Gitte Kjeldsen Moving ships A case study from Southwest

Introduction The majority of rock art in SW- Norway is ilar maritime environment. The cairns oc- concentrated to the Middle and Northern cupy prominent positions in the landscape part on Jæren peninsula, as and would be easily visible to seafarers. well as the islands and mainland areas However, the rock art is only visible at a in the southern part of Boknafjord. Rock relatively short distance, and a craft would art sites in seem to have been have to be near the shore for occupants to selected based on the proximity of water view it. (Fig. 1) communication points from and around the Boknafjord basin, and further north With focus on open- air site, and two rare to Karmsundet and Sunnhordland islands ship motifs found at Austre Åmøy and at and systems. The rock art is situated Utbjoa north in the region the hypothesis in sheltered places like inner skerries close is, the island Austre Åmøy have been used to the shore inlets, bays, natural harbors as a large scale meeting grounds for per- or headlands (Myhre 2004). Assuming forming rituals to create certain traditions, that ships were a part of the everyday life where ideas and knowledge were ex- of a coastal Bronze Age population, it is changed and spread further in the region. plausible that ships were also part of a The carving activity at Austre Åmøy has its beliefs-systems based in a maritime ontol- beginning in early Bronze Age based on ogy, were ritual actions was part of daily the imagery similar to the “Rørby-sword” life (Wrigglesworth 2010). Apart from their symbolic and cosmological role, ships Fig 1: Map with outer and inner sea-routes and rock art have improved human mobility, making in context with coastal cairns. it possible to trade over longer distances, increased access to marine based sources of nutrition, facilitated warfare etc., and therefore have agency in forming Bronze Age society. The ship motif comprises ap- prox. 72 % of the rock art in Rogaland, since the initial registration 150 years ago, the number of open rock art locations has increased to 111 sites (Nicolaysen 1867, Høgestøl et al 1999, Høgestøl et al 2018).

Almost every open- air rock art sites in Rogaland have a maritime location (Kjeld- sen 2017). Open-air sites can appear near Bronze Age coastal cairns, or in their im- mediate vicinity, at the sites at Utbjoa (), Nag (Strand), Bru and Hod- nefjell (Mosterøy) these are located in sim-

Adoranten 2019 113 ship, (1800 -1500 BC) and continues Late Bronze Age, there is approx. 1200 mo- tifs at Austre Åmøy (Malmer 1981, Kaul 1998, 2017, Kjeldsen 1993, 2005, 2017). The majority of the rock art panels are at ground level, close to the shoreline, open and monumental in scale, and easy to ac- cess from the seaside (Høgestøl et al 1999 Kjeldsen 1993, 2005).

Flemming Kaul (2017) points out that ideas can be transmitted by travelers over varying distances. They were imbedded in a complex network of exchange rituals, which he describes as “xenia”, a concept of hospitality and friendship of individuals from non-related groups, a set of moral and religious obligations to secure food and accommodations for travelers. Kaul uses the similarity of ship imagery in , and northern Bohuslän, Sweden to suggest that the ship imagery discussed in this article is spread by oc- casional long-distance travelling (Kaul 2017:173 ff). Fig 2: After excavation of stone cist in Early Bronze Age Goldhahn (2007:208-209) describes the cairn. Photo: Arkeologisk Museum - UiS major occurrence of rock art in Sweden and Norway as areas with a mediating heather and scrub vegetation. The coastal position between societies with different zone in Vindafjord is long and varied with but closely related regional ceremonial steep rocks towards the sea (Mandt 1972, and ritual centers. I assume the rock art Indrelid 1991). The rock art and cairns in at Austre Åmøy may have been part of Vindafjord are situated at , a spit be- ritualization strategies used as a power re- tween Ølen-Sea and , which extends lationship between individuals and society northwards towards the fjord-systems in as a complex strategy of organizing social Sunnhordland (Fig. 2). norms, and not necessarily with any in- volvement of religious activities. This could During fieldwork, we were aware of a col- explain the absence of Bronze Age burial lapsed stone cist on top of a Early Bronze mounds/cairns on Austre Åmøy (Bell 1992). Age cairn. The Directorate for Cultural Heritage appropriated funds for a survey, of this feature, both to secure any items The grave chamber “overlooked” during the looting of the In 2013, the Museum of Archaeology (AM- grave as well as allow for, a possible dat- UiS) documented three open-air rock art ing of the burial mound/stone cist, and sites near Bronze Age burial cairns along thus an age correlation between the grave the Utbjoa heritage trail in Vindafjord monument and rock art (Kjeldsen 2014). municipality. Vindafjord is located on the The cist was open with the two upper peninsula in northern Roga- stone-slabs lying besides the collapsed land. The studied area on Utbjoa is “hilly” stone cist. It is about 3 m from the western with wet areas, rock outcrops, clefts, edge, oriented northeast- southwest. The sparse forests and rocks with areas of east wall-slab is approx. 83 cm wide, 40

114 Adoranten 2019 the ship. This ship (after Mandt 1972:102, Wrig- glesworth 2011:117) is placed in Late Bronze Age per.V - VI based on the razor knives and bronzes, more specifi- cally to per. V, 900-700 BC (Mandt 1972, Kaul 1998, Wrigglesworth 2011). A variation of the Utbjoa I ship is carved in dot-pecking technique at Austre Åmøy, the imagery has possible hybrid animal elements Fig 3: Early Bronze Age cairns in context with rock art at attached to the railing (Fett 1941: pl. 17, Utbjoa, Vindafjord municipality. Kaul 2017). Wrigglesworth (2011:118) dates the con- cm high, the west wall-slab 83 cm wide, toured symmetrical ship (without decora- 40-45 cm high, with the flat sides turned tions) at Utbjoa I to Early Pre-Roman Iron inwards towards the burial chamber. The Age, while Mandt dates the type to per. north and south walls of the cist consisted V. Variations of the same symmetrical type of two slabs each, such that the walls had is depicted at Austre Åmøy site I, V, VI as double-sided slabs. The bottom of the cist well as at Bru (Fett 1941, Høgestøl et al consisted of six flat stones. The stone cist 1999, 2006). Mandt (1972: 112) interprets construction was very solid with a total Utbjoa I as a unit, where the motifs are average length of 2.10 m. The grave-slabs carved within a short period of time, and had no traces of carvings (Kjeldsen 2014). classifies both ships as the same type, Approx. 25 - 30 m west and below the dated to period V (900-700 BC). cairn is the rock art site with two carved ship motifs (Mandt 1972, Indrelid 1991). However, the contoured depicted ships Charcoal samples were collected from a belong to the same tradition despite 30 cm deep layer in the eastern end of the some decorative variations found at the cist, 2 sigma calibration suggest a date to ship designs at Utbjoa I and Austre Åmøy. the Early Pre-Roman Iron Age: 480-390 The iconography (in the region) seems BC (Cal BP 2430-2340), which indicate the constant and immutable, I assume the ma- charcoal in the grave is at least 600 years jority of the rock art conformed to strict later than the estimated burial (Kjeldsen conventions in the choice of both motifs 2014 (Fig. 3). and symbolism in the artistic tradition (Kjeldsen 2017) (Fig. 4 and 5).

The ships at Utbjoa I Utbjoa III is located approx. 5-10 m east of The rock face with the two ship carvings two cairns and the location is at ground is vertical (1.5 m x 2 m) the top ship was level. The site has ten ship images, one- documented and described by Gro Mandt foot/sole with cross-section, and one circle (1972:30 pl. 26a and b) as a two-line (with four radial lines). The lines are shal- contour pecked ship with a “decorative low and fragmented due to weathering. designed railing extension that may seem Based on the ship types Mandt (1972:111- to be finished with an animal head, pos- 112) dates the rock art to Late Bronze Age sible a horsehead”, as well as a circle/sun (per. IV or V). It is suggested that the ship images with four radial lines in front of

Adoranten 2019 115 Fig 4: Contour pecked ship, one with decoration, possible animal head at Utbjoa I, Vindafjord municipality. Photo: Museum Fig 5: Contour pecked ship with possible animal decoration at Austre Åmøy, Stavanger municipality. Photo: Arkeolo- gisk Museum - UiS

116 Adoranten 2019 Fig 6: Rock art site at Utbjoa III, Vindafjord municipality. Photo: Bergen Museum - UiB motifs that are carved in a small “cluster” the outer sailing-lane. However, a plau- are contemporaneous (Mandt 1972). sible calculation reveals that travelling by a “Hjortespring”- like vessel, it would The carvings at Utbjoa I are not visible take a crew approx. 21.5 hours. Assum- from the sea, unless a vessel was travelling ing a speed of three knots (66 nautical close to the shore from the south. While miles and 5.5 km/h), with optimal sea and Utbjoa III is located at ground level and weather conditions (without breaks) to not visible from the sea, the cairns them- travel along the less weather exposed in- selves are clearly visible from the sea. (Fig. ner sea-route (as an example) from Austre 6). Åmøy to Utbjoa (Fig 1). Cairns and rock art were media for ritual behavior through- out time as mentioned, Utbjoa, Nag, and They came back Bru are sites which may have been re- It should be noted that long-distance visited several times. sea-voyage (in southwest Norway), un- dertaken in flat- bottomed boats, pos- Goldhahn (2006) suggests how different sibly without the technology of sails, in groups and identities manifest themselves one of the world’s most dangerous and in a monument, and uses as examples four unpredictable bodies of waters did re- monumental burial mounds, each with quired time, knowledge and planning. its own unique character. Sagaholm in What is common to the various regions Småland, Bredarör in Kivik, Mjeltehaugen of the southwest Norway is sea routes in Sunnmøre, and Skelhøj in Jutland date where boats had to travel through natu- to Early Bronze Age period II - III. Despite ral insights in the coastal landscape to their varying topographical locations and avoid the dangerous sea stretches along different building materials, the construc-

Adoranten 2019 117 tion of these burial mounds required a to the water’s edge. Due to the rare de- structured division of labor in the collec- sign, it is possible that these images had a tion of building materials (peat, stones, different symbolic signature only known slabs etc.). Due to the time consuming to esoteric groups. process, the different groups/ individuals may have manifested themselves and their The use of open- air rock art sites over identities into the finished monument, extensive periods of time may result in thus the monument became a manifesta- the incorporation into different processes, tion for not only the dead but for the liv- including burials and collective memory. ing as well. Rock art may also serve as a medium for symbolic features within maritime groups, Bradley argues that the representation of it may have acted as a focal point for reg- movement is a key theme in Scandinavian ular visits, keeping traditions alive within rock art, related inextricably to an envi- the group, and to communicate the social ronmental cosmology in which the roles position and social needs of maritime of fire, sunlight/sun, snow, running water, groups or actions in the maritime land- people, the shoreline and even time are scape (Ling & Cornell 2010, Enlander 2016, constantly in flux (Bradley 2009). The influ- Kjeldsen 2017). Syvertsen (2003) points ence of the ship agency contributed to a out that grave slaps with carvings (inside dynamic and economic foundation in the the grave) seems to decline towards the Bronze Age society. The ship was given younger Bronze Age. Syvertsen proposes the status of a powerful symbol carved in a ritual change from the individual to the rocks, that influenced human daily life, collective. The change may have been trig- their surrounding landscape, wild and gered by a crisis unrelated to an individual domesticated animals and, not least, the and thus the rituals require a more gen- commemoration of the dead. The carved eral, collective and public content so the ships at Utbjoa 1 appear to be guided by legitimation of power strategies could be the sun image from the grave monuments maintained.

Fig 7: Rock art site Utbjoa I and cairn from air, Vindafjord municipality. Photo: Arkeologisk Museum - UiS

118 Adoranten 2019 However, in Rogaland it seems like the ited and ritual activities took place. Due to construction of burial mounds ends ap- the coal sample from the stone cist in the prox. 1300 - 1100 BC, while rock art activ- Early Bronze Age burial cairn, we know ity is increasing in the area after 1100 a fire was lit on top of the cairn, and it BC. I presume there is a shift where the may have happened in connection with symbolic functions of the monumental the production of the last Early Pre – Ro- burial mounds are moved from the grave man Iron Age ship images to be carved at mounds to the open rock art sites, from Utbjoa I. the individual’s mark to the mark of a group (e.g. genus). The change is through- out the region, I suggest a superior com- Acknowledgements mon ontology where the symbols/motifs I wish to thank photographer Annette and landscape are subject to universal Øvrelid for the pictures, Grethe Morell rules and create an identity for the per- and Wenche Brun for graphic help, and former and the users. One must assume Dr. Sean Denham for improvement of my that the symbols could be both material English. and non-material. The motifs could be interpreted as symbolic reference points Gitte Kjeldsen that emphasize the cohesion between the Museum of Archaeology. Department of groups and the landscape. It is assumed Collection. University of Stavanger Nor- that there is a long-term continuity as well way. as a change in the relationship between [email protected] man and landscape (Kjeldsen 2002) (Fig. 7). Bibliography Concluding remarks Bell, C., 1992, Ritual Theory, Ritual Prac- The archaeological material shows that tice. Oxford University Press. the Utbjoa area was used from the Early Bradley, R., 2009, Image and Audience. Re- Bronze Age and possibly to the Late thinking Prehistoric Art. Oxford University Bronze Age/ Early Iron Age. The rock art Press. sites may have had different purposes Enlander, R., 2016, The rock ´artist´: explor- where I suggest that Austre Åmøy had ing processes of interaction in the rock art a central role as a ritual and ceremonial landscapes of the north of Ireland. In Ar- center, whose main purpose was the chaeology with Art, edited by H. Chittock maintenance of power strategies in rela- & J. Valdez-Tullett. Archaeopress Archaeol- tions to exchange of ideas, while Utbjoa ogy, p.33 – 52. appears as a place where rituals related Fett, E. & P., 1941, Sydvestnorske heller- to burials were the main purpose. Coal istninger. Rogaland og Lista. Stavanger sample taken from the stone cist supports Museum. Wriggelworths (2011) dating of the sym- Goldhahn, J., 2006, Om döda och efterle- metrical contour carved ship at Utbjoa I vande med exempel från Bredarör, Skel- (without animal decoration) to Early Pre høj, Sagaholm och Mjeltehaugen. In Sam- – Roman Iron Age. The two late Bronze funn, symboler og identitet – Festskrift til Age “animal” decorated ships indicate Gro Mandt på 70- årsdagen, edited by R. communication and possible exchange of Barndon, S.M. Innselset, K.K. Kristoffersen ideas between Utbjoa and Austre Åmøy and T.K. Lødøen. UBAS Nordisk no. 3, p. undertaken by long-distance sea-voyage 283-303. Bergen. as Kaul (2017) suggest. Goldhahn, J. & Østigård, T., 2007, Dödens hand – en essä om brons – och hällsmed. In the Late Bronze Age/Early Pre-Roman Arkeologiske Skrifter 65. Göteborgs Uni- Iron Age the cairn at Utbjoa I was re-vis- versitet.

Adoranten 2019 119 Høgestøl, M., Bakke, B., Bakkevig, S., Bjel- Ling, J. & Cornell, P., 2010, Rock Art as lend, T., Borgarp, C., Kjeldsen, G. & Wal- secondary agent? Society and agent in derhaug, O., 1999, Helleristningsfeltene Bronze Age Bohuslän. Norwegian Archae- på Austre Åmøy, Stavanger kommune, ological Review, 43 (1) p. 26-43. Rogaland. Dokumentasjon, sikring og til- Malmer, M.P., 1981, A chorological study rettelegging feltene I-VI-5. AmS-Rapport of North European rock art. Stockholm: 9, p. 99. Kung. Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitats Høgestøl, M., Prøch-Danielsen, L. Bakke, Akademiens Handlinger, Antikavariska B., Bakkevig, Borgarp, C., Kjeldsen, G., serien 32. Meeks, A., Nitter, M., & Walderhaug, O., Mandt Larsen, G., 1972, Bergbilder i 2006, Helleristningslokaliteter i stavan- . En undersøkelse av bildenes gerområdet, Rogaland. Dokumentasjon, sammensetning deres naturmiljø og kul- sikring og tilrettelegging. AmS-Rapport turmiljø. Årbok for universitetet i Bergen. 19, p. 100. Humanistisk serie 1970 No. 2. Høgestøl, M, Prøsch-Danielsen L. & Wal- Myhre, L.N., 2004, Trialectic Archaeology: derhaug, O., 2018, Bergkunst på Midt- og Monuments and space in Southwest Nor- Sør- Jæren samt i Dalaneregionen. Ristnin- way 1700-500 BC. AmS-Skrifter,18. Stavan- ger i skiftende natur. Motiver, historikk, ger: Arkeologisk museum i Stavanger. naturmiljø og tilstand. AmS-Varia 59, p. Nicolaysen, N., 1867, Tillegg til «Norske 82. Fornlevninger» m. m. Aarsberetning fra Indrelid, S., 1991, Fornminne og fornminn- Foreningen til norske fortidsminners bev- evern i Ølen kommune. Historisk museum, aring 1866, p. 54-78 Universitetet i Bergen. Syvertsen, K., 2003, Ristninger i graver- Kaul, F., 1998, Ships on Bronzes. A study graver med ristninger. Om ristningers in Bronze Age Religion and Iconography. mening i gravminner og gravritualer. En Copenhagen: PNM Studies in Archaeology analyse av materiale fra Rogaland. Unpub- & History Vol 3: ½. lished cand. philos. Thesis., UiB, p.169. Kaul, F., 2017, The Xenia Concept of Guest- Wriggelesworth, M., 2010, Bronze Age friendship- Providing an Elucidatory Model Rock Art and Religion in a Maritime Per- for Bronze Age Communication. In North spective. In Changing Pictures. Rock Art meets South. Theoretical aspects on the Tradition and Visions in Northern Europe, northern and southern rock art traditions edited by J. Goldhahn, I. Fuglestvedt & A. in Scandinavia, edited by P. Skoglund, J. Jones. Oxbow, p. 186-196. Ling & U. Bertilsson. Oxbow p. 173-198. Wriggelesworth, M., 2011, Finding your Kjeldsen, G., 1993, Norske helleristninger. place. Rock art and local identity in west Et studium af figursammensetningen på Norway. A study of Bronze Age rock art helleristningslokaliteten Austre Åmøy i in Hardanger and Sunnhordaland. Un- Vest-Norge. Unpublished cand. phil. The- published doctoral thesis. University of sis., Århus Univ, p. 77. Bergen. Kjeldsen, G., 2002, Å forstå helleristninger. Frá Haug ok Heiðni nr. 1, 2002. Kjeldsen, G., 2005, Bronsealderens berg- kunst på Austre Åmøy i Rogaland. K.A.N. nr. 25, 2005. Kjeldsen, G., 2014, Sikringsundersøkelse av hellekiste Utbjoa Gnr. 254/2 Vindafjord k. Rogaland. Unplublished Report B, 2014 no. 7 to Topographic archive. Universitetet i Stavanger, Arkeologisk museum. Kjeldsen, G., 2017, Deep Time Rock Art in SW-Norway. Adoranten 2017.

120 Adoranten 2019