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DISEC, the Disarmament and International Security 1St Committee of the United Nations General Assembly Uniting for Peace 2015 Disarmament and International Security Committee Situation in Ukraine and Crimea LETTER FROM THE EXECUTIVE BOARD Greetings Delegates! Welcome to the United Nations General Assembly for MCGSMUN 2015. From each one of you, we expect impeccable diplomatic conduct – which includes diplomatic courtesy, effective lobbying and above all compromising on negotiable grounds. Delegates are also expected to be well versed with the MUN rules of procedure and the generic flow of committee proceedings, in order to enhance the level of debate. The General Assembly is inarguably one of the most demanding committees at any Model UN Conference. With the number of delegates in this council, chances to speak will always be less. However within these limited turns to speak one has to show the world his worth and come out as an outstanding delegate. Being the largest council of the United Nation, we hold a responsibility to take care of the world and solve these issues. Delegates, it is you who form the committee and you are the ones who raise (or reduce) the quality or the level of debate in a committee. So, a major share of responsibility to ensure the overall success of the Committee rests on your shoulders. Feel free to revert to the executive board for any queries or for any form of assistance that you might need. Wish you the best of luck for the conference. Dikshant Malik Chairperson, UNGA [email protected] 1 Uniting for Peace 2015 DISARMAMENT AND INTERNATIONAL SECURITY FIRST COMMITTEE It is our distinct pleasure to welcome you to DISEC, the Disarmament and International Security 1st Committee of the United Nations General Assembly. The Disarmament and International Security Committee deals with disarmament and related international security questions. One of the fundamental aims of the United Nations (UN) is to promote international security and relative peace among nations. To this end, the UN maintains a security framework consisting of the Security Council, the Conference on Disarmament, and the First Committee of the General Assembly: Disarmament and International Security (DISEC). This committee is dedicated to the principles of international peace and security. The powers of DISEC are restricted to those specifically enumerated by the UN Charter in Chapter V, and the committee has the added distinction of including representatives from all 194 member states, in addition to certain observer groups. The committee is limited by the UN charter in that it is based on the international principles of cooperation and cannot dictate action to be taken by any nation: DISEC lacks the authority to declare war or to forcibly impose its recommendations upon nations or groups. For example, the dispatch of peacekeeping forces is essentially delegated to the domain of the Security Council, while the planning of technical details concerning UN disarmament policies and their feasibility comes under the jurisdiction of the Convention on Disarmament. As a result, the end suggestions of DISEC are communicated in the form of resolutions to the General Assembly and Security Council. While the committee lacks the power to prescribe definite action, the broad representation of nations and equal voting structure leads to resolutions viewed with respect and credibility, as they represent a genuine agreement among states and are more likely to result in the desired action. In the past, DISEC has often performed the valuable function of providing a broad forum for general debate over issues concerning international security, particularly effective given its wide breadth of world opinion. The committee has dealt rather successfully with a sequence of serious actions on various issues over the course of its existence. The committee proved to be an effective forum for promoting the successful passage, enforcement, and verification of the Nuclear Non proliferation Treaty (NPT). DISEC continued to tackle issues concerning non proliferation, reducing superpower nuclear stockpiles, and chemical/biological weapons through the end of the Cold War. The conclusion of the Cold War, however, has not by any means led to a decline in the committee’s activity. DISEC has been compelled to involve itself in the prevention and dissolution of regional conflicts around the globe and continues to operate very actively in the sphere of disarmament. In recent years, DISEC has attempted to establish the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT), nuclear-free zones in the Middle East and Central Asia, various arms agreements, and broad adherence to the Code of Conduct against Ballistic Missile Proliferation. The committee has also committed itself to the peaceful development of outer space; in fact, a special committee has even been established to assist DISEC in this endeavour. 2 Uniting for Peace 2015 Much work still remains to be done by DISEC in a world plagued by the potential for regional and global conflicts, as well as the overwhelming traffic of armaments around the world. Operating on the principle of cooperation, with its diverse membership DISEC has the capability to both engage issues of global concern and deal with threats to international security. INTRODUCTION TO AGENDA For the first time after the events in the Balkans at the end of the last century, Europe is facing a serious crisis in its territories. The situation in Ukraine and especially in Crimea and the eastern regions of the country is a charged powder keg ready to blow, from one moment to another. The international community and especially the United Nations, needs to find a way to normalize the situation in an area which is crucial for the European Union as well as for several other nations. This geopolitical area is fundamental for ensuring peace and security, economic wellbeing and most of all, energy security. The issues in the country span a variety and all of them need a feasible short term solution that will lead to a long term new stability. It is necessary to consider the different aspirations of the citizens who to move eastwards or westwards; it is crucial to secure an internationally recognized and a legitimate government; it is fundamental to avoid military fights in the Crimean peninsula in order to not to drive a wider armed conflict. International laws and treaties have to be considered in order to understand if we are facing a process of auto determination of a population or if we have to suppress an act of international aggression. What is clear is that the United Nations Security Council has to find concrete solutions in order to not let the situation degenerate into a bloody conflict that will affect too many people. The risk of falling into a new “Cold War” situation is extremely high, we are living in times in which the energy strategies and the political influences in certain areas are the engine of new international relations, but it is the precise duty of this UN body to ensure a strong respect of the international rules in order to not let the world walk in the direction of a “dog eat dog” power system. OVERVIEW OF THE UKRAINIAN CRISIS AND ITS TWO FACES The situation that we are facing now could be divided in two different parts, the “National” one, and (Crimea Crisis), the “International” one. Dividing this into two movements will help us better understand where and when the international community should intervene. The first part “officially” started after the stepping back of Yanukovych. The first mass protests were pacific, similar to the Orange revolution, but as it was easy to predict, violence succeeded the protests. The 3 Uniting for Peace 2015 months of December, January and February were characterized by explosions of violence between the protesters and the police, which ended in some cases with death causalities, and short “ceasefire” moments. Russian president Vladimir Putin promised a huge financial help to Yanukovych, leaving the citizens divided between those who were still supporting the government and those who were for a radical change and pushing for more protests in order to remove the government. The symbolic place of the manifestation was Maidan Square, a place which garnered international fame and with the eyes of the world constantly on what was happening there. Despite the international attention and pressures, the entire struggle was consumed inside the country, between citizens that belonged to different ideas and between the official forces and the participants of the manifestations, hence making it a “National” phase. This phase ended with the liberation of Yulia Tymoshenko and the fleeing of president Yanukovych. With a transition government ruling the country, the situation switched from a “National” to an “International” one. On the 27th of February 2014, armed forces without on their uniforms entered in the Crimean city of Simferopol, got into the building of the Supreme Council of Crimea and exposed a Russian Flag. From that moment the escalation of the Crisis was very quick, Crimea was an autonomous region of Ukraine, with a majority of Russian speaking citizens and with enormous strategic importance for the Russian government because of the naval bases and access to Black Sea. Citing the need of protecting Russian citizens in Crimea, Russian president authorized his official military forces and in only a few days, supported by a wide portion of the inhabitants and also by some members of the Ukrainian Army, all the “hot spots” of the peninsula like airports, harbours, military bases, TV stations, were brought under control of the Russian forces. The Crimean parliament decided to hold a referendum that took place on the 16th of March, and thanks to a unanimous consensus of the voters, on the 17th of March, Crimea declared its independence from Ukraine. Pushing the ongoing situation, The U.N Security Council failed while trying to pass a resolution about the “invasion” and the referendum, driven by the veto power used by the Russian Delegation.
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