Black Nativism: African American Politics, Nationalism and Citizenship in Baltimore and Philadelphia, 1817 to 1863
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BLACK NATIVISM: AFRICAN AMERICAN POLITICS, NATIONALISM AND CITIZENSHIP IN BALTIMORE AND PHILADELPHIA, 1817 TO 1863 A Dissertation Submitted to the Temple University Graduate Board in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY by Andrew Keith Diemer May, 2011 Examining Committee Members: Elizabeth R. Varon, Chair, University of Virginia, History Andrew C. Isenberg, Temple University, History David Waldstreicher, Temple University, History Richard S. Newman, Rochester Institute of Technology, History © by Andrew Keith Diemer 2011 All Rights Reserved ii Abstract This dissertation is a study of free African American politics, in the cities of Baltimore and Philadelphia, between 1817 and 1863. At the heart of this black politics were efforts to assert the right of free African Americans to citizenship in their native United States. Claims on the ambiguous notion of citizenship were important to free blacks both as a means of improving their own lives and as a way to combat slavery. The dissertation begins with the organized black protest against the founding of the American Colonization Society. The contest over the notion, advanced by the ACS, that free blacks were not truly American, or that they could not ever be citizens in the land of their birth, powerfully shaped the language and tactics of black politics. The dissertation ends with the enlistment of black troops in the Civil War, a development which powerfully shaped subsequent arguments for full black citizenship. It argues that in this period, free African Americans developed a rhetorical language of black nativism, the assertion that birth on American soil and the contribution of one’s ancestors to the American nation, had won for African Americans the right to be citizens of the United States. This assertion was made even more resonant by the increasing levels of white immigration during this period; African Americans pointed to the injustice of granting to white immigrants that which was denied to native born blacks. This discourse of nativism served as a means of weaving the fight for black citizenship into the fabric of American politics. The dissertation also argues that the cities of Philadelphia and Baltimore were part of a distinctive borderland where the issues of slavery and black citizenship were particularly explosive, and where free African Americans, therefore, found themselves with significant political leverage. iii Acknowledgements I would like to thank a number of institutions that provided me with crucial funding while I was researching and writing this dissertation: the Graduate School of Temple University, the Center for Humanities at Temple, the Pennsylvania Historical Society, the Library Company of Philadelphia, and the Maryland Historical Society. I have received helpful advice from any number of scholars, but a few merit special thanks. This dissertation began as a small research paper for a seminar taught by Wilbert Jenkins. I am grateful to Professor Jenkins for starting me on the study of African American history. I also had the good fortune to sit across from Nancy Cott at lunch, just as I was conceiving this project. She made the crucial suggestion that I narrow my focus geographically, and I cannot imagine what this dissertation would have looked like had I not followed her advice. I presented a substantial portion of the second chapter to the seminar at the Center for Humanities at Temple, and am grateful for the comments and suggestions I received there. I am especially thankful to Peter Logan the director of CHAT, who has helped me to continue to be open to the work of scholars of literature and what it can teach historians. Early in my graduate education I had the good fortune to take a seminar on methodology with Drew Isenberg. That experience shaped my understanding of the study of history immeasurably. His advice was especially crucial to me in the early stages of dissertation writing, as I attempted to wrestle with the concept of the border. Richard Newman has been more than generous to me and to this project, and from the very start. I introduced myself to him at a conference at which he was the keynote iv speaker, and when I presumptuously asked him to read a seminar paper I had just written (one which ultimately would grow into this dissertation) he did so gladly. Not only did he offer criticism and encouragement, but he asked me if he could pass it along to other scholars who would be interested in my work. He has always been a champion of me and my work, and his own scholarship on abolition and free blacks has been an inspiration to me. David Waldstreicher has been like a second advisor to me. Those who know him or his work will be unsurprised to know that he is a sharp critic. He has never been shy about letting me know when my work has not been up to his standards, or when there were crucial angles I had not considered. I was always a little nervous as I waited for his comments after sending a chapter to him. Yet he has been incredible generous to me, and just as important his passion for history, the breadth and depth of his knowledge, are a constant inspiration to me. Legend has it that when future President James Garfield was asked to describe the form of the ideal college, he replied that it would be his former professor, Mark Hopkins, at one end of a log and a student at the other end. While perhaps not as quaint as Garfield’s image, a sizable portion of my own time in graduate school was spent on the other side of Elizabeth Varon’s desk, discussing books she had asked me to read or dissertation chapters I had asked her to read. I cannot imagine a better way to spend my time in graduate school. She has been an ideal mentor, and she has often seen what is valuable in my work before I have. I cannot thank her enough for all she has done for me, as a mentor and as an advocate. Her own work has inspired me and set a high standard to which I aspire. v My parents have been unfailingly supportive. Their confidence in my abilities never failed, and more recently they have made superhuman efforts to help watch my children when we needed them to do so. Those children deserve thanks as well. Marcus was born just before I began the PhD program at Temple, and Anna and Katherine came along at various points to further complicate the already daunting challenge of dissertation writing. They are not ready to read this yet, but I look forward to the day when they are. Above all, I am indebted to my wife, Gretchen. She has read most of what is here, and she has often helped to push me to think about writing for a broader audience and not just for the academic historians who were most often on my mind. She is not an historian, but through her example she inspires me to be better at what I do. I admire her ability to combine analytic rigor with humanism. Her devotion to her students and her compassion for patients are a constant inspiration to me in my own teaching and in my study of the past. vi Table of Contents Page Abstract .............................................................................................................................. iii Acknowledgements ............................................................................................................ iv Introduction – Black Politics, Black Nativism ................................................................ viii Chapter One – “One Long, Loud, Aye TREMENDOUS NO”: Colonization and Black Politics .....................................................1 Chapter Two – Free Blacks, the Border, and American Identity........................................................................................................49 Chapter Three – Citizenship, Reform, and the Necessity of Black Politics ..............................................................................................108 Chapter Four – “A Christian Party in Politics”: Moral Reform and Free Black Politics in Philadelphia ...................................................145 Chapter Five – Black Politics and Practical Antislavery .................................................182 Chapter Six – The Fugitive Slave Law and the Tumultuous Politics of the Early 1850s ...........................................................................249 Chapter Seven – Black Nativism and the Road to the Civil War ....................................289 Bibliography ....................................................................................................................349 vii Introduction – Black Politics, Black Nativism Whereas information has been received that in the year 1825 several free persons of colour inhabitants of the city of Philadelphia were forcibly seized within its limits by persons unknown and carried off into slavery; and whereas public outrage on the rights of the inhabitants thereof should not remain unpunished, therefore Resolved by the Select and Common Councils that the Mayor of the City be authorized to issue his proclamation offering in the name and on the behalf of the City a reward of five hundred dollars for the discovery and prosecution to conviction of any person concerned in the forcible abduction of certain free persons of colour from the City of Philadelphia in the year 1825.1 On February 8, 1827, the Select Council of the City of Philadelphia passed a resolution condemning the practice of kidnapping free blacks for sale as slaves, and appropriating funds to assist the mayor, Joseph Watson, in combating this practice. The prevalence