potts

The creation of Kansas and Ne­ Nebraska Act kindled new fires of sec­ southern section to Kansas. After 1858, braska territories by act of Congress in tional discord marked by intense local political parties did become more 1854 climaxed a decade-long effort by congressional de bate and eventually involved in national concerns. Still, Senator Stephen A. Douglas and other the shattering of the existing national Nebraskans stopped short of joining western expansionists to open the area party alignment. The Democratic party the mainstream of American political west of Missouri and Iowa for settle­ lost its ascendancy in the non-slave­ activity that was increasingly domi­ ment and railroad development. holding "free" states (as anti-Nebraska nated by the crisis of slavery and Although born of western politics and Democrats withdrew in protest), while disunion. railroad promotion, the territorial issue the new northern-based Republican Within the cloudy meaning of party evolved into a debate over the exten­ party triumphed with a commitment to labels during the 1850s, Nebraska was a sion of slavery. Ordinarily, the Kansas­ federal aid for economic development Democratic territory: Party regulars Nebraska Act might not have aroused and a halt to the western extension of occupied the territorial offices until much contention. As pressures for slavery.2 1861, and most residents professed organization of the trans-Missouri Application of the act also created loyalty to the national Democratic region mounted, most restless the well known historical memory of administrations that controlled the Americans at mid-century regarded "Bleeding Kansas" as popular federal patronage and the federal the opening of this vast area to settle­ sovereignty became a pawn in the purse. Still, party lines were not well ment as long overdue. l But Senator national contest over slavery. The drawn in the territory, and national Douglas, the measure's primary stipulation by Congress that the issues rarely intruded into election author, included in the territorial bill a residents of the newly organized campaigns before 1858. Political com­ section that provided for self­ territories could decide for themselves petition involved local and personal determination for the territories ­ whether or not to legislate slavery interests, and electoral contests were commonly called popular sovereignty invited pro- and anti-slavery parties in essentially struggles over issues of - not only as a concession to settlers, Kansas to engage in what became a governmental control and economic but also as a national solution to the viciously fought struggle for political development. A major difference slavery problem. In order to make pop­ control. Kansas Territory soon stemmed from a bitter controversy ular sovereignty meaningful (and also became, in the public mind at least, a over the location of the territorial capi­ to ensure southern support for the bloody battleground for slavery and tal, an issue that dominated political measure), Douglas's bill also provided freedom, and "Bleeding Kansas" itself discussions for several years, and was for the repeal of the Missouri Com­ a cause of national controversy - and exacerbated and prolonged by per­ promise's restriction ofslavery north of for a time, the dominating issue in sonal rivalries, factional disputes, and the line, 36° 30' - in effect, opening American politics.3 sectional divisions within the territory. both Kansas and Nebraska territories By contrast, slavery differences did The Nebraska Act of 1854 permitted to the expansion of slavery. not disrupt the frontier territory to the the governor to designate the meeting Contrary to Douglas's hopes for north and there was, of course, no place of the first assembly and pro­ diminished tension, the Kansas- "Bleeding Nebraska." That territory, vided that thereafter the site was to be which lacked a real party system until determined by the legislature. In James B. Potts is associate professor of his­ 1859, experienced political conflict December 1854 Territorial Secretary tory at the University of Wisconsin­ over such local issues as the location of Thomas B. Cuming (then acting gover­ LaCrosse. the capital and schemes to join its nor and also a member of the Omaha no 1850s Political Crisis

Land Company) named Omaha City the first capital. The first legislature, stacked by Cuming to do his bidding, approved the secretary's choice on February 22, 1855. However, Omaha's status as capital was never secure. Rep­ resentatives of Bellevue, Florence, and the South Platte towns refused to let the issue die, and after 1855 made repeated attempts to move the govern­ ment elsewhere. In 1856 "removalist" members of the second legislature attempted without success to relocate the capital at a place called Chester. In 1857 Governor Mark Izard, who like Cuming was linked with Omaha townsite promoters, vetoed a bill passed by the third assembly to move the capital to Douglas City - "a float­ ing town," presumably located in Lan­ caster County. Another removal effort by the fourth assembly culminated in the complete breakdown of legislative organization. During the 1857-58 ses­ sion, after a brawl that witnessed "the brandishing of dirks and threats of shooting," the anti-Omaha majority (composed mostly of South Platte members) bolted the capital and adjourned to nearby Florence. The "Florence Legislature" then voted to ttI'1/,fll F~LOIU tH~ t. change the government site to J A;\1.£" l1. JJl:CKt:i!. Spffll.U oj th. lloN"t oj RtpHmJal..... J. (;. AIllll.:. • . Neapolis, but the new governor, WllLL\M 1..1. l3I:CK. IV (i eRA wnl!W, William Richardson, refused to JOm; C. CA~1pnl:LL. 4 SA;\iLEL A.lHAMlJI:R:S. recognize the action. PAklUS G. COOP.t;H, £om.: r-m A. DONI~LAN, The Florence Secession, for all its ].AllIES D.\"!'D~()~ •. JoSEPH YA:'> HOlt!', excitement, produced little in the way ,0.:,\105 GATe:'. of legislation. It did, however, Pli:~rlli;l~~ !i~~ !/\i;~:i:,,\\:\ Y. .'I1,,,,h....J Ih. II"...., i<,f /(Iprmnlllh , ... WIN(•.\Tt:'l,l;\t;. reawaken interest in the South Platte .1-'. :\1. iliA IHit'!:l'! r. D.ll. llVllll. region for annexation of southern Ne­ r. M. HOl.LH:>. J.H.tl~'" S. :-TJ:\\, ,\I\T braska to Kansas. In 1855 J. Sterling L SHELn()~ . I-IJ...... ~ .1-.. o.,'fHH "1.,<\,\1) Morton, then a member of the J . ;\1. TAW;·\lIT A. J, 11f:srmn. assembly from Nebraska City, had ALO:\.zo I'1')(hl". introduced a bill memorializing Con­ l.f\ \ n r J. 1'.\ t:;\. 1'",,<1",/...f t .,' C,~nnl gress to move the boundary of Kansas Territory northward to the Platte River. Opponents killed the resolution, and the matter slumbered until 1858.

Broadside issued by the "rump" legislature at Florence, Nebraska Territory, January 9, 1858. (NSHS­ D637-131) 111 Nebraska History - Fall 1992

Florence, Nebraska Territory. Leslie's Illustrated Weekly, December 4, 1858. dominated political activity as it had Despite the prediction that the Ne­ previously. After 1858, in fact, political braska Democracy was "approaching a activity was steadily rechanneled along new era," Democratic power was on the party lines and although important dis­ decline by 1858.8 The combined After the Florence affair, however, tinctions existed between local and activities of local and national rep­ South Platte politicians revived the national issues, political divisions in resentatives of the party had already idea and -- perhaps encouraged by Nebraska began to conform more begun to undermine Democratic Democrats from Kansas and Missouri, closely to the national party pattern. hegemony within the territory. Local who promoted annexation as "the Indeed, on January 8, 1858 -- the disaffection towards the Democratic means of settling the vexed Kansas very day that riot dissolved the administration of Nebraska was rife. question" -- designed a series of assembly -- party leaders met in Residents particularly complained of petitions, resolutions, and mass Omaha and issued a call for a Demo­ the exploitive activities and the low meetings during the early months of cratic territorial convention.6 On June quality of the federally appojnted 1858 affirming the plan. Although 8,1858, Nebraska Democrats gathered officials. The people of Nebraska Republican opposition in Kansas and at Plattsmouth, endorsed James "want no more adventurers sent in Congress forestalled its success, the Buchanan and the Democratic Cincin­ amongst them, who has a fortune, movement for annexation attracted nati Platform of 1856, and affirmed the political or otherwise, to repair, and large support in the southern Nebraska principle of popular sovereignty. Two who would regard the territory as a fat counties.5 days later Walker Wyman, editor of the goose, to be plucked," declared one Ironically, factional politics began to Omaha City Times, publicly pro­ critic of the Izard administration.9 "No give way to a new partisanship, claimed the demise of "local, sectional territory since the organization of this increasingly defined by national politi­ and personal influences" in Nebraska government," proclaimed The Ne­ cal developments, at a time when politics. "We are now likely to be bound braska Republican in 1860, "ever had a physical division of the territory was together," he forecasted, "by the closer worse set of officials saddled on it than being argued as a possible solution to and more rational ties of a political has Nebraska.... Those even of Kan­ resolve the sectional infighting. Local organization wherein mere local sas, infamous and lost to every senti­ issues continued to be familiar ones interest or sectional strife or personal ment of honor, as they were, were no concerning federal aid and economic emolument shall be lost sight of in [the] worse."10 Official meddling in what development, but after the Florence combined action for the sake of many residents held to be purely local fiasco, the capital issue no longer princi ples."7 affairs, especially the identification of 112 1850s Political Crisis

Cuming and Izard with Omaha and retaryship." Morton's activities were north-of-the-Platte interests, offended paralleled by machinations of other many and, however exaggerated, gave would-be leaders who maneuvered support to the later Republican charge politically to advance personal, local, that sectional animus was due mainly and sectional causes.13 to the "corruption and ineptitude" of The designation ofa territorial print­ Democratic administration. 11 er during the 1858 legislative session Whether or not federal maladminis­ widened the rift within the Democratic tration was the main factor in under­ organization. Two days prior to mining Democratic control in the adjournment, a joint session of the territory, the party was troubled from Council and House selected Council­ the start by ineffective leadership, sec­ man Robert W. Furnas, editor of the tional partisanship, and the legacy of Brownville Nebraska Advertiser and a the capital feud. In the spring of 1858, bitter personal enemy ofMorton, as the when organization of local politics territorial printer. Morton, who had along party lines was imminent, the won the appointment as territorial sec­ editor of the Bellevue Gazette declared retary and who was soon to be act­ the move premature because of press­ ing territorial governor, had already ing local issues. Until the "vexed capi­ informed the national administration tal question" was disposed of, he that the practice of allowing the law­ surmised, "No party organization will makers to select the public printer was be of avail to secure harmony."12 "full of evils," particularly because the The prediction was borne out party had only recently organized in the immediately. The endorsement of the territory. As "the legislature about to South Platte annexation by numerous convene has a Republican and Know party leaders in 1858 and 1859, coin­ Robert W. Furnas, 1854. (NSHS­ Nothing majority in the lower house ... cidental to the efforts ofthe Democrats P853) ... . (below) Furnas was editor of the Nebraska Advertiser (Brown­ the matter ofthe public printing should to organize on a territory-wide basis, ville), which on October 4, 1860, be taken out of their hands entirely."14 indicated that the Nebraska Democ­ published a diatribe against Morton Morton accordingly rejected Furnas's racy still divided along sectional lines. for supporting land sales in claims, and awarded the printing to the Intrigue over place and power, Nebraska Territory. Omaha Nebraskian and the Nebraska especially after the death of Secretary City News, two "reliable" Democratic Cuming in the spring and the resigna­ journals.IS tion of Governor Richardson in the fall Morton's handling of the printing of 1858, intensified party divisions. J. question provoked a storm of protest. Sterling Morton, who determined since The legislative opposition, led by Fur­ 1857 to become Cuming's successor as nas and Benjamin P. Rankin, charged territorial secretary, deserted his Morton with trampling underfoot the South Platte colleagues during the sovereign rights ofthe people merely to Florence Secession of January 1858 allocate the printing to his own enter­ and supported the Omaha minority in prise, the Nebraska City News. 16 an apparent attempt to win official Throughout the spring of 1859, com­ backing for his candidacy. Ambition for plaints poured into the Treasury office eventually led him to break with Department, charging Morton with delegate Fenner Ferguson, also a incompetence, graft, and abuse of Southern partisan and a former politi­ office. The secretary's defenders coun­ cal ally. Angered by Ferguson's failure tered these missives by denouncing his to push his candidacy in Washington, critics as "the worst possible enemies Morton turned against the delegate, of the democracy, and the democratic declaring that he "had done and should organization - bolters, disaffected do all [he] could to help [Omaha soreheads, sleepy, Janus-faced Demo­ stalwart, Bird B.] Chapman and damn crats, consistent in nothing but their Ferguson for having proved false to persistent and diabolical opposition to [him] in [his] contest for the sec- the organization and success of the 113 Nebraska History - Fall 1992

lize all the desired unsold lands ... by entire sections and townships."19 The land sales not only weakened Democratic influence in the territory, but also disclosed the continuing North Platte-South Platte cleavage within the party. For while the sales were loudly condemned in the southern counties, opposition north of the Platte was less pronounced. Many North Platte denizens, particularly around Omaha, approved. The Omaha Nebraskian, still speaking for the town company crowd, denounced South Platte critics of the land sales as speculators, less concerned with the plight of the squat­ ter than with potential wealth to be derived from railroad development. Opposition leaders, charged the Ne­ braskian, "figuring to control the loca­ tion of railroads in case grants of land should be given for their construction, opposed the sale of Nebraska lands at least until the routes of railroads were known. "20 Given the importance of the pa­ tronage and funds that flowed from Washington, and the likelihood of major party change, the national party CrISIS predictably affected local politics. Increasingly after the Buchanan-Douglas split, epithets like "Lecompton," "Anti-Lecompton," and "Black Republican" found their way Samuel W. Black. (NSHS-P853) ments, and Buchanan's decision to into the local political dialogue for the begin public land sales in Nebraska in purpose of discrediting political rivals September 1858, also troubled local either at home or in Washington.21 Dur­ Democrats, who found it increasingly ing the printing controversy in 1858, democratic party."17 difficult to support administration Morton had defended his position in Democratic unity and party prestige policies in the face of mounting hos­ Washington by assailing his critics as were further damaged by the actions of tility from within the territory. IS "our political enemies." "Ifthe Depart­ national party officials. The extreme In Nebraska, still feeling the pinch of ment refuses to sustain me in the posi­ pro-southern, pro-slavery attitude of depression, news of the pending land tion which I have taken," he informed the Buchanan administration alienated sales aroused intense anger, par­ his superiors, "I shall always be many Nebraska Democrats, and ticularly in the South Platte counties. governed by an irresponsible, Black caused an open breach between the There, mass meetings and petitions Republican, nigger-loving legisla­ president and Senator Stephen A. demanded postponement of the sales. ture."22 Furnas retaliated by declaring Douglas, particularly over the adminis­ Honest squatters and "land poor" that the national administration had tration's endorsement of the pro­ speculators denounced the sales as a determined to withhold the benefits of slavery Lecompton Constitution fraud to divest the "honest settler" of the patronage from all except "the few adopted in Kansas. National Demo­ his possessions; the sales could only who profess to be Lecompton Demo­ cratic opposition to land grants and benefit speculators and land jobbers crats and ... worship at the shrine of appropriations for homesteads, rail­ "who are now hovering around the land Mr. Buchanan."23 roads and other internal improve­ offices and who will speedily monopo­ National divisions produced a 114 1850s Political Crisis

damaging upsurge of local voter dis­ repeal of the Missouri Compromise, content. In local elections during the and by the outrages perpetrated and summer of 1858, dissident Democrats permitted in the territory of Kansas; joined other malcontents - "mostly [and] who hold that the decision ... in new mel), but a short time in the the case ofDred Scottis erroneous and territory" - in county "Opposition" or ought to be reversed."29 "Independent" movements against the The Independents' convention Democratic establishment.24 De­ selected Samuel G. Daily, a Peru nounced as "Republicans, Know­ lawyer, as its candidate for delegate. A Nothings, and Soreheads," Indepen­ member of the legislature who had dents captured every county and been an active free soiler in Indiana legislative post in Otoe County, and before emigrating to Nebraska, Daily gained partial victories in several was a shrewd campaigner and an effec­ other counties.25 tive stump speaker.30 Moreover, as a The indifference of Democratic South Platte resident, he attracted party leaders to local needs and important support in the southern requests, the influx of new settlers counties as a sectional candidate. The bringing with them free soil inclina­ Independents also disclaimed tions, and growing discontentwith local "Republican" affiliation and ignored administration, reflected in the elec­ the national Republican party's stand toral defeats of 1858, pointed toward on congressional intervention and the the collapsing Democratic hegemony Samuel G. Daily. (NSHS-P853) nonextension of slavery, declaring that by early 1859. Local and national dis­ territorial residents "should be allowed ruptions had irrevocably split the Ne­ to elect their own officers, and regulate braska Democrats into two wings, the which the Rankin-Furnas forces their own domestic institutions." regular and anti-administration fac­ assumed within the Democracy by Otherwise, aside from a general en­ tions. The former comprised generally August 1859. At convention time the dorsement of the national Republican the territorial bureaucracy, supported anti-Black group wa:s in control and party, Daily entered the canvass on a by those enjoying federal patronage. In nominated Experience Estabrook as platform remarkably similar to that of the latter could be found Rankin, Fur­ the party's delegate candidate over the the Democrats.31 nas, and others opposed to the protests, of the administration men.27 While both parties argued the merits administration in matters of national Adopting a platform calculated to con­ of Buchanan, slavery, and free home­ party policy, personality, and pat­ ciliate both factions, the Democrats steads, the political canvass of 1859 ronage disposal. endorsed the administration of James turned largely on local issues. In a pre­ The new governor, Samuel Black, led Buchanan, the doctrine of state's election prognosis, one commentator the party regulars. A Pennsylvania rights, and the Kansas-Nebraska Act. noted: "The one [Estabrook] is a friend Democrat and a longtime Buchanan They also urged federal appropriations of the people and the counties north of man, Black sided with the president for internal improvements and passage the Reserve, and the other is a friend of and worked to purge the party of dis­ of a national homestead act.28 the South Platte country and of senters. Within a short time his zealous Nebraska Democrats faced serious Nemaha county in particular."32 Cam­ support of unpopular national policies external opposition, however, since the paign rhetoric subsequently confirmed effectively alienated a large segment of Republicans had not remained idle in this judgment. the territorial population. Equally dis­ the face ofparty setbacks. Encouraged During the campaign Estabrook and concerting to the governor was the by the struggle between the anti­ his supporters attacked Daily for his opposition he encountered within his administration and regular Democrats, supposed participation in the South own party. A majority of local Demo­ Republicans - still calling themselves Platte separatist movement and crats attacked the chief executive for Independents - assembled at Belle­ dubbed him a "local" and "sectional" his insensitivity toward local demands, vue in August 1859 to nominate a politician. Daily's campaign tactics his strong pro-administration stance delegate. The convention, according to were also attacked; he allegedly cam­ on divisive national issues, and his party leaders, represented "those paigned as a Republican north of the alleged opposition to local self­ citizens who disapprove the policy of Platte while appealing to sectional prej­ determination.26 the National Government during the udices in the South Platte counties.33 A major intraparty threat to Black last six years ... who deplore the con­ Similarly, while Daily's friends boosted arose from the dominant position vulsions occasioned by the ... wicked him as "the first man who had ever 115 Nebraska History - Fall 1992

humbled the pride of Omaha," they homestead bill enacted by Congress in and declared openly for the Illinois assailed Estabrook as an Omaha the fall of 1860 further dimmed Demo­ senator.43 man ..lol "If General Estabrook is elect­ cratic prospects.40 By mid-summer the The election of1860 was as bitter and ed," declared Furnas, "good-bye to Republican press could boast that "the reckless as any fought in the territory. any South Platte appropriations." Fur­ bogus Democracy are disbanded Every local newspaper became nas, like many South Platte Democrats, broken their influence IS zealously partisan. The Nebraskian had switched his support to Daily as a departing."41 and the Nebraska City News local candidate "in the absence of any Heartened by Democrat troubles, spearheaded the Morton campaign, political issue. ".1) the Republicans, wearing the party while the Omaha Republican, the A member of the House Committee label for the first time in the territory, People's Press, and the Nebraska on Elections described the contest as assembled at Plattsmouth on August 1 Advertiser supported Daily. "J. Steal­ "one of the grossest instances of fraud­ and renominated Samuel G. Daily. ing Morton's" irregularities as sec­ ulent voting that has ever come to Their platform, again shaped to appeal retary were broadcast in every issue of knowledge.".I{, When the vote was count­ to local interests, advocated federal aid the pro-Daily press. Morton was ed, Estabrook had seemingly defeated to construct a Pacific railroad along the accused of mishandling the patronage Daily by 300 votes. But Daily contested Platte River Road and a national and was condemned for his participa­ the election and took his fight to Con­ homestead act. The Republicans also tion in the so-called "election fraud of gress. There he persuaded the Republi­ requested government funds to build a 1859," which had kept Daily from his can-dominated House of Representa­ penitentiary, to bridge the Platte, and seat until the end of the term, thus de­ tives that he, not Estabrook, was the to complete the territorial capitol. priving the territory of its congressional legally elected delegateY Finally, the convention declared representation.44 South of the Platte While resident Democrats generally opposition to the policy of appointing Morton's opponents assailed him as a interpreted Estabrook's showing as a "nonresident" officials to govern the sectional candidate backed by Omaha party victory, the campaign added to territory.42 interests; north of the Platte they party difficulties in Nebraska. The Democratic prospects were less labeled him an annexationist, opposed seating of a Republican delegate in bright. Their convention at Omaha to northern railroad projects.45 Congress ended the Democrat selected J. Sterling Morton, the Generally, the Republicans dubbed the stranglehold on federal funds. territorial secretary, to oppose Daily on Democrats as the party of hard times Moreover, the breach in party ranks a platform that also emphasized local and castigated its leaders for their had not ended, for both pro- and anti­ issues. Morton, whose political failure to tap the federal pork barrel. Samuel Black factions appeared in the loyalties fluctuated with his ambitions, Moreover, "the corruption of Gov. territorial assembly along with a siz­ had migrated to Nebraska in 1854, Izard, Sec. Cuming, ... and the clique," able Independent-Republican group. where he initially attached himself declared Republican spokesmen, "are The Rankin Democrats, still looking to politically to Bellevue. When justly charged with all the sectional discredit the governor, joined Republi­ Bellevue's capital prospects collapsed jealousy and strife which existed and can members to pass a bill outlawing in 1855, Morton ~hifted his interests, still exists. "46 slavery in the territory. Governor and his allegiance, to Nebraska City. The Nebraskian was equally violent Black, confronted with the dilemma of There, as editor of the Nebraska City in its assaults on Daily, castigating him going against the local will or of oppos­ News, he became a leading South for his inability to secure approp­ ing the administration in Washington, Platte sectionalist. Always flexible and riations for territorial improvements. subsequently vetoed the measure.38 unprincipled, he broke with his The Morton press charged Daily with Governor Black's veto invited southern friends in 1858 during his sabotaging territorial appropriations attack, and his assertion that slavery quest for the secretaryship. A pro­ for his personal benefit. "He, Daily, was was "a lawful and constitutional thing nounced administration man until opposed to all appropriations (peniten­ in a territory" provided valuable grist 1860, Morton was also prepared to tiary and all) on the grounds that for the Republican mill. 39 The disrup­ repudiate Buchanan to advance his Democratic Government officials tion of the national Democracy at its political career. Consequently, during would waste the funds."47 Representa­ Charleston convention in the spring of the spring of 1860, Morton silently tive James Craig of Missouri, in a letter 1860 also damaged the party, for it maneuvered to shed the administra­ to the Nebraskian, accused Daily of widened the cleavage within the local tion label. After the Charleston con­ blocking the passage of a railroad land ranks as leading Democrats, including vention split the national party, the grant bill for the territory. Moreover, the influential J. Sterling Morton, secretary, convinced that Stephen A. Craig contended, the delegate had deserted the administration banner. Douglas was "the coming man," broke thwarted passage of a grant for the President Buchanan's rejection of a with Governor Black and the president completion of the territorial capitol, 116 1850s Political Crisis

claiming "the people do not desire any 4For a detailed discussion of the capitalloca­ tion controversy, see James B. Potts, "Nebraska more money to be spent in Omaha as Territory, 1854-1867: A Study of Frontier the capitol was soon to be removed."4H Politics" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of The delegate contest proved Nebraska-Lincoln, 1973), 110-76; and James B. Potts, "The Nebraska Capital Controversy, 1854­ extremely close. Morton apparently 1859," Great Plains Quarterly, 8 (Summer, won by fourteen votes - 2957 to 2943. 1988), 172. Daily, as expected, contested the elec­ 5Andrew Hopkins to J. Sterling Morton, Nov. 23, 1858. J. Sterling Morton Papers, Nebraska tion. But Daily, taking advantage of the State Historical Society (hereafter Morton estrangement between Governor Black Papers). See also "Annexation of a Part of the Territory ofNebraska to Kansas: Letter from the and Secretary Morton, prevailed on the Governor of the Territory of Kansas, Feb. 2, governor to declare Morton's election a 1859," House Miscellaneous Document, 50, 39 fraud and to issue a second certificate Congress, 2nd Session (1859); George W. Martin, "Kansas-Nebraska Boundary Line," Nebraska declaring Daily the victor.49 Thus, when State Historical Society. Collections, XVI (1911), Morton arrived in Washington, he 118-24; Calvin W. Gower, "Kansas Territory and found himself, rather than Daily, as the its Boundary Question: Big Kansas or Little Kan­ sas," Kansas Historical Quarterly (Spring, 1967), contestant. After a prolonged inves­ 1-12. tigation, which left Black vulnerable to 6James F. Pedersen, Kenneth D. Wald, Shall the People Rule? A History ofthe Democratic Party charges of extortion or bribery, the in Nebraska Politics (Lincoln, 1972), 16. House eventually recognized Daily as 70maha City Times, June 10, 1858. the legally elected delegate in the 8Nebraska Advertiser (Brownville), June 3, 50 1858. spring of 1862. 90maha Nebraskian, Dec. 2, 1857. The 1860 election, which also pro­ IONebraska Republican (Omaha), Feb. 22, duced a Republican territorial 1860. IIPeople's Press (Nebraska City), July 15, assembly and a Republican govern­ 1860. ment in Washington, pointed up 12Bellevue Gazette, May 20, 1858; the Nebraska Democratic decline and Republican Experience Estabrook. (NSHS-P853) Advertiser also opposed party organization in the summer of 1858. Until the capital issue was set­ ascendancy in Nebraska. The replace­ tled, declared Furnas, "We want no party lines ment of Governor Black and other prestige of the national GOP, waxed drawn." Nebraska Advertiser, July 8, 1858. I3MortonDiary, Feb. 3,1859, Morton Papers; at Democratic office holders with loyal clearly dominant. 52 least two other candidates besides Morton ­ Republican party men in early 1861 William Moore, the "Omaha Candidate," and placed territorial government - and Norvel E. Welch, a Bellevue man, sought the sec­ NOTES retaryship. And with the announced resignation the patronage - firmly in Republican IRobert W. Johannsen, Stephen A. Douglas of Richardson, two local aspirants, Samuel Black hands. The secession crisis and the (New York: 1973),391-400. of Nebraska City and Hadley Johnson, were Civil War further divided the 2The number of published works on the actively seeking the governorship. The contest Kansas-Nebraska issue is extensive. Among the for governor, in particular, took on a sectional demoralized Nebraska Democrats and more prominent: Michael F. Holt, The Political appearance. In each case, the party factionalized, strengthened the Republicans, who Crisis ofthe 1850s (New York, 1973); Johannsen, as individuals, localities, and sections pushed the Stephen A. Douglas; William E. Gienapp, The candidacy ofone or another ofthe aspirants. The successfully identified with the cause Origins ofthe Republican Party, 1852-1856 (New intraparty feud is documented in J . J. Harding to of the Union. 51 York, 1987); David M. Potter, The Impending Morton, Dec. 16, 1858; Morton to James Republican control of the territory Crisis, 1848-1861, completed by Don E. Fehren­ Buchanan, Sept. 1, 1858; Fenner Ferguson to backer (New York, 1976); and James A. Rawley, Morton, Jan. 15, 1858; Ferguson to Morton, Mar. after 1860 established a pattern of Race and Politics: "Bleeding Kansas" and the 30, 1858; George Miller to Morton, Mar. 3, 1858; party domination in Nebraska that con­ Coming of the Civil War (Philadelphia, 1969). William E. Moore to Morton, Mar. 25,1858; B. P. tinued almost unchallenged until the 3"Bleeding Kansas" was no simple struggle Rankin to Morton, Apr. 18, 1858; William Hale to between slavery and freedom. The prepon­ Morton, Apr. 27, 1857. Morton Papers; Bellevue 1890s. True, the Democrats, aided by derance of settlers there (like those in Nebraska Gazette, Mar. 11, 1858. unfavorable local effects of the war and and elsewhere in the West) were typical frontier 14James C. Olson, J. Sterling Morton (Lincoln, folk: homeseekers, entrepreneurs, land specu­ 1942), 84-85. by factional division within the lators and town builders whose concerns for per­ 15Ibid. Republican ranks, remained competi­ sonal advancement and material gain were 16The publisher ofthe Nebraska City News was tive for a time. But though the party probably greater than their feelings about Thomas Morton, no relation to the secretary. J . S. slavery. Moreover, these concerns influenced Morton, however, had served as editor of the came close to success (in 1862 and their behavior, spawning disputes over land, News for two years, 1855-57, and although he had 1866), it never captured a majority in a townsites, and railroad advantages that con­ quit the paper prior to assuming his appoint­ territory-wide election after 1860. After tributed to the political turmoil there. Still, as ment, the News continued to be regarded as James A. Rawley convincingly argues, differ­ "Morton's organ." Olson, J. Sterling Morton, Nebraska's statehood in 1867 the ences over slavery aggravated these other dis­ 134. Republican party, fortified by the prev­ putes, and more than anything else promoted the 17Bird B. Chapman wrote Morton from violence thatmade the territorial struggle in Kan­ Washington: "I called upon the Comptroller and alent Republicanism of a large post­ sas a cause of national controversy. James A. had a free talk with him about your affairs, par­ war immigration and by the power and Rawley, Race and Politics, 98-99. ticularly the printing and Furnas. I found he had 117 Nebraska History - Fall 1992

been much talked to by others and against you. Department of State Appointments Division, gestive of the cynical use which many local He said it was said you only wanted the printing Letters of Application and Recommendation, Democrats made of national party questions is a foryourown paper the News and therefore a mere National Archives, Washington, D.C. letter to Morton from James Tufts in which the personal matter with you ... [Rankin] filed a long 28WPA, Nebraska Party Platforms, 1858-1940 latter concluded: "I suppose you must stand on argument . . . in favor ofFurnas ... [I] found letters (Lincoln, 1940), 7-9. squatter sovereignty and fire away at the for you only from Gov. Richardson, Judge 29Ibid., 9-10. Republican forces generally and promiscuously. Wakeley, Dr. Miller and Myself . . . . And I also 3001son, Nebraska, 126; J. Sterling Morton, Please furnish me your programme that I may found myself the only one in this city taking your Albert Watkins, Illustrated History of Nebraska stand by your accord." Also for an account of part in the matter." Chapman to Morton, Jan. 15, [hereafter Illustrated History] (Lincoln, 1905), I, Morton's activities during the pre-convention 1859, Morton Papers. 405-6. campaign see Olson, J. Sterling Morton, 98-100. 18James C. Olson, History of Nebraska (Lin­ 31Nebraska Party Platforms, 9-11; also Morton 44People's Press, Sept. 13, 1860; Aug. 23, 1860. coln, 1955),96, 125-26. and Watkins, Nebraska, 187; Nebraska Adver­ 45Nebraska Advertiser, Aug. 23, 1860. 19J. Sterling Morton, Albert Watkins, History of tiser, Sept. 15, 1859. The geographical analysis of 46People's Press, June 1, 1860; Sept. 13, 20, Nebraska from the Earliest Explorations of the the pro-Daily vote in 1859 indicates that Daily 1860; Nebraska Republican, June 27, 1860; Sept. Trans-Missouri Region [hereafter Nebraska] attracted larger percentages of the South Platte 5,1860. (Lincoln, 1918), 1,255-57. counties than in the north. 47Daily Omaha Nebraskian, Sept. 19, 1860. 2°Omaha Nebraskian, Sept. 8,1858; Robert N. 32Dakota City Herald, Oct. 8, 1859. 48Ibid., July 17, 1~60. Manley, "Nebraska and the Federal Govern­ 33Ibid., Sept. 31, 1859; Omaha Nebraskian, 49Morton and Watkins, Nebraska, I, 308. By the ment, 1854-1916" (Ph.D. dissertation, University Sept. 24, 1859; Oct. 1, 1859; John McConihe to J. winter of 1861, relations between Morton and of Nebraska, 1962), 35-36. The land sales were S. Morton, Sept. 18, 1859, Morton Papers. Black had deteriorated markedly. Not only did subsequently postponed until 1859. Postpone­ 340maha Nebraskian, Sept. 10, 1859. they break politically, but the two men had ment, according to the Nebraskian, brought dis­ 35Nebraska Advertiser, Sept. 29, 1859. become estranged over financial matters as well; appointment in the North, particularly in Omaha 36Congressional Globe, 36 Congress, 1st Ses­ Morton had brought legal proceedings against "where settlers had neither asked nor desired sion (1860), 2182. the governor to recover "several hundred any such thing." 37 Albert Watkins, "Contested Elections of dollars" he had previously lent to him. Olson, J. 21 As early as April 1858 - two months prior to Delegates to Congress from Nebraska," NSHS Sterling Morton, 112. Democratic party organization - the Omaha Publications XIX (1919), 313-28. 50Black's action was suspicious, for he issued Nebraskian noted that "Lecompton and anti­ 38People's Press, Dec. 15, 1859; Dec. 22, 1859; the second certificate sec.r;etly without consulting Lecompton have become the dividing Nebraska Republican, Dec. 14, 1859; Dec. 15, the other members of the canvassing board. watchwords." 1859; Dec. 21, 1859; Dec. 31, 1859; Morton and Moreover, evidence indicates that he might have 22J. Sterling Morton to J. W. Denver, Nov. 2, Watkins, Nebraska, 293, 451; of the thirty-nine issued the certificate to Daily after Black had 1858, Morton Papers. Assembly seats, thirteen were Republican and been replaced by Governor Alvin Saunders. A. 23Nebraska Advertiser, May 19, 1859. twenty-six Democrat - the latter split evenly W. Pentland, who acted as Black's secretary, tes­ 240maha Nebraskian, July 28, 1858; according between the Black and Rankin factions. The tified that the certificate (pre-dated) was drawn to the Nebraskian, the local independent can­ Council was comprised of two GOP's, six up at the governor's home in Nebraska City after didates were "men inexperienced in legislation, administration Democrats and five Douglas men. Saunders's arrival. However, Pentland later but a short time in the territory, and with little or Alfred R. Sorenson, The Story ofOmaha from the changed his story, having secured a post in the no interest here." A survey of 165 politically Pioneer Days to the Present Time, 3rd ed. (Omaha, landoffice, apparently on the recommendation of active men in Otoe County indicates that the 1923), 163. Daily, two days after Morton introduced him as a Republicans were relatively new men. For while 39WPA, Messages and Proclamations of the witness. Morton's friend charged that Daily the average residency for Democrats had been Governors ofNebraska, 1854-1941 (Lincoln: 1941­ "bought" the certificate for $1500. Daily over four years, the average Otoe Republican 42), 130-35, 140. purchased Black's horse and buggy on the same resided in the territory 2.4 years before actively 4°Pedersen and Wald, Shall the People Rule?, day he received the certificate. For a detailed engaging in politics. 21-22. account of the Morton-Daily contest see Olson, J. 250maha Nebraskian, Aug. 1, 1858; Dakota City 41Nebraska Republican, June 27, 1860. Sterling Morton, Chapter 8; also Congressional Herald, July 28, Aug. 4, 1858. 42Nebraska Party Platforms, 12-14; Nebraska Globe, 37 Congress, 2nd Session (1862),1977-79; 26By the summer of 1859, in an editorial in the Advertiser, Aug. 16, 1860; Morton and Watkins, Reports No.3, 4, and 9, House Miscellaneous Advertiser, Robert Furnas complained that Illustrated History, I, 425-28. Document, 37 Congress, 1st Session (1861); "owing to dissension ... we are without unanimity 43The best biographical account of J . Sterling Report No. 69, House Miscellaneous Document, of action; almost each individual . .. drifting his Morton is Olson, J. Sterling Morton; also Ne­ 37 Congress, 2nd Session (1862). own direction; advocating his own views; consult­ braska Advertiser, Sept. 6, 1860; Morton and Wat­ 51Olson, Nebraska, 127-33; Pedersen and Wald, ing his own interests, no consultation, no concert kins, Illustrated History, I, 708-18. Morton's shift Shall the People Rule?, 26-4l. whatever." Nebraska Advertiser, June 4, 1859. was purely an election gimmick, since privately 52Pedersen and Wald, Shall the People Rule?, 27Morton and Watkins, Nebraska, 287, 293; he appeared to support Buchanan's course. 43-77. Omaha Nebraskian, Aug. 20, 1859; Fenner Moreover he later supported the presidential Ferguson to Lewis Cass, Aug. 31, 1859, U.S. ambitions of John C. Breckenridge in 1860. Sug­

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