DOCSLIB.ORG

Caucasus and Moldova Mission Notes

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Caucasus and Moldova Mission Notes 102 | Mission notes 4.1 Mission Notes Caucasus and Moldova n the 1990s, the Organization for Security and I Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) deployed a significant number of missions to former Soviet states in Eastern Europe and the Caucasus. These included operations in Estonia, Georgia, Latvia and Ukraine and an assistance group in Chechnya (Russia). Today, the organization’s footprint in the region is reduced, but it still maintains missions in Armenia, Azerbaijan and Moldova in addition to offices in Belarus and Ukraine. The EU has also deployed a number of Special Representatives (EUSRs) and civilian missions to the region in the last decade. OSCE/Laura Hayruni The outlook for the international presence in Armenian police officers undergo public order management training in Yerevan these former Soviet states is uncertain. The 2008 during an assessment conducted by the OSCE Office, 22 February 2010. war between Russia and Georgia led to a significant shake-up of the political and monitoring presences with which the OSCE has long been involved. By in the country. Prior to the war, a UN peacekeeping contrast, there have been signs that Russia and the operation (UNOMIG) had patrolled the seces- EU may cooperate to resolve the frozen conflict in sionist region of Abkhazia while OSCE monitors Moldova and the secessionist Transdniestrian region. covered South Ossetia, which also claimed indepen- dence. Both of these missions survived the war, but have since been closed due to political differences South CauCaSuS between Russia (which now recognizes Abkhazia and South Ossetia as sovereign states) and other Since the closure of its mission in Georgia in members of the UN Security Council and OSCE 2009, the OSCE field presence in the South Ministerial Council. The UN and OSCE continue Caucasus has consisted of offices in Baku and to co-facilitate talks on the secessionist regions in Yerevan, the capitals of Azerbaijan and Armenia. Geneva with the EU, which maintains both a mon- However, the OSCE’s engagement in the dis- itoring mission and a number of EUSRs covering pute over Nagorno-Karabakh is also channeled Georgian affairs. through an envoy (the Personal Representative In the last year attention has switched to of the Chairman-in-Office on the Conflict Dealt mounting tensions between Armenia and Azerbaijan with by the OSCE Minsk Conference) based in over the disputed territory of Nagorno-Karabakh, Tblisi, Georgia. CauCasus and Moldova | 103 The offices in Baku and Yerevan are relatively small (there are twelve and seven international CiO Representative on Minsk Conference staff in the respective offices) and both have wide-ranging mandates to work with both Authorization Date 10 August 1995 (DOC. 525/95) Start Date January 1997 government and civil society on political, security, Head of Mission Ambassador Andrzej Kasprzyk social and economic issues. Much of their work (Poland) involves supporting government activities through Budget $1.5 million commissioning independent studies of policy (1 January 2010- challenges: in 2010, for example, the office in 31 December 2010) Strength as of International Staff: 6 Yerevan published reports on issues ranging from 1 August 2010 Local Staff: 11 religious tolerance to military detention. Both offices also monitor human rights, the For detailed mission information see p. 286 administration of justice and press freedom, work- ing closely with the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR). In EUSR for the Crisis in Georgia 2008, ODIHR published a critical report on the Azeri presidential election. Authorization 15 September 2008 The broad mandates of both missions mean (2008/736/ CFSP) Start Date February 2009 (2008/760/CFSP) that they sometimes become involved in issues most Head of Mission Pierre Morel political missions would not. In 2010, the Office in (France) Yerevan – coordinating with the World Bank and Budget $.7 million the UN Food and Agriculture Organization – laid (1 March 2010-31 August 2010) out proposals for dealing with a hazardous chemical waste dump which the government implemented. However, while the two offices are specifically EUSR for the South Caucasus charged with tracking political developments, both Authorization and 7 July 2003 (2003/496/CFSP) are explicitly distinct from the OSCE’s efforts to Start Date resolve the Nagorno-Karabakh dispute through the Head of Mission Peter Semneby Minsk Process. Nagorno-Karabakh is an Armenian- (Sweden) majority area within Azerbaijan, and was in a state Budget $2.4 million of civil war from 1988 to 1994. The OSCE launched (1 March 2010-31 August 2010) diplomatic efforts to resolve the war in 1992, over- seen by the “Minsk Group” of states concerned with for operational preparations. Since 1995, the Per- the conflict. In 1994, OSCE members decided to sonal Representative has been the OSCE’s primary deploy a peacekeeping force to Nagorno-Karabakh face in the region itself – literally so, as the widely- in the event of a peace agreement. respected Andrzej Kasprzyk of Poland has held the While large-scale hostilities ended in 1994, no post since its inception. such agreement has been made. The “Republic” of The Personal Representative has “field Nagorno-Karabakh, which has no international assistants” in Baku, Yerevan and Nagorno-Karabakh recognition, remains outside Azeri government itself. With a very limited number of staff, control. Armenian forces control not only Nagorno- Ambassador Kasprzyk is required to monitor a Karabakh but also Azerbaijani territory to the west frontline of nearly two hundred kilometers. Thomas and south of the secessionist region. de Waal, an expert on the conflict, notes that “the The OSCE has maintained an unusual set of monitors must give advance warning of several days mechanisms to deal with the frozen conflict and if they wish to visit a section of the frontline” and prepare the way for a peacekeeping mission if one argues that their main function is to act as “a means is ever required. These include not only the Minsk of communication between the Armenian and Group but a High-Level Planning Group of six Azerbaijani military commanders.” military staff officers based in Vienna responsible 104 | Mission notes OSCE Office in Baku Authorization Date 16 November 1999 (PC DEC/318) Start Date July 2000 Head of Mission Ambassador Bilge Cankorel (Turkey) Budget $3.7 million (1 January 2010-31 December 2010) Strength as of 1 International Staff: 11 August 2010 Local Staff: 27 For detailed mission information see p. 265 OSCE Office in Yerevan Authorization Date 22 July 1999 (PC.DEC/314) Start Date February 2000 Head of Mission Ambassador Sergey Kapinos (Russian Federation) Budget $3.9 million (1 January 2010-31 December 2010) Strength as of 1 International Staff: 21 August 2010 Local Staff: 74 EUBAM For detailed mission information see p. 273 A Moldovan border guard and friend. The frontline has become increasingly about the escalating conflict in parallel with the unstable in 2010, with a series of clashes resulting Minsk Group. in fatalities for both sides. The number of incidents In spite of this engagement on Nagorno- spiked in August and September, and the co-chairs Karabakh, the role of the EUSR for the South of the Minsk Group (France, Russia and the US) Caucasus – originally created in 2003 – was more appealed for calm. Russia has made sustained dip- closely associated with Georgian affairs before lomatic efforts to handle the crisis this year, hosting the 2008 war. Ambassador Semneby’s predecessor the Armenian and Azerbaijani foreign ministers for Heidi Talvitie played a mediating role in the peace- bilateral talks in June. Nonetheless, there is a risk ful re-entry of the breakaway region of Ajara into that the conflict may deteriorate, leaving the Minsk Georgia in 2004. In 2005, the EU deployed a one- Process’s future in question. year justice mission to Georgia and also considered The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict is also on the deploying a border monitoring mission to replace a agenda of the European Union’s Special Represen- previous OSCE monitoring operation. tative (EUSR) for the South Caucasus, currently Apparently concerned by Russian objections Peter Semneby of Sweden. The EUSR’s involve- to the deployment of a full-scale EU mission, ment in the conflict is complicated by the fact that the EU instead created a Border Support Team the EU is not formally represented in the Minsk (BST) answering to the EUSR. Launched in 2006, Group but Ambassador Semneby (who took up the BST consists of six international staff and three his post in 2006) has attempted to ease tensions. Georgian experts, that work closely with the national To assist him, the EU appointed political advisers authorities on improving border management. Even to the EUSR based in Yerevan and Baku in 2007. prior to the 2008 war, the BST could not operate in In 2010, the EUSR publicly underlined concerns Abkhazia and South Ossetia. CauCasus and Moldova | 105 The 2008 war resulted in an expansion and complication of the EU presence in Georgia. The OSCE Mission to Moldova EU not only deployed a stand-alone monitoring Authorization Date 4 February 1993 (19-CSO/ mission reporting directly to Brussels (EUMM) Journal No. 3, Annex 3) but also designated a new EUSR for the Crisis Start Date April 1993 in Georgia. Pierre Morel (who also acts as the Head of Mission Ambassador Philip N. Remler EUSR for Central Asia) is responsible for giving (United States) political guidance to the EUMM and co-moder- Budget $2.7 million (1 January 2010- ates the talks in Geneva with the OSCE and the 31 December 2010) UN. Twelve rounds of talks had taken place by Strength as of International Staff: 13 mid-2010, but this process has largely focused on 1 August 2010 Local Staff: 37 technical issues rather than addressing the causes For detailed mission information see p.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • War Against Terrorism and the Conflict in Chechnya: a Case for Distinction
    The War Against Terrorism and the Conflict in Chechnya: A Case for Distinction SVANTE E. CORNELL More than any other conflict, Chechnya epitomizes the old saying that "one man's terrorist is another man's freedom fighter." Since the first Chechen war began in 1994, the Russian government has portrayed the war as one against ban- dits and Islamic fundamentalists. After the attacks of September 11, 2001, the label changed-now Chechens are referred to simply as "terrorists." Western states have for the most part thus far refrained from accepting the Russian position at face value, seeing the conflict primarily as an ethnic war. While recognizing Russia's territorial integrity, Western and Islamic states see the Chechen rebels as more or less legitimate representatives of the Chechen people, considering that the current Chechen president, Asian Maskhadov, was elected in elections deemed free and fair by international observers in 1997. Moreover, the international commu- nity has condemned the Russian military's massive human rights violations in the prosecution of the war. That said, during the course of the second war, which began in October 1999 and rages to this day, there has been an increasing concern with regard to the radicalization of parts of the Chechen resistance movement and its links to extremist Islamic groups in the Middle East. The attacks of September 11 introduced a new paradigm into world politics, and Chechnya has since been one of the regions most affected by the increased focus on terrorism. Indeed, it did not take long after 9/11 for the Russian government to draw comparisons between the terrorist attacks on the United States and the situa- tion in Chechnya.
    [Show full text]
  • Russian Media Policy in the First and Second Checen Campaigns
    Laura Belin (doctoral candidate, University of Oxford) e-mail: [email protected] Paper given at the 52nd conference of the Political Studies Association Aberdeen, Scotland, 5-8 April 2002 RUSSIAN MEDIA POLICY IN THE FIRST AND SECOND CHECHEN CAMPAIGNS The military campaign in Chechnya from December 1994 to August 1996 became the "first real test of journalists' freedoms" since the end of the Soviet Union1 and loomed large in perceptions about the Russian media for the rest of the 1990s. Though some journalists had condemned "shock therapy" in 1992 and the shelling of the parliament in 1993, the Chechen war prompted the journalistic community to desert Boris Yel'tsin en masse for the first time. Moscow-based television networks were the public's main source of information on the fighting.2 The private network NTV exposed official lies about how the war was waged. Newscasts on state-owned Russian Television (RTR), which reached a nationwide audience on Channel 2, soon followed NTV's lead. Virtually all privately owned newspapers also raised their voices against the military campaign. The predominant slant of war coverage became a source of pride for many journalists. Though damning news reports did not end the bloodshed, steadfast public opposition to the war impelled Yel'tsin to pursue a ceasefire agreement while running for reelection in 1996.3 Both supporters and opponents of the military campaign believed that media coverage fostered and sustained the majority view. Yel'tsin rarely retreated from unpopular policies, but his turnaround on Chechnya arguably demonstrated that journalists had helped bring some degree of transparency and therefore accountability to 1 Frank Ellis, From Glasnost to the Internet: Russia's New Infosphere, London: Macmillan Press Ltd, 1999, p.
    [Show full text]
  • Conference On
    INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ARMENIA/THE SOUTH CAUCASUS AND FOREIGN POLICY CHALLENGES OCTOBER 21-23, 2004 Organized by the Armenian Studies Program Co-Sponsored by the Center for Middle Eastern and North African Studies Center for Russian and East European Studies Department of History Department of Near Eastern Studies International Institute Political Science Department ALL SESSIONS WILL CONVENE AT THE ALUMNI CENTER ON THE MAIN CAMPUS UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN ANN ARBOR 2 CONTENTS . Sponsors of the Conference 4 . Program 7 . Biographical Sketches of Speakers 14 . Select Bibliography 25 . Websites of Interest 33 . Chronology of Key Events Since Independence 34 . Maps 44 3 SPONSORS THE ARMENIAN STUDIES PROGRAM The origins of the Armenian Studies Program (ASP) at the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, lie in the Armenian language and later history classes taught beginning in 1976 by a number of known scholars and teachers. In 1981, Mr. and Mrs. Alex and Marie Manoogian endowed the Alex Manoogian Chair in Modern Armenian History and Dr. Ronald Suny became its first holder. In 1987, the Manoogians endowed a second position, the Marie Manoogian Chair in Armenian Language and Literature and Dr. Kevork Bardakjian became its first holder. In 1988, Professor Bardakjian founded the Summer Armenian Language Institute in Yerevan. The Summer Program offers introductory courses in Classical, Eastern and Western Armenian. In 1994, Professor Suny resigned from his position and Dr. Stephanie Platz was appointed to the Chair (1997-2000). Following two years of one-semester teaching, Dr. Gerard Libaridian was appointed in 2003 the Visiting Alex Manoogian Professor of Modern Armenian History. In 1997, Professor Bardakjian moved the Marie Manoogian Chair from the Slavic to the Department of Near Eastern Studies, which became the home Department for the ASP.
    [Show full text]
  • A Lose-Lose Perspective for the Future of Nagorno-Karabakh and Armenia-Azerbaijan Relations
    GETTING TO KNOW NAGORNO-KARABAKH Rethinking-and-Changing: A Lose-Lose Perspective for the Future of Nagorno-Karabakh and Armenia-Azerbaijan Relations Francesco TRUPIA, PhD Postdoc Fellow at the University Centre of Excellence Interacting Minds, Societies and Environment (IMSErt) - Nicolaus Copernicus University, Toruń – Poland The ‘Second Karabakh War’ has arguably ended the oldest conflict of the post-Soviet region. Nevertheless, the aftermath of the latest military confrontation between the Artsakh Armenian forces and Azerbaijan has made very little room for peacebuilding. Six months after, Armenia and Azerbaijan’s civil societies continue to take antagonistic approaches to the post-2020 ‘Nagorno-Karabakh issue’, which remains far from being solved and properly settled down. At present, both conflictual positions show two connected yet different processes of negotiations and reconciliation1. While on the one hand the two Caucasian nations are struggling to maximise their opportunities that stemmed from the post-2020 status quo, on the other hand suspicious ideas and radical plots have been circulating and casting dark shadows on the future of the Nagorno-Karabakh region and the South Caucasus. The recent crisis over the Syunik and Gegharkunik borderlands between Armenia and Azerbaijan, is here instructive for assessing the highly volatile scenario. As the title states, this essay attempts to provide a different perspective over the Nagorno-Karabakh rivalry through the lens of the ‘rethinking-and-changing’ approach rather than the old-fashioned paradigm of ‘forgiving-and-forgetting’. It is not here question the transition from warfare to peace scenario for overcoming the new status quo and avoiding new escalations. Conversely, this essay raises the following question: whom the current peacebuilding process is designed for? Hence, the choice to knowingly overlook the historical as well as latest military events in Nagorno-Karabakh has the scope of focusing on a future-oriented perspective of reconciliation.
    [Show full text]
  • The Nagorny Karabakh Conflict
    A demonstration in Yerevan, 1988. Source: Ruben Mangasaryan/Patker The Nagorny Karabakh ll conflicts have a pre-history. Few have as clear conflict a beginning as the Nagorny Karabakh conflict. AThe basic positions – the Karabakh Armenians’ determination to secede from Azerbaijan with the support of Armenia and Azerbaijanis’ resolve to stop origins, dynamics and misperceptions that happening – were adopted in February 1988 and that month saw turmoil erupt as if out of the blue in the form of demonstrations, strikes, political quarrels, flights of refugees and pogroms. That full-scale Armenian- Thomas de Waal Azerbaijani fighting only broke out at the end of 1991 is more a matter of weaponry than of intention. The events of February 1988 were dramatic, sudden, and almost universally unanticipated in a Europe that had all but forgotten the power of nationalism as a political force. In that sense, by being the first serious nationalist quarrel of the late Communist era, the Karabakh conflict can be called both the most unexpected and the most predetermined of all these disputes. More than any others in Yugoslavia or the Soviet Union, the conflict was all but inevitable because its causes lay in the ‘deep structure’ of the relationship between its two parties in late Communist times. Four elements – divergent national narratives, a disputed territorial boundary, an unstable security arrangement and lack of dialogue between the two parties – had made fissures that would break Armenia and Azerbaijan apart, as soon as trouble began. Yet because the problem was both so new and so profound, no mechanism was found – or has yet been found – to repair the damage.
    [Show full text]
  • Black Garden : Armenia and Azerbaijan Through Peace and War / Thomas De Waal
    BLACK GARDEN THOMAS DE WAAL BLACK GARDEN Armenia and Azerbaijan through Peace and War a New York University Press • New York and London NEW YORK UNIVERSITY PRESS New York and London © 2003 by New York University All rights reserved Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data De Waal, Thomas. Black garden : Armenia and Azerbaijan through peace and war / Thomas de Waal. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-8147-1944-9 (cloth : alk. paper) 1. Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict, 1988–1994. 2. Armenia (Republic)— Relations—Azerbaijan. 3. Azerbaijan—Relations—Armenia (Republic) I. Title. DK699.N34 D4 2003 947.54085'4—dc21 2002153482 New York University Press books are printed on acid-free paper, and their binding materials are chosen for strength and durability. Manufactured in the United States of America 10987654321 War is kindled by the death of one man, or at most, a few; but it leads to the death of tremendous numbers. —Elias Canetti, Crowds and Power Mercy on the old master building a bridge, The passer-by may lay a stone to his foundation. I have sacrificed my soul, worn out my life, for the nation. A brother may arrange a rock upon my grave. —Sayat-Nova Contents Author’s Note ix Two Maps, of the South Caucasus and of Nagorny Karabakh xii–xiii. Introduction: Crossing the Line 1 1 February 1988: An Armenian Revolt 10 2 February 1988: Azerbaijan: Puzzlement and Pogroms 29 3 Shusha: The Neighbors’ Tale 45 4 1988–1989: An Armenian Crisis 55 5 Yerevan: Mysteries of the East 73 6 1988–1990: An Azerbaijani Tragedy 82 7
    [Show full text]
  • “Frozen Conflicts” in Europe Anton Bebler (Ed.)
    “Frozen conflicts” in Europe Anton Bebler (ed.) “Frozen conflicts” in Europe Barbara Budrich Publishers Opladen • Berlin • Toronto 2015 An electronic version of this book is freely available, thanks to the support of libraries working with Knowledge Unlatched. KU is a collaborative initiative designed to make high quality books Open Access for the public good. The Open Access ISBN for this book is 978-3-8474-0428-6. More information about the initiative and links to the Open Access version can be found at www.knowledgeunlatched.org © 2015 This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0. (CC- BY-SA 4.0) It permits use, duplication, adaptation, distribution and reproduction in any medium or format, as long as you share under the same license, give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons license and indicate if changes were made. To view a copy of this license, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/ © 2015 Dieses Werk ist beim Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH erschienen und steht unter der Creative Commons Lizenz Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International (CC BY-SA 4.0): https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/ Diese Lizenz erlaubt die Verbreitung, Speicherung, Vervielfältigung und Bearbeitung bei Verwendung der gleichen CC-BY-SA 4.0-Lizenz und unter Angabe der UrheberInnen, Rechte, Änderungen und verwendeten Lizenz. This book is available as a free download from www.barbara-budrich.net (https://doi.org/10.3224/84740133). A paperback version is available at a charge. The page numbers of the open access edition correspond with the paperback edition.
    [Show full text]
  • The South Caucasus: Promoting Values Through Cooperation
    Actes du 13ème séminaire international de recherche du Partenariat pour la Paix, tenu à Helsinki du 12 au 15 mai 2004, organisé par la branche recherche du Collège de Défense de l’OTAN en collaboration avec le Collège National de Défense (Helsinki) avec le soutien du ministère de l’intérieur finlandais. ol. No. 20 Proceedings of the 13th Partnership for Peace International Research Seminar, held in Helsinki on 12-15 May 2004, and organized by the NATO Defense College Academic Research Branch, in co-operation with the National Defense College (Helsinki) with the support of the Finnish Ministry of the Interior. THE SOUTH CAUCASUS: PROMOTING VALUES THROUGH COOPERATION THE SOUTH - V THROUGH COOPERATION CAUCASUS: PROMOTING VALUES NATO DEFENSE COLLEGE ROME, JULY 2004 0#61&'('05'%1..')' %1..')'&'&'('05'&'. 16#0 Academic Research Branch Branche Recherche 6*'5176*%#7%#575 241/16+0)8#.7'5 64*17)*%112'4#6+10 *GNUKPMK/C[ 5'/+0#44'21465'4+'50Q 'FKVGFD[,GCP&WHQWTESCPF.KQPGN2QPUCTF ,WN[ NATO DEFENSE COLLEGE NATO Defense College Cataloging-in-Publication-Data: The South Caucasus: Promoting Values Through Cooperation. Edited by Jean Dufourcq and Lionel Ponsard p. cm. (NATO Defense College Seminar Report Series) ,6%1 The views expressed in this Seminar Report Series are the responsibility of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of the NATO Defense College, the National Defense College (Helsinki), and of the Ministry of Interior of Finland. Extracts of this Seminar for academic purposes may be quoted or reprinted without special permission, provided that a standard source credit line is included.
    [Show full text]
  • Gagosian Gallery
    Prospect July 18, 2019 GAGOSIAN A ceramicist of nowhere: Edmund de Waal’s art of empathy The potter reflects on how art can change the world Andrew Dickson Edmund de Waal’s works are on display at the Frick Collection in New York, and will be show at the British Museum next year. Illustration: Tim McDonagh In the colonnaded central courtyard at the Frick Collection in New York, Edmund de Waal seems a little agitated. It is morning on an early summer Thursday; gauzy light filters through the glass roof on to the glossy marble floors beneath. Perched on a metal chair next to a decorative fountain, De Waal—all gangly enthusiasm and English manners—is attempting to explain how intimidating it was for him to create a new installation for this place, perhaps the most perfectly formed Old Master museum in the world. “Dammit, I just don’t want to fuck it up!” he exclaims. A pair of elegantly clad women pause to gawp. One guesses the Frick isn’t used to F-bombs, especially at 10.13am. His new work, Elective Affinities, is the first American museum installation of De Waal’s career, and the first time a contemporary artist has been invited to create work for the Frick. When we met he had just got off the plane from the Venice Biennale, where another major piece was unveiled in May: an epic two-part installation, half of which has been erected inside a 16th- century synagogue in the Venetian Ghetto. As well as being, again, the first time a living artist has been exhibited in that space, it is one of the largest projects he has ever done.
    [Show full text]
  • Black Garden : Armenia and Azerbaijan Through Peace and War / Thomas De Waal
    BLACK GARDEN THOMAS DE WAAL BLACK GARDEN Armenia and Azerbaijan through Peace and War a New York University Press • New York and London NEW YORK UNIVERSITY PRESS New York and London © 2003 by New York University All rights reserved Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data De Waal, Thomas. Black garden : Armenia and Azerbaijan through peace and war / Thomas de Waal. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-8147-1944-9 (cloth : alk. paper) 1. Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict, 1988–1994. 2. Armenia (Republic)— Relations—Azerbaijan. 3. Azerbaijan—Relations—Armenia (Republic) I. Title. DK699.N34 D4 2003 947.54085'4—dc21 2002153482 New York University Press books are printed on acid-free paper, and their binding materials are chosen for strength and durability. Manufactured in the United States of America 10987654321 War is kindled by the death of one man, or at most, a few; but it leads to the death of tremendous numbers. —Elias Canetti, Crowds and Power Mercy on the old master building a bridge, The passer-by may lay a stone to his foundation. I have sacrificed my soul, worn out my life, for the nation. A brother may arrange a rock upon my grave. —Sayat-Nova Contents Author’s Note ix Two Maps, of the South Caucasus and of Nagorny Karabakh xii–xiii. Introduction: Crossing the Line 1 1 February 1988: An Armenian Revolt 10 2 February 1988: Azerbaijan: Puzzlement and Pogroms 29 3 Shusha: The Neighbors’ Tale 45 4 1988–1989: An Armenian Crisis 55 5 Yerevan: Mysteries of the East 73 6 1988–1990: An Azerbaijani Tragedy 82 7
    [Show full text]
  • From Moscow to Makhachkala: the Eoplep in Between Kimberly L
    Fordham Urban Law Journal Volume 41 Number 1 The New Normal: Grappling with Article 2 Terrorism in Urban Spaces March 2016 From Moscow to Makhachkala: The eopleP in Between Kimberly L. Jones Northeastern University Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ulj Part of the European Law Commons, Human Rights Law Commons, and the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Kimberly L. Jones, From Moscow to Makhachkala: The People in Between, 41 Fordham Urb. L.J. 35 (2013). Available at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ulj/vol41/iss1/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by FLASH: The orF dham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. It has been accepted for inclusion in Fordham Urban Law Journal by an authorized editor of FLASH: The orF dham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FROM MOSCOW TO MAKHACHKALA: THE PEOPLE IN BETWEEN Kimberly L. Jones* Introduction: Setting the Stage ................................................................ 36 I. The Governance Crisis in Context .................................................... 38 A. Setting the Stage: Land and People of the Mountains ........ 39 B. The North Caucasus Federal District: Adding Fuel to a Governance Fire ................................................................... 41 1. Dagestan: All Politics Is Local? ....................................... 44 2. Moscow’s Meddling while Makhachkala’s Burning ...... 49 II. From Grozny to Moscow to Makhachkala: Militant Violence in Context ............................................................................ 50 A. The Chechen Context: “We Shall Respond to Every Chechen Shot with Thousands of Our Own” ...................... 50 B. Militant Violence in Context: From Grozny to Makhachkala to Moscow........................................................ 56 C. Wars and Peace? ..................................................................... 61 III. Human Rights and Wrongs: From Moscow to Makhachkala ...
    [Show full text]
  • Beyond Frozen Conflict
    Beyond Frozen Conflict Beyond Frozen Conflict Scenarios for the Separatist Disputes of Eastern Europe Thomas de Waal Nikolaus von Twickel Edited by Michael Emerson CEPS, Brussels Rowman & Littlefield International, London CEPS (Centre for European Policy Studies) is an independent and non- partisan think tank based in Brussels. Its mission is to produce sound policy research leading to constructive solutions to the challenges facing Europe. This book has been part of a project on the EU’s Association Agreements with Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine supported by Sweden through the Swedish International Development Agency (Sida). The views expressed herein are those of the authors alone. Cover art work by Constantin Sunnerberg ([email protected]) Published by Rowman & Littlefield International, Ltd. 6 Tinworth Street, London, SE11 5AL www.rowmaninternational.com Rowman & Littlefield International Ltd. is an affiliate of Rowman & Littlefield, 4501 Forbes Boulevard, Suite 200, Lanham, Maryland 20706, USA With additional offices in Boulder, New York, Toronto (Canada) and Plymouth (UK) www.rowman.com Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS) Place du Congrès 1, 1000 Brussels, Belgium www.ceps.eu Copyright © 2020 CEPS The editors and authors have asserted their rights to be identified as the editor and/or author of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN: 978-1-5381-4416-9 Hardback 978-1-5381-4417-6 Paperback 978-1-5381-4418-3 eBook “For almost 30 years, Europe has been struggling to handle several territorial or separatist conflicts in its Eastern neighbourhood: Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Nagorny Karabakh, and Transdniestria.
    [Show full text]