The Acting White Accusation, Social Anxiety, and Bullying Among

THE ACTING WHITE ACCUSATION, SOCIAL ANXIETY, AND BULLYING AMONG

BLACK GIRLS IN A STEM AND NON-STEM SCHOOL

A dissertation submitted

to Kent State University in partial

fulfillment of the requirements for the

degree of Doctor of Philosophy

Martale J. Davis

August, 2019

Except for previously published materials

Dissertation written by

Martale J. Davis

B.A., The Ohio State University, 2011

M.A., Kent State University, 2016

Ph.D., Kent State University, 2019

Approved by

Angela Neal-Barnett , Chair, Doctoral Dissertation Committee

Josefina Grau , Members, Doctoral Dissertation Committee

Clarissa Thompson ,

Robert Stadulis ,

I. Richmond Nettey ,

Carla Goar ,

Accepted by

Maria Zaragoza , Chair, Department of Psychological Sciences

James L. Blank , Dean, College of Arts and Sciences

TABLE OF CONTENTS………………………………………………………………………..iii

LIST OF FIGURES……………………………………………………………………………...v

LIST OF TABLES………………………………………………………………………………vi

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS…………………………………………………………….……….viii

I. INTRODUCTION……………………………………………………………………….1

a. ACTING WHITE AND ACADEMIC PERFORMANCE……………………....2

b. ETHNIC/RACIAL IDENTITY………………………………………………….6

c. STEM STUDENTS AND THE AWA…………………………………………..10

d. BLACK FEMALES AND ANXIETY………………………………………….12

e. THE AWA AND BOTHER……………………………………………………..14

f. THE AWA AND BULLYING VICTIMIZATION……………………………..15

g. BULLYING VICTIMIZATION AND SOCIAL ANXIETY…………………...16

h. THE ACTING WHITE TRAP…………………………………………………..17

i. ACTING WHITE AND ERI…………………………………………………….18

II. CURRENT STUDY……………………………………………………………………..21

III. METHODS………………………………………………………………………………22

a. PARTICIPANTS………………………………………………………………...22

b. PROCEDURE…………………………………………………………………....22

c. MEASURES……………………………………………………………………..23

d. DATA ANALYSIS PLAN………………………………………………………26

IV. RESULTS………………………………………………………………………………..28

V. DISCUSSION…………………………………………………………………………....36

VI. LIMITATIONS……………………………………………………………….………….42

iii

VII. FUTURE DIRECTIONS………………………………………………………...... 43

REFERENCES…………………………………………………………………………………..46

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1: Moderation analyses with AWA, ERI and social anxiety………………………..…...34

Figure 2: Moderation analyses with AWA, ERI, and bullying………………………………….35

Figure 3: The acting White conceptualization …………………………………………………..37

Figure 4: Bother Composite Scores……………………………………………………………...64

Figure 5: Frequency Composite Scores………………………………………………………….65

Figure 6: Social Anxiety Total Scores…………………………………………………………...66

Figure 7: Bullying Composite Scores...... 67

Figure 8: Centrality Composite Scores………………………………………………………….68

Figure 9: Private Regard Composite Scores……………………………………………………..69

Figure 10: Exploration Composite Scores..……………………………………………………...70

Figure 11: Commitment Composite Scores..…………………………………………………….71

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1: Frequency means and standard deviation on the AWEQ……………………………...29

Table 2: Five most commonly endorsed AWEQ items among STEM participants…………….30

Table 3: Five most commonly endorsed AWEQ items among Non-STEM participants……….30

Table 4: Score ranges, means, and standard deviations………………………………………....31

Table 5a: Multivariate Analysis of Variance between STEM and Non-STEM schools..……….59

Table 5b: Multivariate Analysis of Variance between STEM and Non-STEM schools………...60

Table 6: Moderation Analysis with AWA, centrality, and an interaction term

predicting social anxiety…………………………………………………………………61

Table 7: Moderation Analysis with AWA, private regard, and an interaction term

predicting social anxiety………………………………………………...……………….61

Table 8: Moderation Analysis with AWA, exploration, and an interaction term

predicting social anxiety………………………………………...……………………….61

Table 9: Moderation Analysis with AWA, commitment, and an interaction term

predicting social anxiety…………………………………………………………………62

Table 10: Moderation Analysis with AWA, centrality, and an interaction term

predicting bullying……………………………………………………………………….62

Table 11: Moderation Analysis with AWA, private regard, and an interaction term

predicting bullying…………………………………………………………………...…..62

Table 12: Moderation Analysis with AWA, exploration, and an interaction term

predicting bullying…………………………………………………………………...…..63

Table 13: Moderation Analysis with AWA, commitment, and an interaction term

predicting bullying…………………………………………………………………...…..63

Table 14: Non-STEM age range…………………………………………………………………63

Table 15: STEM age range……………………………………………………………………....63

vii

Acknowledgements

I would like to thank my mother, Diane Davis-Johnson, who has been my biggest supporter in life. I cannot say thank you enough and will always love you. I would also like to thank my brothers, Michael Davis II and Quandale Johnson, my sister, Teresa Davis, my father,

Michael Davis Sr., and my grandmothers, Annie Davis and Ruth Hawley. I would also like to thank my mentor and advisor, Dr. Angela Neal-Barnett. You have encouraged me throughout my graduate experience and always provided support not just professionally but personally as well.

I would also like to thank a host of family and friends who have supported me on this journey. Thank you to my aunts, uncles, and cousins who constantly encourage and motivate me.

Thank you to my best friend, Jasmine Adams, who has been there for me throughout everything.

I would also like to thank Victoria Williams, Hayat Kore, Nicole Maxwell, Ga’nell Smith, Dana

Maurice Pugh, Delilah Ellzey, Elizabeth Jean, and Tiffany Rowell. I am grateful for all your support and encouragement.

I want to thank Dr. Robert Stadulis for serving as a mentor throughout my graduate career as well. Your guidance has helped me in ways you can only imagine. I would also like to thank everyone on my dissertation committee; Dr. Josefina Grau, Dr. Clarissa Thompson, Dr. I.

Richmond Nettey, and Dr. Carla Goar for their time and willingness to help complete this process. Finally, I would like to thank the Akron Community Foundation and Division 29 of the

American Psychological Association for funding this project. Thank you all.

viii

Introduction

Previous research indicates that the acting White accusation (AWA) is one of the most pertinent and detrimental accusations a Black adolescent can encounter (Bergin & Cooks, 2002;

Davis, Stadulis, & Neal-Barnett, 2018; Durkee & Williams, 2013; Fordham & Ogbu, 1986;

Murray, Neal-Barnett, Demmings, & Stadulis, 2012; Neal-Barnett, 2001; Ogbu, 2004). The

AWA arises when a Black adolescent’s ethnic/racial identity (ERI) is perceived as being not

Black enough by another Black adolescent or group of adolescents (Neal-Barnett, Stadulis,

Singer, Murray & Demmings, 2010). Ethnic/racial identity perception is conceptualized in part by actions and behaviors, and therefore can be called into question in various ways (Fordham &

Ogbu, 1986; Neal-Barnett, 2001; Neal-Barnett et al., 2010). The acting White accusation may be experienced either directly, “you are acting White,” or indirectly, “you talk like a White boy.”

The indirect accusation is a subtler form of the AWA that circumvents explicitly stating someone acts White, yet accuses him or her of possessing characteristics similar to White individuals with statements such as “you dress like a White girl.” Regardless of whether it is direct or indirect, many accused adolescents experience the accusation as an attack on their ERI which leads to distress among this population (Neal-Barnett, 2001; Neal-Barnett et al., 2010).

The AWA is one of the most harmful accusations a Black adolescent can hurl at another because it is an attack against one’s ERI and can occur during a time when identity development is most salient (Kunjufu, 1988; Murray et al., 2012; Neal-Barnett, 2001; Steele, 1992; Steinberg,

Dornbusch, & Brown, 1992; Tyson, 2002). Given that the AWA is embedded in ERI, it has implications for the psychological well-being of Black adolescents.

Acting White and Academic Performance

The existence of the acting White phenomenon has been a controversial topic due to the mixed research findings throughout the literature. Researchers have debated whether the fear associated with being accused of acting White led to Black adolescents devaluing academic achievement—a sequence of actions more commonly known as the acting White phenomenon.

However, the fact remains that Black students still receive the accusation, which means they are being told that they are not members of the Black race (Neal-Barnett, 2001). While there has been debate surrounding the phenomenon, no one can argue that Black adolescents have never received the accusation. More recent literature has focused on the psychological implications of receiving the accusation (Davis et al., 2018; Durkee & Williams, 2013; Durkee & Williams,

2015; Murray et al., 2012). With this being said, it is important to understand the history of the phenomenon and how it has shaped current literature that focuses on the accusation.

For decades, the acting White phenomenon was associated with low academic achievement among Black students. It was originally framed within the oppositional identity theory, which asserts that Black adolescents form their ERI in direct opposition to the dominant culture, in this case White Americans (Fordham & Ogbu, 1986). The theory espouses the belief that Blacks must remain in direct opposition to the dominant culture, and as such, devalue what they perceive as Eurocentric or White values (e.g., academic achievement). Black adolescents commonly form fictive kin networks (social ties not determined by blood or marriage) that give them a sense of connection to one another. Signithia Fordham and John Ogbu (1986) were the first to introduce the burden of acting White in their often cited “Capital High” study. Fordham and Ogbu’s (1986) results indicated that Black adolescents devalued academic achievement out of fear of being accused of acting White. Essentially, succeeding in domains that are

characteristic of White individuals may cause one to be negatively sanctioned by their Black peers, and it is the fear that drives Black adolescents to devalue such aspects of themselves. This concept is referred to as the acting White phenomenon.

In alignment with Fordham and Ogbu’s (1986) original study, Fryer and Torelli (2010) investigated the phenomenon by questioning if the “popularity achievement gradient” is the same for Black and White students. The results yielded significant racial differences in the relationship between popularity and grades. There was little difference between groups with lower grade point averages; however, Black students’ popularity peaked at a 3.5 GPA on a 4-point scale and subsequently began to decline thereafter. On the contrary, White adolescents continued to gain popularity as their GPA increased. The authors asserted that these results provided evidence for the existence of the acting White phenomenon (Fryer & Torelli, 2010).

While Fordham and Ogbu (1986) found support for their theory, subsequent studies have shown ethnic minority youth do not intentionally eschew academic achievement out of fear of receiving the accusation and in fact value academic success (Carter, 2003; Carter, 2005; Cook &

Ludwig, 1998; Tough, 2004; Wildhagen, 2011). In fact, Wildhagen (2011) did not find support for the acting White phenomenon, but rather that Black adolescents had significantly more positive attitudes towards education than did their White counterparts. Evidence from the educational and developmental literature suggests that Black adolescents’ valuing of academic success may be related to their ERI (Spencer, Noll, Stoltzfus, & Harpalani, 2001; Tyson, Darity,

& Castellino, 2005; Wong, Eccles, & Sameroff, 2003). In alignment with this theory, Chavous and colleagues (2003) found Black adolescents’ racial identity attitudes were related to their educational beliefs, such that having strong group pride and positive beliefs about society’s view of their ethnic group was related to more positive academic beliefs. Sellers, Chavous, and Cooke

(1998) found that racial centrality was significantly related to Black students’ cumulative GPA.

The more being Black was central to the self-concept, the higher the students’ GPAs. Cook and

Ludwig (1998) conducted an extensive evaluation of the acting White phenomenon and found that Black and White Americans hold similar educational expectations. Furthermore, about 60% of Black and White adolescents expected to earn a 4-year college degree, which debunks the belief that valuing academic success is acting White considering both groups hold similar expectations.

Similarly, Adelabu (2008) looked at the relationship between academic achievement and future time perspective, hope, and ethnic identification among Black adolescents using the

Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM). The results indicate that all three variables were positively associated with academic achievement. Thus, Black adolescents who expressed a sense of belonging to their ethnic group were more likely to achieve academically than their less identity-achieved counterparts (Adelabu, 2008). Chavous et al. (2008) used the Multidimensional

Inventory of Black Identity (MIBI) to measure racial identity and found that racial centrality among Black adolescent boys was positively associated with school performance and school importance attitudes. The authors also found that higher racial centrality among boys was related to a diminished risk for lower grades, while high centrality among girls protected against the negative impact of discrimination on academic self-concept and school importance.

It is clear the acting White phenomenon has not been fully supported by the research, which has led many to question its existence. However, receiving the accusation remains relevant for Black adolescents, and recent literature has sought to re-conceptualize and reshape our understanding of its impact on Black youth. Neal-Barnett and colleagues’ (2010) conceptualization of the AWA identified six themes that led to an adolescent incurring the

accusation—academic achievement, dress, speech, music preference, economics and standards and values. This conceptualization also suggests that there exists a continuum of Blackness with extremes on either end. On one end lies the “hardcore Black,” which consists of stereotypical generalizations of the meaning of being Black (e.g., using slang and listening to rap). On the other end lies the belief that being Black is no different than being any other race. The acting

White accusation occurs when individuals on different ends of the spectrum interact. Essentially, the accusation occurs when one individual’s definition of Black clashes with another individual’s definition of being Black (Neal-Barnett, 2001; p.77).

Murray et al. (2012) posited the accusation has less to do with acting White, and everything to do with what it means to be Black. Peterson-Lewis and Bratton (2004) interviewed

64 Black adolescent students to understand what it means to be Black from their perspective.

Content analysis revealed five dimensions that resulted from their responses:

Academic/scholastic, aesthetic/stylistic, behavioral, dispositional, and impressionistic. These categories represent features of education, attire/style, specific acts or activities, qualities that reflect intentions or values, and overall impression and image, respectively. Most of the responses to the items were negative appraisals of behavior and image. Some examples of acting

Black include “not going to class” or “using slang” (Peterson-Lewis & Bratton, 2004). These studies suggest that many Black adolescents have rigid beliefs about what it means to be Black and not fitting into that description can lead to being cast as an outsider. Given the accusation is embedded in ERI, it is important to know how ERI is conceptualized in the literature if we seek to understand the implications of the AWA.

Ethnic/Racial Identity

Ethnic/racial identity is defined as “a multidimensional, psychological construct that reflects the beliefs and attitudes that individuals have about their ethnic-racial group membership, as well as the processes by which these beliefs and attitudes develop over time”

(Umaña‐Taylor et al., 2014; p.23). Ethnic/racial identity is thought to be multifaceted and dynamic and derives from a sense of peoplehood within a group or culture (Phinney & Ong,

2007). There have been several models of ERI proposed over the years, but two of the most prominent include Phinney’s developmental statuses (1989) and the multidimensional approach developed by Sellers, Smith, Shelton, Rowley, and Chavous (1998).

Jean Phinney’s (1989) operationalization of ethnic identity among adolescents has its roots in Marcia’s (1966, 1980) work and Erikson’s (1968) theory of ego identity development.

Phinney (1989) described four statuses of ethnic identity: (1) diffuse, (2) foreclosed, (3) moratorium, and (4) achieved. A diffuse status refers to those with little or no exploration of their own ethnic identity and no clear understanding of pertinent issues. Those who are in a diffuse status may not have been faced with issues relative to their ethnicity. Thus, it is likely these individuals have given little thought to their ethnic identity and consider it to be of little importance. A foreclosed status reflects no exploration but clarity about ethnic identity. These individuals have taken on values and beliefs about their ethnic identity that they have been exposed to by those around them, but have engaged in little exploration for themselves.

Moratorium has been described as a period of exploration of one’s own ethnic identity. This period is a time for experimentation that involves actively engaging in activities such as talking with family and friends about issues concerning ethnicity, reading books, and contemplating the impact ethnicity has on their life. An achieved identity status refers to a commitment and sense

of belonging to an ethnic group. This status reflects acceptance and confidence regarding one’s own ethnic identity (Phinney, 1989; Phinney & Ong, 2007).

Commitment is one of the most important components of ethnic identity and refers to a strong attachment to a group (Phinney & Ong, 2007). However, commitment does not indicate that one has an achieved identity status. For example, adolescents who identify with their ethnicity based on messages from their parents and not through any self-exploration are committed, but these individuals exhibit a foreclosed identity status. Phinney and Ong (2007) suggest that a secure and stable sense of self acquired through exploration is what defines an achieved identity status. Thus, exploration is another important component of ethnic identity.

Although it is most common in adolescence, it is a process that can occur at any point throughout one’s life (Phinney & Ong, 2007).

Sellers and colleagues (1998) developed the Multidimensional Model of Racial Identity

(MMRI) to conceptualize the different components of racial identity. The MMRI defines racial identity as the significance and qualitative meaning that one attributes to their membership within a racial group, and holds four testable assumptions about racial identity. First, the MMRI assumes identities are both situationally influenced and stable properties of an individual. There are aspects of identity that are susceptible to contextual cues that influence behavior, along with stable properties that exist across situations. The second assumption holds that individuals have a number of different and hierarchically ordered identities. Thus, the MMRI acknowledges that race is one of many social identities and may be more important to some than others. The third assumption is that perceptions of racial identity is the most valid indicator of identity as opposed to overt behaviors. While overt behaviors correspond with self-perception of racial identity, they are susceptible to contextual factors and may not be the best indicators of the importance of race.

Finally, the MMRI focuses on what it means to be Black without any objective definition. The model recognizes that there are differences in perceptions about what it means to be Black and makes judgements about what constitutes a healthy versus unhealthy racial identity. It is important to note that the MMRI was designed to assess statuses that compliment developmental models of racial identity (Sellers et al., 1998). With these four assumptions in mind, the MMRI proposes four dimensions of racial identity: racial salience, centrality, regard, and ideology

(Sellers et al., 1998).

Racial salience is the extent to which race is a relevant part of one’s self-concept at any particular moment. There are times when race may become more salient for one individual and not another. For example, being the only Black student in a math class may make race more salient for one individual, whereas someone else may not have noticed. However, the authors assert that some situations are so pervasive that they make race salient for almost all Blacks, like attending a Ku Klux Klan meeting (Sellers et al., 1998). Racial salience is important because it has implications for how individuals interpret situations. Those whose race becomes salient at a particular time may interpret ambiguous situations as being racially motivated (e.g., racist or discriminatory).

Racial centrality is the extent to which a person defines him or herself regarding race.

Centrality, unlike salience, is relatively stable across situations as it is a normative perception of the self. Essentially, centrality captures the extent to which one defines him or herself with regards to race. This dimension of racial identity is important to assess considering individuals are thought to have multiple social identities where one can be more predominant than another.

For example, some Black women may define themselves in terms of gender rather than race,

whereas others may define themselves in terms of religious affiliation rather than race (Sellers et al., 1998).

Racial regard refers to a person’s affective and evaluative judgment of their race and is broken up into two components. Private regard refers to the extent to which an individual feels positively or negatively towards Black people and how they feel about being a member of the

Black community. Public regard is the extent to which one feels that others view Blacks positively or negatively. Essentially, it is their perception of how the broader society views the

Black population (Sellers et al., 1998).

The fourth dimension is ideology which is composed of an individual’s beliefs and attitudes about how members of the Black community should act. The ideology dimension consists of four philosophies that are manifested across four areas of functioning: (1) political/economic development, (2) cultural social activities, (3) intergroup relations, and (4) perceptions of the dominant group. The first ideology, nationalist, emphasizes the uniqueness of being Black, and a person with this philosophy views the Black experience as being different from other groups. A nationalist ideology is associated with a preference of Black social environments, and as such, these individuals are more likely to be involved in Black organizations. The oppressed minority ideology emphasizes the similarities between Blacks and other minority groups. These individuals acknowledge similar forms of oppression between

Black Americans and other minority groups and are more likely to focus on coalition building as a form of social change. An assimilationist ideology emphasizes the similarities between Blacks and the rest of the American society. These individuals recognize themselves as Americans and try to integrate as much as possible into mainstream society. An assimilationist is able to acknowledge the problems Black Americans face, but believes that they should work within the

system to erect social change. Lastly, the humanist ideology acknowledges the similarities among all humans. These individuals are more concerned with the human race rather than thinking in terms of race, gender, etc. A humanist is typically more concerned with larger societal issues and view oppression as “man’s inhumanity towards one another.” It is important to note that one can be categorized as possessing one or multiple ideologies that vary across areas of functioning. Additionally, these ideologies represent ways in which racial identity is manifested in beliefs and attitudes rather than being synonymous with the construct (Sellers et al., 1998).

In summary, ERI is a multifaceted construct that incorporates a developmental, multidimensional, and content specific perspective. With an understanding of how ERI is conceptualized and the history of “acting White” as it relates to academic achievement, the next section discusses the possible link between ERI, academics, and the AWA.

STEM Students and the AWA

While research has shown that Black students value academic achievement (Chavous et al., 2003; Spencer et al., 2001; Tyson, et al., 2005; Wildhagen, 2011; Wong et al., 2003), two issues concerning this group is their underperformance and lack of persistence in science, technology, engineering, and math (STEM) disciplines (ACT, 2012; Hill & Green, 2007; Kelly,

2004; Landivar, 2013). The existing research has identified several factors related to ERI that contribute to the disparity in STEM performance between Black students and other ethnic groups. One of those factors is stereotype threat—which is the fear of confirming negative stereotypes about one’s group (e.g., race, gender, etc.) that is related to their social identity

(Beasely & Fischer, 2012; Brown et al., 2000; Gonzales et al., 2002; Steele 1997; Steele &

Aronson, 1995). Cultural border crossing has also been identified as a contributing factor, which

is the idea that Black students view themselves as “outsiders” with respect to math and science fields (Brand, Glasson, & Green, 2006). Also, low self-efficacy or one’s belief in their ability to complete a task or reach a goal has been posited as a potential factor in the underperformance of

Black students in STEM disciplines (Fife, Bond, & Byars-Winston, 2011; Gainor & Lent, 1998;

Leslie, McClure, & Oaxaca, 1998; Smith, Levine, Smith, Prinz, & Dumas, 2009). Additionally, lack of culturally relevant teaching practices, poor preparation, and fewer resources also contribute to the underperformance and lack of persistence of Black students in STEM disciplines (Charleston, 2012; Charleston, Charleston, & Jackson, 2014; Margolis, Goode, &

Bemie, 2011; May & Chubin, 2003; VanLangen & Dekkers, 2005; West-Olatunji et al., 2010).

However, one problem that many Black adolescents face that could contribute to STEM underperformance is the acting White accusation, which is—like many of the factors mentioned—embedded in ERI.

The idea of the AWA affecting performance in STEM disciplines is not predicated on the hypothesis that Black students intentionally devalue academic achievement because they fear the

AWA. Rather, Black students who attend STEM schools are more likely to encounter the accusation and experience higher levels of distress than students who attend non-STEM schools, thereby affecting their performance more often. It is likely that many Black students who pursue

STEM disciplines are perceived to possess several “White characteristics” for various reasons.

For example, many successful STEM students live in middle-class households and have parents with STEM-related careers (Charleston, Charleston, Jackson, 2014). Thus, these students could be perceived as being economically and academically advantaged. Furthermore, because of the underrepresentation of Black students in STEM disciplines, many Black students attend STEM schools with very few other Black students. Therefore, it is likely these students have a variety of

interests that enables them to relate to a diverse group of peers. They may listen to various music genres, engage in certain activities, and dress and speak in a way that is inconsistent with another

Black adolescent’s definition of what it means to be Black. Because of this, Black students who attend STEM schools may be more at risk for receiving the AWA than students who attend non-

STEM schools. In sum, accounting for all the attributes that lead to one being accused of acting

White, it is possible that Black students who attend STEM schools are more likely to receive the

AWA. Essentially, these students are perceived as being not “Black enough.”

However, while both Black males and females in STEM disciplines may be more likely to experience the AWA, Black girls especially may be at risk. Studies have shown that Black women and girls are double minorities in STEM disciplines as they comprise fewer STEM degrees than White males, White females, and Black males (Charleston, George, Jackson,

Berhanu, & Amechi, 2014; Perna et al., 2009). This means that Black females are underrepresented in STEM fields in terms of race/ethnicity and gender. Because of their double minority status, Black girls who break stereotypes and chose to pursue fields dominated by

White men may be perceived as acting “White” by their peers. While there have been no reported gender differences in the AWA, understanding the implication of the accusation is critical for Black girls in STEM fields. The next section further explicates the importance of assessing the AWA and anxiety among Black girls.

Black Females and Anxiety

Anxiety disorders affect an estimated 25% of the Black population, but generally are less prevalent among Blacks than their White counterparts (Breslau, Kendler, Su, Gaxiola-Aguilar, &

Kessler, 2005; Sibrava, Beard, Bjornsson, Moitra, Weisberg, & Keller, 2013). Despite this, previous research has shown that Black females experience anxiety symptoms for longer periods

of time and at higher perceived rates of distress than their White counterparts (Breslau et al.,

2005; Friedman, Braunstein, & Halpern, 2006; Neal-Barnett & Crowther, 2000; Williams &

Chambless, 1994). Some have attributed these perceived higher levels of distress to an increasing amount of environmental stressors (Carter, Mitchell, & Sbrocco, 2012; Clark, Anderson, Clark,

&Williams, 1999). Experiences with racism, unequal treatment, marginalization, and threats to ethnic identity may all contribute to these persistent rates of anxiety. In addition to these factors, two studies have identified the AWA as a potential source of anxiety for Black adolescents

(Davis et al., 2018; Murray et al., 2012).

The results of Murray et al.’s (2012) study did not indicate any significant gender differences in levels of anxiety. However, research has shown that Black females have higher rates of hypertension and anxiety than Black males (Breslau et al., 2005; Sampson et al., 2014;

Will & Yoon, 2013). Additionally, studies have found that while anxiety is common among

Black girls, it is likely to manifest as somatic symptoms such as feeling “tense” or “jittery”

(Kingery, Ginsburg, & Alfano, 2007; White & Farrell, 2006). In fact, Kingery et al. (2007) found that Black girls endorsed more somatic symptoms than their male counterparts, and somatic symptoms were positively associated with anxiety symptom severity among Black girls.

Furthermore, a higher number of Black girls were categorized as highly anxious in comparison to boys (Kingery et al., 2007).

These findings suggest that Black girls are more likely to: 1) experience anxiety for longer periods of time and at higher perceived rates of distressed than their White counterparts, and 2) experience higher levels of anxiety and somatic symptoms than Black adolescent boys.

Taking these factors into consideration, along with the double minority status of Black girls in

STEM disciplines, the higher likelihood of receiving the AWA, and the link between the AWA

and anxiety, an investigation of the AWA among Black adolescent girls in STEM fields is warranted.

The AWA and Bother

Many adolescents experience psychological discomfort or feel bothered when receiving the accusation (Neal-Barnett et al., 2010). Murray et al. (2012) referred to Neal-Barnett et al.’s

(2010) examination of psychological distress by examining the extent to which an adolescent is bothered by aspects of the AWA. Responses in Neal-Barnett et al.’s study (2010) to being accused of acting White ranged from “didn’t bother me at all” to “bothered me a whole lot.” This suggests that some adolescents have a stronger negative reaction to the accusation than others.

For example, one adolescent accused of acting White might experience increased anxiety around peers, question their ERI, etc. Another adolescent can receive the same accusation but would not be bothered at all by the AWA. Murray and colleagues (2012) found that bother experienced after receiving the accusation was associated with anxiety. Murray et al.’s (2012) results indicated 97 of 110 participants had been accused of acting White either directly “you act

White,” or indirectly, for example, “you dress like a White boy.” Results indicated that adolescents who reported higher levels of bother experienced higher levels of anxiety. In a similar study, Durkee and Williams (2013) found that 74% of their sample had been accused of acting White. Their findings supported qualitative evidence that suggested Black individuals who identified more with their racial group were more likely to experience psychological discomfort when accused of acting White than those who were less likely to identify with being Black

(Bergin & Cooks, 2002; Fordham, 1996). However, Durkee and Williams (2013) asserted that psychological discomfort, a similar construct to bother, was not a significant predictor of mental

health outcomes. One aspect of their study to make note of is their decision to disregard psychological discomfort as a mental health outcome.

In support of the research findings by Neal-Barnett (2001), other researchers have demonstrated the effects of the accusation on mental health. Bergin and Cooks (2002) found that high achieving Black adolescents in their study did not avoid academic achievement in order to avoid the AWA, although they did experience some level of bother when they were accused of acting White. These findings suggest that bother is a concept experienced by many adolescents when accused of being a non-authentic member of their ethnic/racial group. Because bother experienced from the accusation is linked to psychological distress, it becomes a central component in understanding the impact of the AWA. Furthermore, if STEM students are at higher risk for receiving the accusation, it could mean they are at higher risk for experiencing bother and other psychological symptoms. Thus, the AWA puts STEM students more at risk for experiencing psychological distress than non-STEM students, which in turn could affect their success in STEM fields.

The AWA and Bullying Victimization

Bullying is defined as a form of aggression that is intended to harm or cause distress in the victim (Rigby, 2002). Griffin and Gross (2004) differentiate between two forms of bullying:

1) The overt or direct form which includes physical aggression and physical or verbal threat, and

2) the covert or indirect format which relates to exclusion, social rejection and rumor spreading.

Black adults accused of acting White recall the accusation as a bullying experience (Harris,

2012). Jamelle Bouie (2010), staff writer for The American Prospect, reports having been accused of acting White during adolescence stating that the accusation was reserved for Black kids, academically successful or otherwise, who did not fit in with the main crowd. Thus, the

accusation can be considered a more covert form of bullying among adolescents. The research emphasizing the bullying nature of the accusation has been primarily qualitative. Ford,

Grantham, and Whiting (2008) found that Black adolescents defined acting White as “selling out their race,” “stuck up,” “bougie,” and “snobbish,” which are all forms of name calling and pejoratives for those who are viewed as acting White. Grantham and Biddle (2014) viewed this form of race-based bullying through Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) social-ecological bullying framework, which is a multidimensional conceptual model that combines multiple ecologies

(e.g., microsystem and macrosystem) related to behaviors. The authors state that the accusation can be viewed at the microsystem or relationship level (e.g., between friends), but that some might argue that it extends beyond the microsystem given the historical underpinnings of the accusation (Grantham & Biddle, 2014).

Bullying Victimization and Social Anxiety

Bullying also has implications for the development of social anxiety, which is defined as a marked fear of one or more social situations, because it has social consequences that make it an impetus for social evaluation concerns (Detweiler, Comer, Crum, & Albano, 2014). Detweiler and colleagues (2014) cited a study conducted by La Greca and Harrison (2005) that found even non-violent, indirect harassment could result in social anxiety if accompanied by a poor quality of friendship with a best friend, which is likely for youth who experience peer rejection and neglect. McCabe and colleagues (2010) found that adults with Social Anxiety Disorder reported experiencing more teasing in childhood than those with Panic Disorder or Obsessive-Compulsive

Disorder, and suggest social anxiety may be the result of being exposed to anxiety-provoking peer interactions during childhood. Similarly, Storch and Masia-Warner (2004) investigated the relationship between overt (e.g., physical assault) and relational (e.g., rumor spreading)

victimization and social anxiety, and found that both forms of victimization were linked to elevated levels of social anxiety and loneliness. These findings reflect other studies that have demonstrated that a relationship exists between bullying victimization and social anxiety in both childhood and adulthood (Boulton, 2013; Roth, Coles, & Heimberg, 2002).

In a seminal study, Davis, Stadulis, and Neal-Barnett (2018) conducted a quantitative investigation to explore the links between the AWA, social anxiety and bullying victimization among Black adolescent girls. The results indicated that bother was significantly associated with social anxiety, which suggested the more bothered an adolescent was when receiving the accusation, the more social anxiety they experienced. Furthermore, the results showed that bother and frequency of the accusation were positively associated with bullying victimization.

The more adolescents received the accusation and the more bothered they were, the more the adolescents felt bullied by their peers. The authors conclude that the accusation is associated with both social anxiety and bullying victimization, and the importance of these findings cannot be understated given that every participant in the study reported receiving the accusation at some point (Davis et al., 2018). However, due to the possibility of STEM students being at higher risk for receiving the accusation, it is reasonable to question if STEM students are at higher risk for social anxiety and bullying victimization.

The Acting White Trap

Adolescence is a time when many ethnic minorities start to explore their ERI. As a part of this exploration, adolescents may take on various personas that include different ways of speaking and dressing. Erickson (1968) and Marcia (1966) have referred to this period of exploration as moratorium, which occurs when an adolescent is in the midst of an identity crisis or a period of questioning who they are. From an ERI perspective, the AWA triggers an identity

crisis, which then leads to some adolescents entering a state of moratorium or what has been labeled the “acting White trap.” Spending time in the acting White trap can be healthy for most adolescents. However, difficulties arise when some remain in the trap, either maintaining a moratorium status or adopting a racial persona that may not be in line with their true values and beliefs, which could have a profound effect on identity development (Kunjufu, 1988; Murray et al., 2012; Neal-Barnett et al., 2010). If Black students in STEM schools encounter the AWA more than students in non-STEM schools, they may also be more likely to enter the acting White trap, which could introduce a host of psychological difficulties for this particular group.

Acting White and ERI

Existing literature suggests that ERI serves as a buffer against psychological distress for adolescents and adults (Carter, 1991; Mandara, Gaylord-Harden, Richards, & Ragsdale, 2009;

Settles, et al., 2010; Utsey, Hook, Fischer, & Belvet, 2008; Williams, Chapman, Wong, &

Turkheimer, 2011; Yasui, Dorham, & Dishion, 2004). Research indicates ERI is associated with depression, anxiety, and overall well-being. Mandara et al. (2009) found that higher levels of

ERI was associated with fewer depressive symptoms in adolescent boys. The authors also found a moderate negative correlation between anxiety and racial identity among Black girls (Mandara et al., 2009). Among Black women, Settles and colleagues (2010) found those who reported higher race centrality, public regard and private regard had lower rates of depression.

Conversely, lower levels of ethnic identity have been linked to negative mental health outcomes (Carter, 1991; Utsey et al., 2008; Williams et al., 2011; Yasui et al., 2004). Yasui and colleagues (2004) found that Black adolescents who endorsed negative attitudes about ethnicity were more likely to experience internalizing and externalizing behaviors. Williams et al. (2011) found that Black adults with lower levels of ethnic identity experienced greater amounts of

anxiety and depression. Carter (1991) found that Pre-Encounter attitudes were positively related to anxiety, paranoia, hallucinations, and global psychological distress. In addition to psychological well-being, higher levels of ERI appear to serve as a protective factor against the deleterious effects of racial and ethnic discrimination, which in turn affects well-being (Neblett,

Rivas-Drake, Umaña -Taylor, 2012).

Recent research, however, suggests the relationship between ERI and discrimination may be more complex. Rivas-Drake and colleagues (2014) suggest that while ERI may serve as a protective factor, one might also expect that an individual reporting discrimination based on a central part of their identity would report increased negativity. This finding has implications for the link between the AWA, ERI, and psychological distress. As indicated earlier, a key component in the AWA is psychological distress—also known as bother. One might hypothesize that adolescents with higher levels of ERI would be less bothered by the accusation due to the buffering effects of ERI. However, a distinct possibility exist that the opposite is true.

Granted that the AWA is embedded in ERI, those individuals with higher levels may be more bothered by the attack on their identity. This higher level of bother may place them at higher risk for clinical symptomatology. Indeed, research with emerging adults provides partial support for this hypothesis (Durkee & Williams, 2013; Durkee & Willaims, 2015). Among college students, those with high levels of ERI experienced more psychological discomfort when receiving the AWA. However, for this sample, it was lower levels of ERI that were associated with other psychological difficulties (Durkee & Williams, 2013). Durkee and Williams found similar results in their 2015 study. Frequency of the accusation predicted low ERI and higher symptoms of mental health risk in emerging adults. However, higher levels of psychological

discomfort experienced when receiving the accusation predicted higher levels of ERI (Durkee &

Williams, 2015).

In sum, the existing literature suggests that high ERI puts Black adolescents at risk for experiencing psychological distress when receiving the accusation. However, the question remains as to whether this relationship is the same for STEM students. As previously stated, it is possible that STEM students are more likely than non-STEM students to receive the accusation, but what is unknown is whether ERI would serve as a buffer or risk factor for experiencing psychological distress among this group. A review conducted by Davis and Neal-Barnett (2017) suggests that adolescents with high ERI perform well in STEM disciplines. Given this, ERI may serve as a protective factor for STEM students. On the contrary, those who do not perform well are likelier to have low ERI (Davis & Neal-Barnett, 2017).

Current Study

Hypotheses

A review of the literature suggests that no studies have sought to investigate the psychological implications of the AWA among Black STEM students. Considering all the attributes that lead to one receiving the accusation (e.g., academics, economics, interests, and activities), it is likely that STEM students are more at risk for receiving the AWA than non-

STEM students, therefore putting STEM students at higher risk for experiencing psychological distress. Given this, the hypotheses for this study are:

H1: The AWA will be positively associated with social anxiety among Black STEM and non-STEM students.

H2: The AWA will be positively associated bullying victimization among both STEM and non-STEM students.

H3: Black adolescents who attend STEM schools will experience significantly higher levels of: a) bother; b) frequency of the AWA; c) perceived bullying victimization; and d) social anxiety, than students who attend a non-STEM school.

H4: ERI will moderate the relationship between: a) the AWA and social anxiety, and b) the AWA and bullying victimization among both groups. It is hypothesized that high levels of centrality, regard, commitment, and exploration will strengthen the relationship between the relationship between the AWA, social anxiety, and bullying.

Methods

Participants

Ninety-four (94) self-identified Black/biracial seventh and eighth grade adolescent females between the ages of 11 and 15 years (M=12.7, SD=.79) were recruited to participate in the study. The participants were a part of a larger stress and anxiety intervention designed for adolescent Black girls called Sisters United Now© (S.U.N.). Forty-two (42) of the participants attended a predominantly White STEM school, whereas the remaining fifty-two (52) attended a predominantly Black non-STEM school. As a part of the larger study, the participants completed a pre-assessment packet that included measures of ERI, social anxiety, bullying victimization, and the AWA. Written informed consent was obtained prior to participation in the intervention by parents and adolescents. The study was approved by the Kent State University’s Institutional

Review Board.

Procedure

Participants from the STEM school were identified by the school counselor based on academic performance (i.e., <2.0 GPA), behavioral issues (i.e., detentions), or emotional difficulties (i.e., anxiety). The project coordinator and two undergraduate facilitators then discussed the S.U.N. program to prospective participants and provided the school counselor with consent forms. The school counselor sent the participants home with consent forms and contacted parents to inform them of the study. Once parental and adolescent consent was acquired, two Black female undergraduate facilitators provided the paper assessments in the

22 school library during the school day, which took approximately one hour to complete. The project coordinator was present to answer any questions that arose.

Participants from the non-STEM school were also identified by their school counselor based on academic performance, behavioral concerns, or emotional difficulties. The project coordinator and two facilitators discussed the study and provided the school counselor with consent forms. Parental and adolescent consent were acquired before anyone from this site participated in the study. The assessments were administered across two days due to time constraints, which did not affect the methodology given the short timeframe. Two Black female facilitators provided the assessments in a classroom setting where the participants completed the paper assessments on their own similarly to participants from the STEM site. The project coordinator was present to answer questions for this group as well.

Measures

The Acting White Experiences Questionnaire (AWEQ; Neal-Barnett et al., 2010). The

AWEQ assesses the degree to which adolescents experience different aspects of the acting White accusation. The AWEQ assesses the frequency of indirect forms of the accusation such as “The kids around me say I talk proper” and the direct form “Have you ever been accused of acting

White?” Participants respond to each item using a six-point Likert-type scale with responses that range from 1 “Never” to 6 “Almost all of the time.” The AWEQ also assesses the degree to which an individual is bothered by the accusation with the statement, “How bothered were you by this?” Responses are indicated by five-point Likert-type scale ranging from 1 “Didn’t bother me at all” to 5 “Bothered me a whole lot.” Because items on the AWEQ represent different forms of the accusation, it would be inappropriate to create a composite score of all responses. Some adolescents may have experienced one form of the accusation (i.e., people around me say I listen

to White music) and not others (i.e., the kids around me say I dress preppy), whereas the reverse could be true for another adolescent. Therefore, bother and frequency composite scores were calculated for each participant by using only the items endorsed by that participant.

Additionally, the AWEQ assesses bullying victimization with questions such as “Do you feel others were bullying you when they said all those things?” Responses could either be “yes” or “no” with an associated bother subscale ranging from 1 “Didn’t bother me at all” to “Bothered me a whole lot.” Composite scores can range from 0 (no perceived bullying) to 3 (high perceived bullying). The structure of the bullying subscale is similar to another valid bullying measure known as the Gatehouse Bullying Scale (GBS; Bond et al., 2007). The bullying subscale assesses victimization in the form of teasing, which is the mechanism of bullying most associated with the

AWA (Davis et al., 2018). The AWEQ bullying subscale was not significantly correlated with the GBS (r =. 07, p =.81). However, because the GBS is a general assessment of bullying victimization and the AWEQ bullying subscale is specifically related to the AWA, the lack of a significant correlation can be expected. Therefore, the use of the AWEQ bullying subscale was based on face validity. The AWEQ in its entirety was shown to be a valid measure in Black populations (Davis et al., 2018; Murray et al., 2012; Neal-Barnett et al., 2010). For the current sample, the acting White subscale (frequency and bother) was shown to have high internal consistency (α = .94). Similarly, further analysis revealed that the bullying subscale had good reliability (α = .84).

The Multidimensional Anxiety Scale for Children 2nd Edition (MASC-2; March, 2013)

The MASC- 2 is a 50-item questionnaire that assesses symptoms related to anxiety disorders including social anxiety, panic, and separation anxiety. The questionnaire contains items such “I worry about other people laughing at me” and “I have trouble asking other kids to play with me.”

Responses are indicated using a 4-point Likert-type scale ranging from 0 to 3 (0- Never, 1- rarely, 2-sometimes and 3- often). The social anxiety subscale was used to assess the presence of symptoms related to social anxiety. The MASC-2 software was used to calculate the raw and T- scores for the social anxiety subscale. Scores are considered below average (<40), average (40-

54), high average (55-59), slightly elevated (60-64), elevated (65-69), or very elevated (70≥).

This assessment was shown to be a valid measure for this population (Davis et al., 2018;

Fraccaro, Stelnicki, & Nordstokke, 2015; March, 2013). For the current sample, the MASC-2 was shown to have high internal consistency (α = .90).

The Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure-Revised (MEIM-R: Phinney & Ong, 2007) is a

6-item questionnaire designed to assess the core components of ethnic identity: 1) commitment— a sense of attachment and belonging, and 2) exploration—involvement of ethnic practice. Items 1, 4, and 5 assess exploration, whereas items 2, 3, and 6 assess commitment. The measure consists of questions such as “I feel a strong attachment towards my own ethnic group” and “I have spent time trying to find out more about my ethnic group, such as its history, traditions, and customs. Responses range from 1 “strongly disagree” to 5 “strongly agree.”

Composite scores were generated for each subscale. However, because exploration and commitment represent distinct aspects of ERI, a composite score for the entire scale was not calculated. Moreover, one of the primary objectives of this investigation is understanding where the participants are in the identity process (i.e., high exploration, low commitment, etc.) and how

ERI influences the relationship between AWA, social anxiety, and bullying. Therefore, composite scores for the full scale were not calculated. Research has shown the MEIM-R to be a valid measure for the Black population (Brown et al., 2014; Chakawa, Butler, & Shapiro, 2015).

Further analysis indicated that the MEIM-R had adequate reliability within this sample (α = .72).

The Multidimensional Inventory of Black Identity (MIBI; Sellers, Rowley, Chavous,

Shelton, & Smith, 1997). The racial centrality and private regard subscales from the MIBI were used to assess ERI. Racial centrality assesses the degree to which an individual defines him or herself with regards to race, and how much race is a part of the self-concept. Items within this subscale include “In general, being Black is an important part of my self-image” and “I have a strong sense of belonging to Black people.” The private regard subscale assesses an individual’s evaluative judgments of his or her race. It reflects how positive or negative one feels towards the

Black population and their membership in that group. The measure includes items such as “I feel good about Black people” and “I feel that Blacks have made major accomplishments and advancements.” Questions 1-8 correspond to the centrality subscale, whereas questions 9-14 correspond to the private regard subscale. Participants indicate their responses using a Likert- type scale ranging from 1 “strongly disagree” to 7 “strongly agree.” Because both subscales represent separate dimensions of ERI, the authors argue against creating a composite score.

Research has shown that the MIBI is a valid measure for assessing ERI in the Black population

(Cokley & Helm, 2001; Sellers et al., 1997). For the current sample, the MIBI was shown to have adequate reliability (α = .71).

Data Analysis Plan

The first hypothesis states that the AWA will be positively associated with social anxiety among the entire sample, which includes both groups of students (e.g., STEM and non-STEM).

A backwards stepwise regression will be used to test this hypothesis. More specifically, bother and frequency will be included as independent variables while social anxiety will serve as the dependent variable.

Similarly, the second hypothesis states that the AWA will be positively associated with bullying victimization among both groups. A stepwise regression will be used to test this hypothesis with bother and frequency serving as independent variables and bullying victimization as the dependent variable.

The third hypothesis states that bother, frequency, bullying victimization, and social anxiety will be higher among the STEM students than non-STEM students. A MANOVA will be used to test this hypothesis. The purpose of this analysis is to compare the means of both groups

(e.g., STEM vs. non-STEM) with regards to four dependent variables: a) bother, b) frequency, c) bullying victimization, and d) social anxiety.

The final hypothesis states that high ERI will strengthen the relationship between the

AWA, social anxiety and bullying among both groups. A series of multiple regressions will be used to test this hypothesis. The AWA (e.g., bother/frequency composite), ERI (e.g., centrality, regard, commitment, exploration), and an interaction term will serve as independent variables in the models, with social anxiety and bullying victimization being the dependent variables. Given that racial centrality, private regard, exploration, and commitment represent distinct dimensions of ERI, each variable will be used as a moderator in separate analyses.

Results

Acting White

Tables 1-3 summarize the AWEQ item frequency results. Descriptive statistics on the

AWEQ reveal that 86 participants completed the AWEQ and 81 (94%) reported receiving the

AWA at some point in their life. Additional analysis revealed 33 STEM and 48 non-STEM students reported receiving the accusation at least one time in the past. Of the total sample, 34 participants experienced the accusation indirectly only, whereas 47 participants experienced the

AWA both directly and indirectly. Twenty-four (72%) of the STEM participants experienced the accusation directly compared to only 23 (47%) of non-STEM participants. The responses to how frequently one has been accused of acting White ranged from 1 “Never” to 6 “Almost all of the time.” Responses to how bothered one was when they received the accusation ranged from 1

“Didn’t bother me at all” to 5 “Bothered me a whole lot.” The five most commonly endorsed indirect accusations were: “The kids around me say I talk proper” (54 participants), “the kids around me say I’m full of myself or bigheaded” (54 participants), “the kids around me look at me differently because I want to make something of myself” (53 participants), “the kids around me say I dress preppy (43 participants), and people around me say I listen to White music (42 participants).

Composite scores for the bother scale were calculated using SPSS software by averaging the amount of bother indicated for each accusation that was endorsed by a particular participant.

The composite bother scores ranged from 1.00 to 4.47 (M= 1.96, SD= 0.97). The scores on the frequency subscale ranged from 1 to 4.88 (M= 2.08, SD= 1.00).

Table 1. AWEQ frequency means and standard deviation for full sample

Endorsed Items Total # of Participants Frequency Mean (SD)

Talk proper n=54 2.7 (1.7)

Full of myself or big headed n=54 2.6 (1.7)

Want to make something of n=53 2.9 (1.9) myself

Accused of acting White n=47 1.0 (0.0)*

I dress preppy n=43 2.2 (1.4)

I listen to White music n=42 2.3 (1.7)

I try to use big words n=38 2.3 (1.8)

Take pride in myself n=36 2.2 (1.7)

I want to go to college n=35 2.2 (1.7)

Extracurricular activities not n=33 2.0 (1.6) Black activities

Don’t consider my hobbies n=33 2.0 (1.6) Black hobbies

Parents make a lot of money n=28 1.9(1.6)

Because of friends, peers n=27 1.9 (1.7) don’t think I’m Black enough

I go to class every day n=23 1.8 (1.5)

I get good grades n=23 1.7(1.5)

I’m in honors courses n=22 1.6 (1.4)

I study too much n=21 1.6 (1.3)

Sit at lunch table with n=17 1.4 (1.0) different races

* denotes yes/no response (1=yes, 2=no).

Table 2. Five most commonly endorsed AWEQ items among STEM participants

Endorsed Items Total # of Participants Frequency Mean (SD)

Talk proper n=23 3.0 (1.8)

Want to make something of n=21 2.5 (1.7) myself

Full of myself or big headed n=18 2.4 (1.8)

I try to use big words n=17 2.3 (1.8)

I dress preppy n=17 2.0 (1.4)

Table 3. Five most commonly endorsed AWEQ items among Non-STEM participants

Endorsed Items Total # of Participants Frequency Mean (SD)

Full of myself or big headed n=36 2.8 (1.7)

Want to make something of n=32 3.1 (2.0) myself

Talk proper n=31 2.4 (1.6)

I want to go to college n=28 2.5 (1.8)

I listen to White music n=26 2.3 (1.8)

I dress preppy n=26 2.2 (1.5)

Note. Six items listed due to same n.

Bullying Victimization

Bullying victimization was assessed using the bullying subscale on the AWEQ. Analysis revealed that scores ranged from 0 “no perceived bullying” to 2.75 “high perceived bullying”

(M= 0.88, SD= 0.62). Results indicated that 30% of those sampled believed they were being bullied when they were accused of acting White. Specifically, participants noted being teased when they were accused, which is the most common form of bullying associated with the AWA.

Social Anxiety

Social anxiety symptoms were assessed using the social anxiety subscale on the MASC-

2. The T-Scale scores on the social anxiety subscale ranged from 32 to 75 (M= 51.23, SD=

11.95). Descriptive statistics indicated that 34% of the sample fell within the high average (n= 8), slightly elevated (n= 10), elevated (n= 4), or very elevated (n= 8) ranges on the social anxiety subscale.

Ethnic/ Racial Identity

Table 4 summarizes subscale score ranges, means, and standard deviations. Several subscales on the MIBI (centrality and private regard) and MEIM-R (exploration and commitment) were used to assess ERI in the sample of STEM and non-STEM participants.

Descriptive statistics revealed that composite scores on the centrality subscale ranged from 1 to

5.13 (M= 3.31, SD= 0.88), whereas scores on the private regard subscale ranged from 1 to 6.67

(M= 1.90, SD= 1.09). Analysis on the MEIM-R indicated scores on the exploration and commitment subscales ranged from 1 to 5 (M= 3.09, SD= 0.86) and 1.67 to 5 (M= 3.69, SD=

0.87), respectively. The data indicate low private regard and centrality, and higher commitment and exploration among the sample as a whole. Figures 4-11 summarize additional findings.

Table 4. Score ranges, means, and standard deviations Measure Range Mean (SD)

AWA Bother 1- 4.47 1.96 (0.97)

AWA Frequency 1- 4.88 2.08 (1.00)

Bullying 0- 2.75 0.88 (0.62)

Social Anxiety 32- 75 51.23 (11.95)

Centrality 1- 5.13 3.31 (0.88)

Private Regard 1- 6.67 1.90 (1.09)

Exploration 1- 5 3.09 (0.86)

Commitment 1.67- 5 3.69 (0.87)

Hypothesis 1

A stepwise regression was conducted to explore the relationship between the AWA and social anxiety. Bother and frequency composites were entered as independent variables with social anxiety serving as the dependent variable. Results indicate that both variables accounted for 20% of the variance in this model (R2 = .20). However, bother β = .44, t(78) = 4.40, p<.001, rather than frequency β = .03, t(78) = .31, p= .75, was significantly correlated in the positive direction with social anxiety and accounted for most of the variance in this model. The findings suggest that bother is a predictor of social anxiety, and higher levels of bother are associated with higher levels of social anxiety.

Hypothesis 2

A second stepwise regression was conducted to investigate the association between the

AWA and bullying victimization. For this analysis, bother and frequency were entered as independent variables and the bullying composite served as the dependent variable. Results indicate that bother and frequency accounted for 19% of the variance in this model (R2 = .19).

Interestingly, the second analysis revealed that frequency β = .39, t(46) = 2.85, p<.01 and not bother β = .23, t(46) = 1.51, p= .13 was positively associated with bullying victimization. The

results suggest that frequency of the accusation is a significant predictor of bullying victimization.

Hypothesis 3

The third analysis consisted of a MANOVA to assess group differences between school setting with respect to four dependent variables including bother, frequency, social anxiety, and bullying victimization. The analysis found no significant differences between the STEM and non-STEM samples with regard to the four dependent variables. However, due to the multicollinearity of variables and the unequal variance in both groups, a one-tailed independent samples t-test was found to be the more appropriate analysis. The t-tests results indicate that

STEM participants reported more bullying victimization (M = 1.07, SE = 0.16), than non-STEM participants (M = 0.72, SE = 0.07). This difference, Md = -0.35, 95% CI [-0.73, 0.01], was significant t(29.2) = -1.94, p < .05. Furthermore, the difference between groups represented a medium-sized effect, r = .33. Additionally, STEM participants reported more bother (M = 2.15,

SE = 0.18), than non-STEM participants (M = 1.74, SE = 0.12) when accused of acting White and this difference, Md = -0.41, 95% CI [-0.85, 0.02], was significant t(61.1) = -1.86, p < .05.

Similar to findings regarding bullying, analysis revealed that the difference between groups represented a medium-sized effect, r = .36. There were no significant differences found on the social anxiety and frequency variables.

Hypothesis 4

A series of multiple regressions were conducted to test the final hypothesis, which states that ERI moderates the relationship between the AWA and social anxiety and bullying victimization. In the first analysis, a frequency and bother composite was calculated and served as an independent variable along with centrality and an interaction term. The dependent variable

for the first set of analyses was social anxiety. Three additional analyses were conducted replacing centrality with private regard, exploration, and commitment, respectively. Figure 1 illustrates the first set of analyses with social anxiety as the dependent variable. The results indicate that the interaction terms between the frequency/bother composite and centrality, private regard, exploration, and commitment were not significant and did not moderate the relationship between the AWA and social anxiety.

Centrality Private Regard

AWA Social AWA Social Anxiety Anxiety

Interaction Interaction

Explora- Commit- tion ment

AWA Social AWA Social Anxiety Anxiety

Interaction Interaction

Figure 1. Moderation with AWA, ERI, and social anxiety

Similarly, a second set of analyses were conducted using the frequency/bother composite,

ERI composites, and an interaction term as independent variables and bullying victimization as the dependent variable. In the first analysis the frequency/bother composite, centrality, and an

interaction were entered into the model as independent variables with the bullying composite score as the outcome variable. This analysis was replicated three more times replacing centrality with private regard, exploration, and commitment, respectively. Figure 2 illustrates the four analyses. The results indicate that the interaction terms between the AWA and centrality, private regard, exploration, and commitment were not significant and did not moderate the relationship between the AWA and bullying victimization. Tables 5-15 summarize additional results.

Centrality Private Regard

AWA Bullying AWA Bullying

Interaction Interaction

Explora- Commit- tion ment

AWA Bullying AWA Bullying

Interaction Interaction

Figure 2. Moderation with AWA, ERI, and bullying

Discussion The current study found that 94% of the sample reported experiencing the AWA at some point in their life. The majority of the participants (58%) reported experiencing the accusation both directly and indirectly, whereas the other 42% experienced the accusation only indirectly.

The findings suggest that studies should continue to explore both forms of the accusation given how prevalent the AWA is and how likely it is to be accused of acting White either directly or indirectly. Furthermore, understanding the many ways one is accused of acting White can help identify adolescents who are at risk for experiencing psychological stress. For example, telling an adolescent they “dress preppy” or “speak proper” may seem harmless to most, but can be interpreted as the AWA to many adolescents, which is an attack against their ERI. These adolescents experience the same psychological distress as those who receive the accusation directly. However, it would be easy for teachers, parents, and administrators to overlook these statements or perceive them as compliments instead of recognizing the psychological impact it would have on the adolescent. Additionally, Murray et al. (2012) suggest that receiving multiple forms of the indirect accusation can have an additive effect and lead to an adolescent receiving the direct accusation. This emphasizes the importance of identifying adolescents who receive the accusation, not just directly, but indirectly as well.

Taking into consideration how multifaceted and prevalent the AWA is among Black adolescents, this study sought to investigate the effects of the accusation on Black adolescent girls in relation to social anxiety and bullying victimization. The findings indicate that bother was a significant predictor of social anxiety, which supports the first hypothesis. Adolescents

36 who reported higher levels of bother also reported higher levels of social anxiety. The results suggest that when an adolescent receives the accusation and experiences distress, they also experience symptoms indicative of social anxiety. Essentially, adolescents who receive the AWA might develop a fear of social situations that could expose them to accusations of acting White.

These fears could then result in Black adolescents avoiding their Black peers or enduring these encounters with marked distress. However, because the study is correlational, it is possible that these same adolescents are predisposed to social anxiety and receiving the accusation only exacerbates their fears. The latter interpretation would suggest that the AWA intensifies social anxiety, but is not a causal factor in the manifestation of these symptoms.

Regardless of whether the AWA is a causal factor or simply contributes to pre-existing social anxiety, the accusation plays a role in the maintenance of anxiety-related symptoms among Black adolescent girls. Figure 3 illustrates a conceptualization of an adolescent accused of acting White.

“Black kids think I act White”

Avoids Black Fear, anxiety, peers; Hates bother going to school

Rapid heart-beat, tension, sweating

Figure 3. The acting White conceptualization

Interestingly, frequency was not found to be a significant predictor of social anxiety among this sample. This finding underscores the need to investigate frequency of the accusation further. One would expect that receiving the accusation more frequently would lead to higher levels of social anxiety, but some adolescents could receive the accusation so often that they become desensitized. Future studies should consider conducting a qualitative investigation to help explicate the role of frequency by interviewing adolescents who receive the AWA often, but experience little bother in response to the accusation. Despite the lack of a significant finding regarding frequency, this investigation does provide additional support for studies that have shown that bother predicts anxiety and plays an integral role in the association between the

AWA and psychological distress (Davis et al., 2018; Murray et al., 2012). These findings suggest that no matter how often an adolescent receives the AWA, what researchers and clinicians should pay most attention to is how bothered they are by the accusation.

In addition to finding an association between the AWA and social anxiety, there was also support for the second hypothesis. Frequency of the accusation was a significant predictor of bullying victimization. Essentially, the more an adolescent is accused of acting White, the more bullying victimization is experienced, which supports previous findings (Davis et al., 2018). This interpretation would suggest that adolescents are bullied because they appear to act “White” to their peers. However, the results could also suggest that these adolescents experience more bullying overall, and the AWA is just one of many forms of bullying behavior. Whether the

AWA is the cause of bullying or just another form of bullying behavior, the association between these two variables warrants more attention.

Research has shown that bullying is more prevalent among adolescents from minority groups (Albdour & Krouse, 2014; Goldweber, Waasdorp, & Bradshaw, 2013; Schuster et al.,

2012; Wang, Iannotti, & Nansel, 2009), and Black youth in particular are more likely to be bullies or victims than any other ethnic group (Fitzpatrick, Dulin, & Piko, 2007; Low &

Espelage, 2013). For Black adolescents, bullying has implications for their mental and physical health as it has been associated with lower psychological and physical quality of life (Schuster et al., 2012). Moreover, Black female victims are twice as likely to report internalizing symptoms than their male counterparts (Peskin et al., 2007). What is also concerning is that bullying has been linked to poor school adjustment (Smokowki & Kopasz, 2005), and this could be even more consequential for Black girls in STEM disciplines who are often double minorities. Black girls in STEM schools may experience even poorer school adjustment if they are perceived to be or feel like an outsider relative to their non-Black peers, and experience bullying in the form of the AWA by their Black peers.

Given the current literature on bullying and the findings of this study, it is important for society to be more cognizant of the AWA and its association with bullying victimization among

Black girls. The current study assessed this relationship in one predominantly White school and one predominantly Black school, which means the AWA is pervasive and could occur in either setting. Researchers are encouraged to continue investigations that seek to fully understand the relationship between the AWA and bullying victimization in a myriad of school environments, especially schools composed of a more diverse student body.

One of the more telling findings showed that Black girls in the STEM school experienced more bother and perceived more bullying than non-STEM Black girls when receiving the AWA, which supported hypothesis three. Additionally, the direct accusation was more prevalent among

STEM participants than non-STEM participants. Black girls in STEM disciplines are a unique group given their double minority status and face many barriers to success, and it is possible one of those barriers includes bullying victimization in the form the AWA. These findings indicate that Black girls perceive the AWA to be a bullying experience, which could have implications for school adjustment, academic success, depression, and anxiety.

Despite higher rates of bother and bullying victimization, the data indicated no significant differences in frequency of the AWA between STEM and non-STEM participants. However, it is crucial to consider that higher frequency of the accusation does not equate to experiencing more bother. This suggests that despite no differences in frequency between groups, Black girls in

STEM schools still experience more bother when accused of acting White. Again, bother is a construct that represents psychological discomfort that has been associated with social anxiety, bullying, and general anxiety (Davis et al., 2018; Murray et al., 2012), so it is essential to fully understand the impact bother has on Black girls’ psychological well-being and school performance.

One question that arises is how adolescents in STEM schools could accuse others of acting White, when it is likely that they themselves have been accused. It is important to understand that; 1) bullies often have a history of being bullied, and 2) “Blackness” lies on a spectrum and there are different definitions of what it means to be Black. For example,

Adolescent A—who is in the middle of the “Blackness spectrum” and listens to Pop music—is often accused of acting White by Adolescent B, who is on the furthest end and listens to Hip

Hop. But Adolescent A often accuses Adolescent C, who is on the opposite end of the spectrum and listens to Country music, of acting White. Therefore, it is within reason to believe students in

STEM schools are perpetrators and victims of the AWA. In fact, it is possible that the AWA and bullying contributed to behavioral issues manifested by the participants in the study.

Finally, the results of this study showed that ERI did not moderate the relationships between the AWA, social anxiety, and bullying victimization. The fact that ERI did not moderate either relationship is particularly interesting given that the AWA is embedded in ERI, but several factors may have contributed to these findings. First, the reliability of the ERI measures was not as high as other measures used in this study. Future studies should seek to develop more reliable and valid ethnic and racial identity measures for Black adolescents. Second, it is plausible that the AWA is such a complex construct that ERI does not protect nor exacerbate the effects of the accusation. Rather, other psychological and environmental factors contribute to the manifestation of negative outcomes including who makes the accusation (e.g., family, friends, etc.), where the accusation occurred (e.g., home vs. school), or a predisposition to anxiety and depression.

Regardless, it is vital that researchers continue to investigate the complexities of ERI as it relates to the AWA given the entanglement of both constructs.

Limitations

There are several limitations to the current study that should be addressed in future studies. First, not every participant completed all measures that were a part of the larger invention, which resulted in missing data. For example, several participants did not complete the

AWEQ, which could mean that more participants experienced the AWA than were sampled.

Additionally, data were collected from one STEM school and one non-STEM school in an inner- city environment and may not generalize to more rural settings, which is important to note because the AWA does not occur only in inner-city settings. Future studies should seek to explore the psychological effects of the AWA among Black adolescents in rural environments.

Finally, the sample consisted of Black adolescent girls only. Even though Black girls in STEM schools are at risk for negative outcomes, Murray et al. (2012) found that accusation occurs among Black adolescent boys as well. It would be interesting to know if the accusation had the same impact on boys in STEM schools, or if the accusation contributed to externalizing symptoms among boys similar to how the AWA is associated with internalizing symptoms among Black girls.

Future directions

The current study provided evidence that suggest Black girls in STEM schools experience more bother and bullying victimization than girls in non-STEM schools. Moreover, the AWA was associated with social anxiety and bullying victimization. However, what remains to be investigated is the impact the AWA has on school adjustment and academic performance. It is important to note that participants were recruited to S.U.N. based on academic, behavioral, and emotional concerns, and findings show that STEM participants are more likely to experience distress after receiving the AWA. Taking these findings into consideration, it is within reason to consider that the AWA and social anxiety might play a role in the underperformance of Black girls across all school settings, but especially for Black girls in STEM. This study was the first step in understanding the psychological effects of the AWA among Black girls in STEM disciplines. Given the current findings and knowledge of the barriers that contribute to the underperformance of Black students in STEM fields, it behooves future researchers to investigate the association between the AWA and school performance among this group. It is likely that in addition to low self-efficacy and fewer resources serving as barriers to success,

Black students in STEM often encounter intra-racial bullying disguised as the AWA, which in turn affects their psychological well-being, behavior, and academic performance. This perspective does not suggest in any way that STEM students devalue academic achievement out of fear of being bullied. Rather, it is the psychological effects of the AWA (e.g., bullying victimization, social anxiety, etc.) that hinder Black STEM students from performing well in

STEM disciplines.

Additionally, in effort to fully understand the complexities of the accusation and its effects, future studies should seek to investigate the psychological impact the AWA has on the accuser. Williams (2012) conducted a qualitative study with a college sample that sought to examine the perception of individuals who make the accusation and to provide insight into what it means to be Black from their perspective. Results indicate that accusers perceive those who act

White as “acting proper” or being “stuck up.” Moreover, they perceived acting Black as

“knowing your roots” and “using more slang.” Analysis revealed that accusers often believe those who act White are “being fake” and “trying to impress others,” and the accusation was an attempt “to call out” these individuals. However, the participants seemed to express discomfort and hesitation while trying to articulate their views. The author suggests the next step is to understand what this discomfort represents psychologically and the role it plays in the accusation

(Williams, 2012). Furthermore, it is important to consider whether these feelings lead to bullying behavior; especially among STEM students who might be more likely to experience bullying victimization and engage in bullying behavior.

Finally, the AWA has several clinical implications for Black adolescent girls in STEM.

In short, this group experiences bullying victimization and social anxiety. The next step involves developing ways to prevent or intervene at a time the accusation is most prevalent and detrimental. However, the psychological effects of the accusation are complex and hard to address with one modality of treatment only. For example, simply conducting exposures to alleviate social anxiety would ignore the sociocultural factors that contribute to the distress experienced when an adolescent is accused of acting White. Similarly, helping adolescents develop more pride in their ethnic or racial group may do little to address the effects of bullying.

In sum, Black adolescents are in need of a culturally relevant intervention specifically designed

to ameliorate all the symptoms associated with the AWA. The consideration and implementation of these future directions can lead researchers closer to this goal.

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Table 5a. Multivariate Analysis of Variance between STEM and Non-STEM schools Multivariate Testsa Effect Value F Hypothesis Error df Sig. df Intercept Pillai's Trace .956 203.985b 4.000 38.000 .000 Wilks' Lambda .044 203.985b 4.000 38.000 .000 Hotelling's Trace 21.472 203.985b 4.000 38.000 .000 Roy's Largest Root 21.472 203.985b 4.000 38.000 .000 Group Pillai's Trace .098 1.030b 4.000 38.000 .405 Wilks' Lambda .902 1.030b 4.000 38.000 .405 Hotelling's Trace .108 1.030b 4.000 38.000 .405 Roy's Largest Root .108 1.030b 4.000 38.000 .405 a. Design: Intercept + Group b. Exact statistic

Table 5b. Multivariate Analysis of Variance between STEM and Non-STEM schools

Tests of Between-Subjects Effects Source Dependent Variable Type III Sum df Mean Square F Sig. of Squares Corrected Model Social Anxiety 209.364a 1 209.364 1.479 .231 Bullying 1.034b 1 1.034 2.872 .098 Bother 2.229c 1 2.229 2.222 .144 Frequency .077d 1 .077 .069 .795 Intercept Social Anxiety 111464.713 1 111464.713 787.254 .000 Bullying 34.243 1 34.243 95.121 .000 Bother 182.427 1 182.427 181.863 .000 Frequency 195.403 1 195.403 173.741 .000 Group Social Anxiety 209.364 1 209.364 1.479 .231 Bullying 1.034 1 1.034 2.872 .098 Bother 2.229 1 2.229 2.222 .144 Frequency .077 1 .077 .069 .795 Error Social Anxiety 5805.054 41 141.587 Bullying 14.760 41 .360 Bother 41.127 41 1.003 Frequency 46.112 41 1.125 Total Social Anxiety 117348.000 43 Bullying 49.375 43 Bother 223.859 43 Frequency 242.003 43 Corrected Total Social Anxiety 6014.419 42 Bullying 15.794 42 Bother 43.356 42 Frequency 46.189 42 a. R Squared = .035 (Adjusted R Squared = .011) b. R Squared = .065 (Adjusted R Squared = .043) c. R Squared = .051 (Adjusted R Squared = .028) d. R Squared = .002 (Adjusted R Squared = -.023) Table 3b. Multivariate Analysis of Variance between STEM and Non-STEM schools

Table 6. Moderation Analysis with AWA, centrality, and an interaction term predicting social anxiety b SE B t p Constant 50.76 1.57 32.19 .00 AWA 6.65 1.75 3.78 .00 Centrality 3.41 2.02 1.68 .09 AWA x Centrality -1.22 2.27 -.53 .59 Note. R2 = .26

Table 7. Moderation Analysis with AWA, private regard, and an interaction term predicting social anxiety b SE B t p Constant 50.47 1.60 31.41 .00 AWA 6.55 1.79 3.65 .00 Private Regard 1.07 1.45 .74 .46 AWA x Priv Reg -1.01 1.55 -.65 .51 Note. R2 = .23

Table 8. Moderation Analysis with AWA, exploration, and an interaction term predicting social anxiety b SE B t p Constant 50.83 1.31 38.78 .00 AWA 5.67 1.52 3.73 .00 Exploration -2.50 1.49 -1.67 .09 AWA x Exploration 2.85 1.61 1.76 .08 Note. R2 = .28

Table 9. Moderation Analysis with AWA, commitment, and an interaction term predicting social anxiety b SE B t p Constant 51.52 1.32 38.95 .00 AWA 6.03 1.46 4.12 .00 Commitment -2.66 1.46 -1.81 .07 AWA x Commit .33 1.67 .20 .84 Note. R2 = .24

Table 10. Moderation Analysis with AWA, centrality, and an interaction term predicting bullying b SE B t P Constant .91 .09 9.92 .00 AWA .39 .10 3.79 .00 Centrality .12 .10 1.17 .24 AWA x Centrality .02 .13 .22 .82 Note. R2 = .32

Table 11. Moderation Analysis with AWA, private regard, and an interaction term predicting bullying b SE B t P Constant .87 .08 9.94 .00 AWA .37 .10 3.60 .00 Private Regard .01 .07 .18 .85 AWA x Priv Reg .14 .08 1.78 .08 Note. R2 = .35

Table 12. Moderation Analysis with AWA, exploration, and an interaction term predicting bullying b SE B t P Constant .92 .10 8.83 .00 AWA .38 .11 3.20 .00 Exploration -.04 .11 -.35 .72 AWA x Exploration -.12 .16 -.73 .46 Note. R2 = .25

Table 13. Moderation Analysis with AWA, commitment, and an interaction term predicting bullying b SE B t P Constant .91 .10 9.02 .00 AWA .35 .10 3.25 .00 Commitment -.16 .11 -1.39 .17 AWA x Commit .16 .15 1.02 .31 Note. R2 = .31

Table 14. Non-STEM age range Age Total # 12 14 13 31 14 5 15 1 Total # 51 Note. M = 12.8, SD = 0.6

Table 15. STEM age range Age Total # 11 1 12 24 13 10 14 6 Total 41 Note. M = 12.5, SD = 0.7

Figure 4. Bother Composite Scores

Figure 5. Frequency Composite Scores

Figure 6. Social Anxiety Total Scores

Figure 7. Bullying Composite Scores

Figure 8. Centrality Composite Scores

Figure 9. Private Regard Composite Scores

Figure 10. Exploration Composite Scores

Figure 11. Commitment Composite Scores