Imagining the West in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union PITT SERIES in RUSSIAN and EAST EUROPEAN STUDIES
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Imagining the West in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union PITT SERIES IN RUSSIAN AND EAST EUROPEAN STUDIES Jonathan Harris, Editor KRITIKA HISTORICAL STUDIES IMAGINING THE WEST IN EASTERN EUROPE AND THE SOVIET UNION EDITED BY GYÖRGY PÉTERI University of Pittsburgh Press Published by the University of Pittsburgh Press, Pittsburgh, Pa., 15260 Copyright © 2010, University of Pittsburgh Press All rights reserved Manufactured in the United States of America Printed on acid-free paper 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Imagining the West in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union / edited by György Péteri. p. cm. — (Pitt series in Russian and East European studies) (Kritika historical studies) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-8229-6125-3 (paper : alk. paper) 1. Europe, Eastern—Relations—Western countries. 2. Russia—Relations—Western countries. 3. Soviet Union—Relations—Western countries. 4. Western countries— Relations—Europe, Eastern. 5. Western countries—Relations—Russia. 6. Western countries—Relations—Soviet Union. 7. Geographical perception—Europe, Eastern— History. 8. Geographical perception—Soviet Union—History. 9. East and West. 10. Transnationalism. I. Péteri, György. DJK45.W47I45 2010 303.48'24701821—dc22 2010031525 CONTENTS Chapter 1. Introduction: The Oblique Coordinate Systems of Modern Identity 1 GyörGy Péteri Chapter 2. Were the Czechs More Western Than Slavic? Nineteenth-Century Travel Literature from Russia by Disillusioned Czechs 13 Karen GammelGaard Chapter 3. Privileged Origins: “National Models” and Reforms of Public Health in Interwar Hungary 36 EriK inGebriGtsen Chapter 4. Defending Children’s Rights, “In Defense of Peace”: Children and Soviet Cultural Diplomacy 59 Catriona Kelly Chapter 5. East as True West: Redeeming Bourgeois Culture, from Socialist Realism to Ostalgie 87 GreG Castillo Chapter 6. Paris or Moscow? Warsaw Architects and the Image of the Modern City in the 1950s 105 David Crowley Chapter 7. Imagining Richard Wagner: The Janus Head of a Divided Nation 131 Elaine Kelly v vi contents Chapter 8. From Iron Curtain to Silver Screen: Imagining the West in the Khrushchev Era 153 Anne e. GorsuCh Chapter 9. Mirror, Mirror, on the Wall . Is the West the Fairest of Them All? Czechoslovak Normalization and Its (Dis)contents 172 Paulina bren Chapter 10. Who Will Beat Whom? Soviet Popular Reception of the American National Exhibition in Moscow, 1959 194 Susan e. reid Chapter 11. Moscow Human Rights Defenders Look West: Attitudes toward U.S. Journalists in the 1960s and 1970s 237 Barbara walKer Chapter 12. Conclusion: Transnational History and the East-West Divide 258 MiChael david-Fox Notes 269 CoNtributors 329 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION THE OBLIQUE COORDINATE SYSTEMS OF MODERN IDENTITY György Péteri Few today would deNy the importance of the study of images, percep- tions, and mentalities on which the modern social order rests. A possible ap- proach to these entities leads through an understanding of the processes of mental mapping. In 1905, Endre Ady wrote, Ferry-land, ferry-land, ferry-land . even in its most daring dreams it is only roaming back and fro between two shores. From East to West or, rather, the other way around. [. .] Sporadically, there have already been souls who have engaged with the West. [. .] Some 10,000 people have run ahead. They have become European in nerves, blood, thought, pain, and thirst. An overdeveloped type of human has established itself here: they are ahead of Hungarian society by at least 100 years. These holy forerun- ners did not even dream of not being followed by hundreds of thousands. [. .] You are great, my people; you are great. You have been continually struggling with Europe for 1,000 years. In the meantime, you have been recruiting troops. Although you were bleeding. But you have never allowed Reason to triumph over the heads of your children—you live in the middle of Europe as a living protest against piercing the virginal membrane of barbaric existence. [. .] The Tartars are moving on turbulently under the Carpathians.1 1 2 györgy péteri Nearly a century later, Péter Esterházy was asked, in a 1992 interview, “What kind of country would you like to live in?” He replied, “I share the helpless- ness that constitutes Europe today. This empty head, this shoulder-shrugging, this shy gaze toward the ground—this is Europe. Therefore, my answer can only be a practical one, and rather suspicious too. I prefer to cite my friend who says he would like to live in a country like Toscana inhabited by English- men speaking Hungarian.”2 Symbolic geographies reveal how human agents, in particular histori- cal and cultural contexts, define themselves by locating themselves spatially as well as temporally, drawing the boundaries of social spaces where they are within, and relating themselves and their spaces to others and to what lies, in their discursively constructed spatial/temporal order, without, behind, and ahead. What makes these socially and historically situated processes really important is their intimate relationship to the formation of identities and, in- deed, to identity politics (including the regular attempts in all kinds of mod- ern political regimes to manage identities through the projection of images about themselves and the others). The definition with any exactitude of any location in a physical space is a rather complicated matter, as is clearly demonstrated in the history of geo- graphical coordinate systems. Moreover, any point’s exact location on, in, or above Earth can be defined only on the basis of a set of conventions con- tested, negotiated, and decided on by humans. There has been nothing of an “objective necessity” forcing modern geographers of the 1880s to choose the line passing to the rear of the Royal Observatory in Greenwich, U.K., as the prime meridian (the 0° longitude), defining everything that lies east of it as the Eastern Hemisphere and everything that lies to its west as the Western Hemisphere. If even our ways of “bringing order” into the natural world are so contingent, so highly dependent, on social interaction (negotiations pro- ducing and reproducing conventions—more or less generally shared under- standings—as to various reference points, reference lines, and/or procedures of mapping), it comes as little surprise that the regimes (criteria, standards, and procedures) defining the very “coordinates” of our symbolic geographies exhibit a overwhelming level of variability and exposure to human agency and never-ceasing contestation. Mental mapping in the modern and late modern era can and should certainly be understood and studied as consisting in at least four distinct, al- though partly overlapping operations.3 The first of these is the construction of regionlike units by associating alleged constituent parts of an area (like “the West” or “Eastern Europe”), whereby resemblances producing apparently introduction 3 “shared patterns” are emphasized at the cost of differences/deviations marring these patterns. Moreover, a position is assigned to these parts (and the coherent whole they are imagined to constitute) in the prevalent “developmental hierarchies” of the time, localizing the region thus construed on an axis between “barba- rism” at one extreme and “civilization” at the other, between “Asia” and “Eu- rope,” between “traditional” and “modern,” between “backwardness” and “development.” Karen Gammelgaard’s study in this volume of Czech travelers to Russia at the end of the long nineteenth century describes their increasing disenchantment as they found social conditions in the empire, which was ex- pected to act as the enlightened and modern patron of all the smaller Slavic nations to its west, to be generally backward and despotic. As the Czech visi- tors articulated their perceptions of Russia in contrastive terms, and as they (at least Havlíček and Mrštík) associated the negative Russian character- istics with the notion of “East,” “Asia,” and/or “Byzantium,” the position of the Czechs (and the Czech lands) was “mentally transferred . westward.” Havlíček’s, Mrštík’s, and Stašek’s challenges to the contemporary Czech lit- erary intelligentsia’s cherished idea of Slavic unity with Russia implied and brought with them the redefinition of the very system of coordinates used to identify the place of the Russians and the Czechs on Earth: the former ap- peared, more and more, to have been lost to “Asia” at the same time and to the same extent as the latter’s claim to be part of “Europe” grew firmer and more obvious. Mental “regionalization” is also shaped by “peopling” our arealike con- structions, that is, by naming and characterizing physically, mentally, and culturally the humans who populate them.4 Advocates promoting two dif- ferent models of public health in Hungary of the 1930s, as is ably shown by Erik Ingebrigtsen in this volume, did not hesitate to promote their own fa- vorite solution by depicting it as an authentic Magyar model, developed on Magyar soil in response to Magyar needs and conditions and/or, even, to “the unconscious desires of the Hungarian race.” Some of the arguments defined this imagined Hungary, in an effort to devalue the alien (American, French, or German) models of public health, by claiming that foreign models could hardly work in the backward Hungarian countryside, “where you first and foremost do not find mothers possessing sufficient intelligence” for a success- ful adoption of the Western model of general public health. In “addressing” a