President Ronald Reagan
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Exchange with Reporters Following a Meeting with President Jimmy Carter in Atlanta May 3, 1994
Administration of William J. Clinton, 1994 / May 3 Democrats can run. We Democrats don't have ing venom at us every day and nothing to the kind of machine, in a wayÐmedia ma- counter that, we need an election to get the chineÐthat the Republicans do, sort of spewing facts out. So I reallyÐI welcome the electionÐ out all this venom and all this labeling and American people find out the truth, they're name-calling all the time. So we get down some- going to support people who didn't say no every times, but we'll get back up. time. GeorgiaÐAtlanta has benefited greatly from Essentially these Democrats, most of them the trade initiatives of this administration, from have said yes to America. They've said yes on the North American Free Trade Agreement, crime, yes on getting the deficit down, yes on from the worldwide trade agreement, from our getting the economy going, yes on moving the outreach to Asia. So I think the recordÐthe country forward. We have ended gridlock. It economic benefits and the fact that we reflect took us years and years and years to pass some middle class values and welfare reform, the of this anticrime initiatives and other things that crime initiative, and other things, all those things we're doing now. And when the American peo- will help the Democrats by November. ple see the facts, even in the places which were Q. Do you take a fairly relaxed attitude about tough for us, I think that the Democrats will the fact that some Members of the Georgia del- do very, very well, because they'll have their egation, congressional delegation, would just as own record to run on. -
Picking the Vice President
Picking the Vice President Elaine C. Kamarck Brookings Institution Press Washington, D.C. Contents Introduction 4 1 The Balancing Model 6 The Vice Presidency as an “Arranged Marriage” 2 Breaking the Mold 14 From Arranged Marriages to Love Matches 3 The Partnership Model in Action 20 Al Gore Dick Cheney Joe Biden 4 Conclusion 33 Copyright 36 Introduction Throughout history, the vice president has been a pretty forlorn character, not unlike the fictional vice president Julia Louis-Dreyfus plays in the HBO seriesVEEP . In the first episode, Vice President Selina Meyer keeps asking her secretary whether the president has called. He hasn’t. She then walks into a U.S. senator’s office and asks of her old colleague, “What have I been missing here?” Without looking up from her computer, the senator responds, “Power.” Until recently, vice presidents were not very interesting nor was the relationship between presidents and their vice presidents very consequential—and for good reason. Historically, vice presidents have been understudies, have often been disliked or even despised by the president they served, and have been used by political parties, derided by journalists, and ridiculed by the public. The job of vice president has been so peripheral that VPs themselves have even made fun of the office. That’s because from the beginning of the nineteenth century until the last decade of the twentieth century, most vice presidents were chosen to “balance” the ticket. The balance in question could be geographic—a northern presidential candidate like John F. Kennedy of Massachusetts picked a southerner like Lyndon B. -
Nixon Pardon Hungate Subcommittee – Ford Testimony, 1974/10/17 (3)” of the Philip Buchen Files at the Gerald R
The original documents are located in Box 34, folder “Nixon Pardon Hungate Subcommittee – Ford Testimony, 1974/10/17 (3)” of the Philip Buchen Files at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library. Copyright Notice The copyright law of the United States (Title 17, United States Code) governs the making of photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. Gerald R. Ford donated to the United States of America his copyrights in all of his unpublished writings in National Archives collections. Works prepared by U.S. Government employees as part of their official duties are in the public domain. The copyrights to materials written by other individuals or organizations are presumed to remain with them. If you think any of the information displayed in the PDF is subject to a valid copyright claim, please contact the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library. Exact duplicates within this folder were not digitized. Digitized from Box 34 of the Philip Buchen Files at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library \( ~,- STATEt·1EIH OF PRESIDENT GERALD FORD HOUSE COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY Subcommittee on Criminal Justice October 17, 1974 We meet here today to review the facts and circumstances that were the basis for my pardon of .former President Nixon on September 8, 1974. · I \'/ant very much to have those facts and circumstances known. The American people want to know them. And members of the Congress want to know them. The two Congressional resolutions of inquiry now before this Committee serve those purposes. That is why I have volunteered to appear before you this morning, and I welcome and thank you for this opportunity to speak to the questions raised by the resolutions. -
The Poverty and Welfare Rhetoric of Lyndon Johnson and Ronald Reagan
UNLV Retrospective Theses & Dissertations 1-1-2007 Defining eality:r The poverty and welfare rhetoric of Lyndon Johnson and Ronald Reagan Andrea Lyn Finan University of Nevada, Las Vegas Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalscholarship.unlv.edu/rtds Repository Citation Finan, Andrea Lyn, "Defining eality:r The poverty and welfare rhetoric of Lyndon Johnson and Ronald Reagan" (2007). UNLV Retrospective Theses & Dissertations. 2230. http://dx.doi.org/10.25669/hkov-c02c This Thesis is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by Digital Scholarship@UNLV with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Thesis in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Thesis has been accepted for inclusion in UNLV Retrospective Theses & Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Digital Scholarship@UNLV. For more information, please contact [email protected]. DEFINING REALITY: THE POVERTY AND WELFARE RHETORIC OF LYNDON JOHNSON AND RONALD REAGAN by Andrea Lyn Finan Bachelor of Arts University of Nevada, Las Vegas 2005 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Arts Degree in Communication Studies Department of Communication Studies Greenspun College of Urban Affairs Graduate College University of Nevada, Las Vegas December 2007 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. -
A TIME for CHOOSING – a Speech by Ronald Reagan – 1964 – (Abbreviated Version)
A TIME FOR CHOOSING – A speech by Ronald Reagan – 1964 – (Abbreviated version) Reprinted by SB - July 23, 2014 50 years later Hey SB! I started to grind my teeth the other day when Elizabeth Warren spoke at Netroots Nation, a convention for liberal bloggers and activists. She outlined 11 tenets of progressivism, and after each expressed belief or goal she emphasized it by saying emphatically: AND WE WILL FIGHT FOR IT! Actually SB, she did a VERY COMPETENT job of whipping this group of radical leftists into a collective lather. She’s good, SB! Don’t dismiss her! She’s a formidable force to deal with! Why not take her on in some fashion? …… And SOON! – Stefano Bachovich – obscure curmudgeon and wise political pundit – a prolific purveyor of opinions on just about everything – SB’s primary “go to guy.” OK Stefano! Back off! I’m on it! There’s nothing better to inspire the conservative troops than a speech by Ronald Reagan. This is one of several similar presentations Reagan gave as a stump speech, at speaking engagements, and on a memorable night in 1964 in support of Barry Goldwater's presidential campaign. This version is from that broadcast. As he expressed to all Americans: We have come to a time for choosing!!! - SB ______________________ I am going to talk of controversial things. I make no apology for this. It's time we asked ourselves if we still know the freedoms intended for us by the Founding Fathers. James Madison said, "We base all our experiments on the capacity of mankind for self government." This idea -- that government was beholden to the people, that it had no other source of power -- is still the newest, most unique idea in all the long history of man's relation to man. -
President Ronald Reagan Letter to General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev March 11, 1985 the WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON March 11, 1985 D
President Ronald Reagan Letter to General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev March 11, 1985 THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON March 11, 1985 Dear Mr General Secretary As you assume your new responsibilities, I would like to take this opportunity to underscore my hope that we can in the months and years ahead develop a more stable and constructive relationship between our two countries. Our differences are many, and we will need to proceed in a way that takes both differences and common interests into account in seeking to resolve problems and build a new measure of trust and confidence. But history places on us a very heavy responsibility for maintaining and strengthening peace, and I am convinced we have before us new opportunities to do so. Therefore I have requested the Vice President to deliver this letter to you. I believe our differences can and must be resolved through discussion and negotiation. The international situation demands that we redouble our efforts to find political solutions to the problems we face. I valued my correspondence with Chairman Chernenko, and believe my meetings with First Deputy Prime Minister Gromyko and Mr. Shcherbitsky here in Washington were useful in clarifying views and issues and making it possible to move forward to deal with them in a practical and realistic fashion. In recent months we have demonstrated that it is possible to resolve problems to mutual benefit. We have had useful exchanges on certain regional issues, and I am sure you are aware that American interest in progress on humanitarian issues remains as strong as ever. In our bilateral relations, we have signed a number of new agreements, and we have promising negotiations underway in several important fields. -
The End of Wars As the Basis for a Lasting Peace—A Look at the Great
Naval War College Review Volume 53 Article 3 Number 4 Autumn 2000 The ndE of Wars as the Basis for a Lasting Peace—A Look at the Great Wars of the Twentieth Century Donald Kagan Follow this and additional works at: https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review Recommended Citation Kagan, Donald (2000) "The ndE of Wars as the Basis for a Lasting Peace—A Look at the Great Wars of the Twentieth Century," Naval War College Review: Vol. 53 : No. 4 , Article 3. Available at: https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review/vol53/iss4/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Naval War College Review by an authorized editor of U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Kagan: The End of Wars as the Basis for a Lasting Peace—A Look at the Gr Dr. Donald Kagan is Hillhouse Professor of History and Classics at Yale University. Professor Kagan earned a B.A. in history at Brooklyn College, an M.A. in classics from Brown University, and a Ph.D. in history from Ohio State University; he has been teaching history and classics for over forty years, at Yale since 1969. Professor Kagan has received honorary doctorates of humane let- ters from the University of New Haven and Adelphi University, as well as numerous awards and fellow- ships. He has published many books and articles, in- cluding On the Origins of War and the Preservation of Peace (1995), The Heritage of World Civilizations (1999), The Outbreak of the Peloponnesian War (1969), “Human Rights, Moralism, and Foreign Pol- icy” (1982), “World War I, World War II, World War III” (1987), “Why Western History Matters” (1994), and “Our Interest and Our Honor” (1997). -
Eugene Mccarthy
Eugene McCarthy Folder Citation: Collection: Records of the 1976 Campaign Committee to Elect Jimmy Carter; Series: Noel Sterrett Subject File; Folder: Eugene McCarthy; Container 87 To See Complete Finding Aid: http://www.jimmycarterlibrary.gov/library/findingaids/Carter-Mondale%20Campaign_1976.pdf M~~ARTHY'76 ° ... __ ----.____ . ___ _ EUGENE McCARTHY OF MINNESOTA, INDEPENDENT CANDIDATE"'30R THE PRESIDENCY , >MA-_, It\~ Ul"""'- 0 F THE UNITED :~~TES, IS S~PPORTED BY CITIZENS ALL AROUND THE COUNTRY WHO ARE· TIRED OF TWO-P~~T¥__£AILURES<AND WHO WANT )~'\.[...-~ A POSITIVE ALTERNATIVE IN '76, :\- . GENE McCARTHY SERVED FOR TEN YEARS 'I. IN THE Hous~OF REPRESENTATIVES AND FOR TWELVE YEARS IN THE U.S. SENATE, HE HAS BROAD EXPERIENCE IN ECONOMICS AND FOREIGN POLICY, THE TWO MOST CRITICAL SUBJECTS A PRESIDENT MUST DEAL WI TH, LONG BE,F0~7E IT WAS POPULAR TO DO SO, HE OPPOSED THE WAR IN , ; VIETNAM AND ABUSES OF POWER BY THE WHITE HOUSE, THE FBI, AND THE CIA. Mct'ARTHY HAS SPECIFIC PROPOSALS FOR JOB CREATION AND FOR FIGHTING INFLA~~· (_~)HAS LONG FAVORED REDUCTION OF MILITARY SPENDING, HE HAS A DE~P"'C~\r,1.ISMENT TO THE BILL OF RIGHTS AND THE OTHER CONSTITUTIONAL GUARANTEES\)..OF OUR POLITI.CAL LIBERTY, -·~ WE ARE;'WORKING TO PLACE EUGENE McCARTHY'S NAME ON THE BALLOT IN '\,~ -; -.. -·.~; !p ALL.~IFTY St~TES AND THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA, JOIN us+ I WANT TO VOLUNTEER FOR GENE McCARTHY'S CAMPAIGN, ·" NAME 0 ADDRESS S) T~~~~~E~ L ___ , ' ' . 0 Ef~E~~~;.1 ~~-"'lO~MceA'fffltY-.£76-;;~~omNEt:TTt:'OT-AVE-:-';-Mt;-W~A rRGTOR;- 0 --f)-:{~-£"603:6:;~€i1fr'ft)'ft-B,_Hc€A~TH¥--'16i-M'"'T-MON'ft0!7-f~!AStm'!ft~t----~-- ( PLEASB RETURN TO McCARTHY ''16, · 1440 N STREET, .,NW, WAS~INGTON, D.C. -
Ford Broadcasts, 1967-1968” of the Ford Congressional Papers: Press Secretary and Speech File at the Gerald R
The original documents are located in Box D37, folder “Ford Broadcasts, 1967-1968” of the Ford Congressional Papers: Press Secretary and Speech File at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library. Copyright Notice The copyright law of the United States (Title 17, United States Code) governs the making of photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. The Council donated to the United States of America his copyrights in all of his unpublished writings in National Archives collections. Works prepared by U.S. Government employees as part of their official duties are in the public domain. The copyrights to materials written by other individuals or organizations are presumed to remain with them. If you think any of the information displayed in the PDF is subject to a valid copyright claim, please contact the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library. ~ REPUBliCAN GONGRES.SIONAl NEWS BUREAU 312 CONGRESSIONAL HOTEL • WASHINGTON, D. C. 20003 FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE LINCOLN 4-301 0 Monday, F\!bruary 27, 1967 Acting on the heels of a House Special Committee racommcndation of censure and other penaltbs for Rep. Adem Clayton Powell (D. of N.Y.), some 30 freshmen House Re- publicans today proposed legislation to set up permanent House machinery to deal with unethical conduct of tvbmbers, officers and employees. Led by Rep. George Bush of Taxes, the R,3publican Congressmen sponsored Hous3 Resolutions to establish o Select Committee on Standards and Conduct and to provide, among other things, 11 full disclosura of assets, liabilities, honorariums, etc., by Members, their spouses and staff members whose salaries exceed $15,000 gross annually .. -
An Analysis of the Rhetorical Skill of the “Great Communicator” Reagan Gresham Dye University of Arkansas, Fayetteville
University of Arkansas, Fayetteville ScholarWorks@UARK Theses and Dissertations 5-2018 Applause, Laughter, Chants, and Cheers: An Analysis of the Rhetorical Skill of the “Great Communicator” Reagan Gresham Dye University of Arkansas, Fayetteville Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarworks.uark.edu/etd Part of the American Politics Commons, Mass Communication Commons, Social Influence and Political Communication Commons, and the Speech and Rhetorical Studies Commons Recommended Citation Dye, Reagan Gresham, "Applause, Laughter, Chants, and Cheers: An Analysis of the Rhetorical Skill of the “Great Communicator”" (2018). Theses and Dissertations. 2662. http://scholarworks.uark.edu/etd/2662 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UARK. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UARK. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Applause, Laughter, Chants, and Cheers: An Analysis of the Rhetorical Skill of the “Great Communicator” A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Political Science by Reagan Gresham Dye University of Georgia Bachelor of Arts in Political Science, 2015 May 2018 University of Arkansas This thesis approved for recommendation to the Graduate Council. ____________________________________ Patrick A. Stewart, Ph.D. Thesis Director ____________________________________ ____________________________________ Andrew J. Dowdle, Ph.D. Robert -
President Ford's Statement on Pardoning Richard Nixon, 1974
1 President Ford’s statement on pardoning Richard Nixon, 1974 Introduction In this speech before the Congressional Subcommittee on Criminal Justice, of October 17, 1974, President Gerald Ford explains his decision to pardon former President Richard Nixon for his role in the Watergate scandal. Nixon had resigned on August 9, 1974, and Ford pardoned his disgraced predecessor a month later, on September 8. When Ford appeared before the subcommittee to explain the controversial pardon, he asserted that his purpose in granting it was “to change our national focus. to shift our attentions from the pursuit of a fallen President to the pursuit of the urgent needs of a rising nation.” Ford noted that while Nixon had not requested the pardon, “the passions generated” by prosecuting him “would seriously disrupt the healing of our country from the great wounds of the past.” Ford declared that “the general view of the American people was to spare the former President from a criminal trial” and that sparing Nixon from prosecution would “not cause us to forget the evils of Watergate-type offenses or to forget the lessons we have learned.” Excerpt My appearance at this hearing of your distinguished Subcommittee of the House Committee on the Judiciary has been looked upon as an unusual historic event - - one that has no firm precedent in the whole history of Presidential relations with the Congress. Yet, I am here not to make history, but to report on history. The history you are interested in covers so recent a period that it is still not well understood. -
The Marshall Plan and the Beginnings of Comecon
THE MARSHALL PLAN AND THE BEGINNINGS OF COMECON Cristian BENȚE Abstract: The integration of the Eastern-European states into the Soviet Union’s sphere of influence at the end of the Second World War represented a complex process that aimed all the vital sectors in those states. In a relatively short period of time, the political, economic, social and cultural life of the Eastern-European states was radically transformed, according to the models imposed by Moscow. The Soviet Union imposed its control over Eastern Europe because it had strategic, political, military and economic interests in this region. The states in this region became, after the Soviet Union broke relations with its former Western allies, the main suppliers of resources for the recovery of the soviet economy. The soviet control over the Eastern-European economies took many forms: from the brutal transfer of raw materials, finite products and technology during the first years after the war, to more subtle methods, as the establishment of “mixed enterprises”, the initialization of bilateral agreements and finally by establishing the COMECON. The establishment of the COMECON in January 1949 was one of the measures taken by Moscow in order to counteract the effects of the Marshall Plan and to consolidate the Soviet influence in the satellite-states from Eastern Europe. This measure was preceded by other actions meant to strengthen Moscow’s political, economic and ideological control over these states. Keywords: Marshall Plan, COMECON, Cold War economic integration, Iron Curtain The launch of the Marshall Plan in the summer of 1947 and its rejection by the Soviet Union represents a turning point in the evolution of the Cold War.