Movement Began with Outrage and a Facebook Page That Gave It an Outlet
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Egypt: Freedom on the Net 2017
FREEDOM ON THE NET 2017 Egypt 2016 2017 Population: 95.7 million Not Not Internet Freedom Status Internet Penetration 2016 (ITU): 39.2 percent Free Free Social Media/ICT Apps Blocked: Yes Obstacles to Access (0-25) 15 16 Political/Social Content Blocked: Yes Limits on Content (0-35) 15 18 Bloggers/ICT Users Arrested: Yes Violations of User Rights (0-40) 33 34 TOTAL* (0-100) 63 68 Press Freedom 2017 Status: Not Free * 0=most free, 100=least free Key Developments: June 2016 – May 2017 • More than 100 websites—including those of prominent news outlets and human rights organizations—were blocked by June 2017, with the figure rising to 434 by October (se Blocking and Filtering). • Voice over Internet Protocol (VoIP) services are restricted on most mobile connections, while repeated shutdowns of cell phone service affected residents of northern Sinai (Se Restrictions on Connectivity). • Parliament is reviewing a problematic cybercrime bill that could undermine internet freedom, and lawmakers separately proposed forcing social media users to register with the government and pay a monthly fee (see Legal Environment and Surveillance, Privacy, and Anonymity). • Mohamed Ramadan, a human rights lawyer, was sentenced to 10 years in prison and a 5-year ban on using the internet, in retaliation for his political speech online (see Prosecutions and Detentions for Online Activities). • Activists at seven human rights organizations on trial for receiving foreign funds were targeted in a massive spearphishing campaign by hackers seeking incriminating information about them (see Technical Attacks). 1 www.freedomonthenet.org Introduction FREEDOM EGYPT ON THE NET Obstacles to Access 2017 Introduction Availability and Ease of Access Internet freedom declined dramatically in 2017 after the government blocked dozens of critical news Restrictions on Connectivity sites and cracked down on encryption and circumvention tools. -
Egypt Presidential Election Observation Report
EGYPT PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OBSERVATION REPORT JULY 2014 This publication was produced by Democracy International, Inc., for the United States Agency for International Development through Cooperative Agreement No. 3263-A- 13-00002. Photographs in this report were taken by DI while conducting the mission. Democracy International, Inc. 7600 Wisconsin Avenue, Suite 1010 Bethesda, MD 20814 Tel: +1.301.961.1660 www.democracyinternational.com EGYPT PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OBSERVATION REPORT July 2014 Disclaimer This publication is made possible by the generous support of the American people through the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). The contents are the responsibility of Democracy International, Inc. and do not necessarily reflect the views of USAID or the United States Government. CONTENTS CONTENTS ................................................................ 4 MAP OF EGYPT .......................................................... I ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ............................................. II DELEGATION MEMBERS ......................................... V ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS ....................... X EXECUTIVE SUMMARY.............................................. 1 INTRODUCTION ........................................................ 6 ABOUT DI .......................................................... 6 ABOUT THE MISSION ....................................... 7 METHODOLOGY .............................................. 8 BACKGROUND ........................................................ 10 TUMULT -
Facebook Revolution": Exploring the Meme-Like Spread of Narratives During the Egyptian Protests
It was a "Facebook revolution": Exploring the meme-like spread of narratives during the Egyptian protests. Fue una "Revolución de Facebook": Explorando la narrativa de los meme difundidos durante las protestas egipcias. Summer Harlow1 Recibido el 14 de mayo de 2013- Aceptado el 22 de julio de 2013 ABSTRACT: Considering online social media’s importance in the Arab Spring, this study is a preliminary exploration of the spread of narratives via new media technologies. Via a textual analysis of Facebook comments and traditional news media stories during the 2011 Egyptian uprisings, this study uses the concept of “memes” to move beyond dominant social movement paradigms and suggest that the telling and re-telling, both online and offline, of the principal narrative of a “Facebook revolution” helped involve people in the protests. Keywords: Activism, digital media, Egypt, social media, social movements. RESUMEN: Éste es un estudio preliminar sobre el rol desempeñado por un estilo narrativo de los medios sociales, conocido como meme, durante la primavera árabe. Para ello, realiza un análisis textual de los principales comentarios e historias vertidas en Facebook y retratadas en los medios tradicionales, durante las protestas egipcias de 2011. En concreto, este trabajo captura los principales “memes” de esta historia, en calidad de literatura principal de este movimiento social y analiza cómo el contar y el volver a contar estas historias, tanto en línea como fuera de línea, se convirtió en un estilo narrativo de la “revolución de Facebook” que ayudó a involucrar a la gente en la protesta. Palabras claves: Activismo, medios digitales, Egipto, medios sociales, movimientos sociales. -
Egypt Imprisons Nonviolent Student Activist for Terrorism
Snapshot – The Wrong Target: Egypt Imprisons Nonviolent Student Activist For Terrorism SUMMARY On October 15, Andrew Nasif, an Egyptian university student and leftist opposition party member, became the first Coptic Christian to be sent to prison under the country’s draconian anti-terrorism law. The court ruled that Andrew promoted terrorist acts through Facebook posts, flyers, and petitions calling for political and economic rights. Andrew’s lawyer describes his conviction as “truly frivolous” and “literally completely empty” of any evidence showing that he was involved in calling for violence. His case is the latest example of how the Egyptian authorities punish peaceful dissent as “terrorism,” while the problem of actual violent militancy in Egypt grows worse. Genuine security in Egypt will come not through blanket repression, but through the rule of law, rights, justice, and strong and accountable institutions. To read this snapshot as a PDF, click here. INTRODUCTION On October 15, the Zagazig Criminal Court in al-Sharqia Governorate in Egypt’s Delta region sentenced Andrew Nasif Noshi Saleeb to five years in prison for violating Law 94 of 2015, the anti- terrorism law.[1] The judge ruled that 23-year-old Andrew, a business student at Zagazig University, had promoted terrorism through pro-democracy pamphlets, posts on Facebook, and a petition opposing President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi’s economic policies. Andrew’s conviction is only the latest example of how the Egyptian authorities are using terrorism as a pretext to repress citizens who have nothing to do with the country’s violent Islamist extremist threat, but who speak out against rising authoritarianism, injustice, and economic hardship. -
The Egyptian Political Debate on the Youth and the January 25Th Revolution (Part 2) Mervat F. Hatem DEBATE ANALYSIS August 2014
DEBATE ANALYSIS August 2014 The Egyptian Political Debate on the Youth and the January 25th Revolution (Part 2) Mervat F. Hatem Keywords: January 25, 2011 revolution, June 30, 2013 revolution, Mohmmed Mursi, Muslim Brotherhood, Abdel Fatah al-Sisi. Summary: This is the second part of a discussion of the role that the youth has played in the Arab uprisings of 2011 and the political transitions that followed. In part I, I reviewed some of the multi- disciplinary work done in the field of Middle East studies that explained the demographic, economic and social developments that contributed to the youthful character of Arab societies and the challenges that they posed. I also suggested that Middle East political science’s preoccupation with authoritarian stability explained its lack of interest in the study of the “youth” as a non-state actor that highlighted changes and forms of political mobilization that took place outside formal political spaces and institutions.1 In part II of this discussion, I begin with an examination of the political context of the Egyptian debate on the youth and the roles that they layed in the revolutions of January of 2011 and June 2013. Next, I discuss how the youth emerged as specific objects of a heated debate in many newspaper articles and television programs in November and December of 2013 becoming an extension of the partisan political debate that sought to exclude the Muslim Brotherhood and their youthful supporters from politics following the July 3, 2013 coup that deposed President Mohammed Mursi. The demonization of the Muslim Brotherhood, as a violent threat to the ability of state institutions (especially the police and the military)1to function and restore political order was used by the government to emphasize the need to close ranks and respond to regional and international threats to national security. -
Sisi Pardons Activists, Journalists; April 6 Movement Leader Arrested
Egypt Daily Update: Sisi Pardons Activists, Journalists; April 6 Movement Leader Arrested Sisi Pardons Activists, Journalists April 6 Movement Leader Arrested Administrative Court Accepts Candidate Appeals Political Cartoon of the Day: The Tide of Change Top Stories Sisi Pardons Activists, Jazeera Journalists President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi pardoned 100 prisoners, among them two Al Jazeera journalists and several well-known activists, coinciding with the Eid al-Adha holiday. Al Jazeera journalists Mohamed Fahmy and Baher Mohamed were sentenced last month to three years in prison for spreading false news and alleged support of the Muslim Brotherhood. Fahmy and Mohamed’s families reacted joyfully at the news. Fahmy’s wife expressed [Ar] “great relief” at his pardon and Mohamed’s wife said her “life changed” because of the news. Young activists and prisoners in poor health were also pardoned in the decree. Yara Sallam and Sanaa Seif, two human rights activists who were arrested along with 20 others for protesting near the Ettehadiya Presidential Palace in June 2014, are among those pardoned [Ar]. The decree pardoned 18 of the 21 prisoners charged with protesting against military trials outside of the Shura Council in November 2013, though it is unclear whether prominent activist Alaa Abd al-Fattah is among those pardoned. Activist Omar Hazek, who was charged with organizing an unauthorized protest in December 2013, was also pardoned while Mahinour al-Masry, who was charged in the same case and won the 2014 Ludovic Trarieux award for her human rights work, was not mentioned in the decree. Amnesty International Egypt stated [Ar] that they hope “that the decision stems from the authorities’ conviction of the innocence of those imprisoned.” back to top April 6 Movement Leader Arrested The leader of the April 6 Youth Movement, Amr Ali, was detained [Ar] on Tuesday as part of an “ongoing investigation” according to the head of the Ashmoun Investigative Bureau. -
The Influence of Social Media in Egypt During the Arab Spring
SIT Graduate Institute/SIT Study Abroad SIT Digital Collections Capstone Collection SIT Graduate Institute Winter 12-13-2016 The nflueI nce of Social Media in Egypt during The Arab Spring Nicole Reed SIT Graduate Institute Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcollections.sit.edu/capstones Part of the Civic and Community Engagement Commons, International Relations Commons, Near and Middle Eastern Studies Commons, and the Politics and Social Change Commons Recommended Citation Reed, Nicole, "The nflueI nce of Social Media in Egypt during The Arab Spring" (2016). Capstone Collection. 2944. https://digitalcollections.sit.edu/capstones/2944 This Thesis (Open Access) is brought to you for free and open access by the SIT Graduate Institute at SIT Digital Collections. It has been accepted for inclusion in Capstone Collection by an authorized administrator of SIT Digital Collections. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE INFLUENCE OF SOCIAL MEDIA IN EGYPT DURING THE ARAB SPRING Nicole Reed PIM 72 Advisor: Karen Blanchard A capstone paper submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a Master of Arts in Service, Leadership, and Management at SIT Graduate Institute in Brattleboro, Vermont, USA December 2016 !1 I hereby grant permission for World Learning to publish my capstone on its websites and in any of its digital/electronic collections, and to reproduce and transmit my CAPSTONE ELECTRONICALLY. I understand that World Learning’s websites and digital collections are publicly available via the Internet. I agree that World Learning is NOT responsible for any unauthorized use of my capstone by any third party who might access it on the Internet or otherwise. -
The Egyptian Uprising and April 6 Youth Movement Split by Somaia
The Egyptian Uprising and April 6th Youth Movement Split By Somaia Metwalli El Sayed Supervised by Prof. Mustapha K. Al Sayyed Submitted as part of fulfilling the requirements of the masters degree School of Humanities and Social Science Department of Political Science The American University in Cairo Fall 2014 1 Dedication To Prof. Fayisal Younis may your soul rest in peace 2 Thank You Thanks are due to my parents for their contentious support and to my supervisor for his time, effort and encouragement. I am equally grateful to my readers committee for their time, comments and insights that help in improving the thesis’ analysis. 3 Table of Contents I. INTRODUCTION………………………………………………... 4-28 - RESEARCH PROBLEM - IMPORTANCE OF THE STUDY - TIME FRAME OF THE STUDY - LITERATURE REVIEW - THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK - METHODOLOGY AND DATA COLLECTION TECHNIQUE - ETHICAL CONSIDERATION - THESIS STRUCTURE II. EGYPTIAN CONTEXT PRIOR TO THE UPRISING AND THE EMERGENCE OF APRIL 6TH YOUTH MOVEMENT…………. 29-46 - THE CONTEXT 2005-2008 - THE MOVEMENT SINCE ITS FORMATION TILL THE UPRISING - CONCLUSIONS III. REASONS OF INTERNAL DISSENT PRIOR TO THE UPRISING - DECISION MAKING PROCESS AND LEADERSHIP STYLE.47-73 - TRANSPARENCY - CONCLUSION IV. THE UPRISING: A CATALYST FOR THE SPLIT?........................74-105 - THE DIALECTIC BETWEEN EVENTS AND FRAMES: THE UPRISING AND THE MOVEMENT’S NEW MODES OF INTERACYIONS WITH POLITICAL FORCES - THE UPRISING AND THE MOVEMENT’S ROLE FRAMING - THE UPRISING AND THE INTERNAL FRAMES OF DISPUTE - PROACTIVE INITIATIVES AGAINST THE SPLIT - CONCLUSIONS V. THE AFTERMATH OF THE SPLIT………………………………106-145 - THE MOVEMENT’S VISION, MISSION AND OBJECTIVES - THE INTERNAL STRUCTURE - THE INTERNAL SYSTEM - CONCLUSIONS 4 VI. -
Social Media and Egypt's Arab Spring
Social Media and Egypt’s Arab Spring Lieutenant-Commander G.W. Bunghardt JCSP 40 PCEMI 40 Exercise Solo Flight Exercice Solo Flight Disclaimer Avertissement Opinions expressed remain those of the author and do Les opinons exprimées n’engagent que leurs auteurs et not represent Department of National Defence or ne reflètent aucunement des politiques du Ministère de Canadian Forces policy. This paper may not be used la Défense nationale ou des Forces canadiennes. Ce without written permission. papier ne peut être reproduit sans autorisation écrite. © Her Majesty the Queen in Right of Canada, as represented by the © Sa Majesté la Reine du Chef du Canada, représentée par le Minister of National Defence, 2014. ministre de la Défense nationale, 2014. CANADIAN FORCES COLLEGE / COLLÈGE DES FORCES CANADIENNES JCSP 40 / PCEMI 40 Social Media and Egypt’s Arab Spring By LCdr G.W. Bunghardt This paper was written by a student attending La présente étude a été rédigée par un the Canadian Forces College in fulfilment of stagiaire du Collège des Forces canadiennes one of the requirements of the Course of pour satisfaire à l'une des exigences du cours. Studies. The paper is a scholastic document, L'étude est un document qui se rapporte au and thus contains facts and opinions, which the cours et contient donc des faits et des opinions author alone considered appropriate and que seul l'auteur considère appropriés et correct for the subject. It does not necessarily convenables au sujet. Elle ne reflète pas reflect the policy or the opinion of any agency, nécessairement la politique ou l'opinion d'un including the Government of Canada and the organisme quelconque, y compris le Canadian Department of National Defence. -
The Egyptian Revolution and Post Socio-Economic Impact
Topics in Middle Eastern and African Economies Vol. 15, No. 1, May 2013 THE EGYPTIAN REVOLUTION AND POST SOCIO-ECONOMIC IMPACT Doaa S. Abdou*, Zeinab Zaazou Modern Sciences and Arts University (MSA), Egypt Abstract: The Egyptian revolution carries a challenging transition phase, starting out with problems such as low foreign direct investments (FDI), a high budget deficit, a high debt rate, a high unemployment rate, a high poverty rate, and a low standard of living. In addition, the budget deficit is expected to rise from 8.1% in 2009/10 close to 10% in 2010/11, as the interim government boosts spending to offset the impact of the political unrest. The temporary supply shortages that followed the upheaval, coupled with rising international prices of food and fuel have been adding to the pressure on the domestic price level since early 2011. Thus the inflation rate is expected to increase from 11.7% in 2009/10 to 13.4% in 2010/11. This paper tries to answer the following questions: How long will the transition period last? What are the drastic impacts on the political/economic conditions (after revolution), and also the social/sociological environment in Egypt? And what about these impacts within the governance framework? What effect does all that have on neighbourhood countries? At last, what are the solutions and remedies that can be suggested to overcome this period and start a new flourishing era? We are aiming to tackle these important topics and examine them through theoretical and descriptive study, hoping to come up with adequate answers and solutions. -
11. Doyle Proof
118 • Platform: Journal of Media and Communication Volume 6 (2015): 118-129. Deregulating the struggle: Network organisation and party organisation Kim Doyle – University of Melbourne [email protected] Since the global revolts of 2011, there has been a wave of tweeting, blogging and theorising regarding the “net- work effect” on revolutionary movements. This article will critique Manuel Castells’ claim that horizontal net- worked forms of organisation were responsible for the Egyptian revolution in 2011, and that autonomous mass self-communication, facilitated by social media, represents a new model of individual freedom, focusing upon the Egyptian revolution, given its pivotal role in the Arab revolutions. The article argues that the timing of the Egyptian revolution can only be fully understood through a political economy analysis of neoliberalism and capi- talist crisis. Equally, the role of traditional social actors and political parties cannot be ignored. Rather than be- ing made redundant by the “network society”, traditional collectivist organisation, such as political parties and trade unions, have been essential characters in the Egyptian revolution. Likewise, traditional print media has also played a role in the revolutionary process in Egypt. This article attempts to reorient theoretical discussion to the communicative tools best suited at a particular juncture in the social struggle, rather than fetishizing partic- ular technologies or social formations. The past thirty years have been marked by a neoliberal economic discourse. This article will employ David Harvey’s definition of neoliberalism as an ideology proposing that human wellbeing can best be achieved by empowering individual entrepreneurial freedoms through institutional frameworks that guarantee strong private property rights, free markets and free trade (Harvey, 2005, p. -
Who Has a Voice in Egypt?
#Sisi_vs_Youth: Who Has a Voice in Egypt? ALBRECHT HOFHEINZ (University of Oslo) Abstract This article presents voices from Egypt reflecting on the question of who has the right to have a voice in the country in the first half of 2016. In the spirit of the research project “In 2016,” it aims to offer a snapshot of how it “felt to live” in Egypt in 2016 as a member of the young generation (al-shabāb) who actively use social media and who position themselves critically towards the state’s official discourse. While the state propagated a strategy focusing on educating and guiding young people towards becoming productive members of a nation united under one leader, popular youth voices on the internet used music and satire to claim their right to resist a retrograde patrimonial system that threatens every opposing voice with extinc- tion. On both sides, a strongly antagonistic ‘you vs. us’ rhetoric is evident. 2016: “The Year of Egyptian Youth” (Sisi style) January 9, 2016 was celebrated in Egypt as Youth Day—a tradition with only a brief histo- ry. The first Egyptian Youth Day had been marked on February 9, 2009; the date being chosen by participants in the Second Egyptian Youth Conference in commemoration of the martyrs of the famous 1946 student demonstrations that eventually led to the resignation of then Prime Minister Nuqrāshī. Observed in 2009 and 2010 with only low-key events, the carnivalesque “18 days” of revolutionary unrest in January-February 2011 interrupted what Rather than a conventional academic paper, this article aims to be a miniature snapshot of how it ‘felt’ to live in Egypt by mid-2016 as a member of the young generation (al-shabāb) who have access to so- cial media (ca.