Journalism Across Boundaries the Promises and Challenges of Transnational and Transborder Journalism

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Journalism across Boundaries The Promises and Challenges of Transnational and Transborder Journalism

Kevin Grieves

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First published in 2012 by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN® in the United States— a division of St. Martin’s Press LLC, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010.

Where this book is distributed in the UK, Europe, and the rest of the world, this is by Palgrave Macmillan, a division of Macmillan Publishers Limited, registered in England, company number 785998, of Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS.

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Palgrave® and Macmillan® are registered trademarks in the United States, the United Kingdom, Europe and other countries.

ISBN: 978- 1- 137- 27264- 5

Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data

Grieves, Kevin, 1966– Journalism across boundaries: the promises and challenges of transnational and transborder journalism / Kevin Grieves. p. cm. ISBN 978- 1- 137- 27264- 5 (hardback) 1. Journalism— Europe. 2. Mass media— Europe. 3. Journalism— Political aspects— Europe. I. Title.

PN5110.G75 2012 070.4'3094— dc23 2012024717

A catalogue record of the book is available from the British Library.

Design by Scribe Inc.

First edition: December 2012

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

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Contents

List of Figures vii Acknowledgments ix 1 Introduction: News Doesn’t Stop at the Border 1 2 Transnational Journalism in Europe: A Transnational Journalistic Culture? 19 3 Conflict and Commonality: The Evolution of Regional Transborder Journalism 39 4 Crossing Boundaries of Established Journalistic Routines 63 5 Regional Transborder Journalistic Content and the Mainstream- Niche Tension 91 6 Journalists and the Mediated Construction of Transborder Regions 113 7 “We Meet and We Decide Together”: Transborder Journalistic Collaboration 135 8 Conclusion: What Do Boundaries Mean to Journalism? 167 Notes 179 Bibliography 205 Index 221

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CHAPTER 1

Introduction News Doesn’t Stop at the Border

he Schengen Bridge is a four- lane span across the picturesque Moselle River valley that carries traffic from Germany, on the eastern bank of Tthe river, to Luxembourg, on the western side. Once in Luxembourg, cars proceed down a long, winding offramp flanked by vineyards. Heading south a kilometer or so from this point, drivers reach the Luxembourg town of Schengen, a community of about 1,500 people located on the western bank of the Moselle. Just across the river, known as the Mosel in German, is the town of Perl in the German state of the Saarland. A bit south lies Apach, in the French province of Lorraine. In June 1985, representatives from France, Germany and the Benelux countries convened here aboard a boat and signed the first of what became known as the Schengen Agreements. These agreements provided for free passage between core European Union (EU) states, leading to the elimination of border controls. On a sunny September day, I drove into Schengen, parked my car along the bank of the Moselle, and set out on foot in search of traces of this momentous accord. I was curious as to what I would find; after all, many people (including some Europeans) are not even aware that Schengen is an actual town. “Schen- gen” has become journalistic and political shorthand for the idea of freedom of movement within the “Schengen zone” of 25 EU nations who signed on to the agreement’s provisions.1 This usage pattern has separated the name from the particular geographic context of the town and made it into something larger. But there is nothing particularly large in the town. When I asked a local man for directions to monuments commemorating the agreement, he seemed almost apologetic. He commented that tourists must frequently be disappointed in the modest scale of the existing markers. Along the bank of the Mosel, three columns with stars sit at the end of an “E”- shaped bed of plantings. In the

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2 ● Journalism across Boundaries interior of the village, amid unassuming houses, is a chest-high stone column engraved with the words “Europe without borders” in French, German and Luxembourgish. Schengen is centrally situated, within a few hours’ drive of many of Western Europe’s metropolises, and the symbolism of the location forms the backdrop for one of the boldest moves toward unity on the European continent. No lon- ger do citizens need a passport to cross state boundaries in this zone, meaning that the doors are open for tens of thousands of cross border commuters. Yet Schengen boasts no major tourist attractions tied into this symbol of Euro- pean togetherness. This is a striking void given the historically close European connections between state-sponsored visions of national identity, tourism and monuments.2 In fact, nationalistic markers along the French- German border between the Saarland and Lorraine drew numerous tourist pilgrimages in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.3 However, the grand European experiment is largely uncharted terrain, and there are few guideposts—literal or symbolic—to guide citizens as they attempt to navigate this new form of transnational society. There are also few established markers to guide the daily work of a poten- tially transformative, continually evolving genre of journalism. The relevance of a place like Schengen to the people of the surrounding regions can be artic- ulated by journalists who cross European frontiers to report, journalists whose reporting crosses over to audiences on the other side, or journalists who work together with journalists from other countries. Such border-transcending journalism does not and in all likelihood will not replace national- context journalism but, as this book will illustrate, does supplement it in important ways. Standing before the stone markers in Schengen, one cannot help but con- template the monumental transformations Europeans have experienced in the past half- century. Following the horrific destruction caused by World War II, France and Germany took steps to forge new bonds. In 1950, French foreign minister Robert Schuman proposed a Franco-German partnership for coal and steel production that became the European Coal and Steel Community the following year.4 That movement eventually spawned the European Union, which has, in stages, synchronized economies, introduced common policy and legisla- tion from health care to the environment, and rolled out a single currency for many of its member states. Citizens’ support for EU membership is in decline, according to a recent EU– commissioned public opinion survey. This same survey indicated that many people did not understand key aspects of EU governance, such as the rotating presidency system.5 In short, Europe has a communication problem,

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Introduction ● 3 and the disconnect between citizens’ political engagement and the EU’s development process threatens the legitimacy of the EU. A number of observers point out, as Claes de Vreese does, that “media, and especially news media, play an essential role in informing European citizens about the integration process.”6 However, as a number of studies have also indicated, European media organizations largely limit their focus within nation- state silos, with little activity across the increasingly permeable barriers between those silos. Globalization and Europeanization may suggest a gradual dissolution of the traditional barriers to information flow that were erected by nation- state borders. One might imagine a world in which people have unfettered access to journalistic content from a standardized source, in an easily accessible presentation style, devoid of nationalist biases. Yet it is not realistic, nor necessarily desirable, to wish for the elimination of the distinctive features of the different journalisms—shaped by national cultures and systems—that one encoun- ters around the globe. Even in such a geographically compact terrain as the upper Moselle Valley, the variety of distinct journalistic forms corresponding to different cultures is a vivid indicator of the fact that people from different places communicate about themselves and others in particular ways. The increasing media-driven permeability of national frontiers does not for an instant imply the impending demise of the nation- state or the disappearance of discrete national cultures and perspectives. Border- transcending journalism coexists with “national” journalism, but—and this is one of the central prem- ises of this book—the relationship is an uneasy coexistence and is fraught with contradictions. News doesn’t stop at the border. This became apparent to me as I climbed back into my car on the banks of the Moselle. As I pressed the scan button on the car radio, snippets of regional newscasts in French, German and Luxembourgish resonated from the speakers. These regional radio newscasts represent an ele- ment largely missing from the conversations (both scholarly and popular) about media and globalization. Those conversations tend to be framed in national- level terms, even when discussing other (global, European, regional) planes of communication. This paradigm presupposes connections between people on different sides of a national frontier as necessarily funneled vertically through a centralized (often uniform, frequently elite) national perspective and then mak- ing the jump across the border. There is no room in this view for direct, smaller horizontal connections across borders. Yet as I had witnessed first- hand, these horizontal links do exist.

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Figure 1.1 Monument in the village of Schengen The inscription reads “EUROPA OUNI GRENZEN/L’EUROPE SANS FRONTIERES/GRENZENLOSES EUROPA.” Photo by Kevin Grieves.

Figure 1.2 Schengen “E” The hedge behind the three tall panels forms an “E” in this Schengen monument to European unity. Photo by Kevin Grieves.

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Introduction ● 5

The Aim of This Book At a basic level, this book is an exploration of transnational and regional transborder journalism. The book examines the processes of boundary-transcending journalism and the understandings of regional, national, European, and professional identities that manifest themselves in both the workflow and resultant products of such journalism. Journalism is changing just as society is changing. Just as competing pressures are pulling at many dimensions of our existence, so journalism finds itself in a tension between global-level homogenizing forces and the cultural specificities of particular nations. Some boundaries in the journalism environment are becoming less distinct transition zones than has been the case in the past. This is true for some administrative borders, and it is true for some other forms of vocational and cultural boundaries, such as the boundary between producer and audience. At the same time, some borders between geographic entities have become less permeable. The fortified Mexico–United States “hyperborder” represents one example of peoples with many cultural commonalities separated by a political demarcation that has become more difficult to cross.7 Local and regional journalists along this border zone are, in many instances, working to highlight common concerns in communities on both sides of the border. In other cases around the world, journalism may contribute to reinforcing animosities across borders; one need only look at cases such as Greece and Turkey, India and Paki- stan, and the India- China frontier.8 Change is impacting journalism in ways that would seem to minimize boundaries. Digital technologies are transforming traditional boundaries between media platforms as well as boundaries between professional journalists and audiences. This is particularly true for print journalism in many (but not all) parts of the world, where the paper-based distribution of content has come under pressure from the ease and ubiquity of Internet access. Radio and television journalism are venues in which more-involved newsgathering and production processes are ripe for economic and technologically driven global streamlining. At the same time, culturally specific habits and preferences for certain audio and visual storytelling techniques are even more pronounced in radio and television journalism.9 In some respects, borders are least disruptive to online forms of journalism, which embody greater technical flexibility of production and distribution. Even here, though, cultural differences in journalistic philosophy can remain apparent. Efforts to communicate across borders are, on a conceptual level, grand ideas. Sometimes they are propelled by market-driven initiatives, and other times they are the result of a desire for greater intercultural understanding. This macrolevel context is important in order to understand the environment in

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6 ● Journalism across Boundaries which border-transcending journalism functions. But this book also addresses the situation “on the ground”: how do individuals make this type of journalism happen on a daily basis? The approach here is to look at specific case studies and to let journalists themselves describe what they do, why they do it, what problems they encounter, and what is changing in their work. Throughout this book, I draw upon interviews I conducted with individuals who engage in journalism across borders. Comments from interviews provide valuable insight into how these people, whose work in many respects rests outside of the journalistic mainstream, make sense of what they do. By permitting those actually involved in journalistic production to speak, this book addresses a significant shortcom- ing of international communication scholarship. Scholars have (with some notable exceptions) largely neglected the perspectives of working journalists.10 This book is not a “how-to” manual for reporting and producing transnational and transborder news. There are several instructional guides to the practice of international journalism on the market, generally patterned on the foreign correspondence model of international newsgathering.11 Such texts out- line specific techniques and offer advice geared toward, for example, budding war- zone reporters. This book, however, takes a different approach: it detaches border- transcending journalism from a preoccupation with live transmissions from distant and exotic crisis zones, focusing instead on the day-today work of journalists who report and produce news from another side of a border as if it were an extension of their home territory. This examines “foreign news” reported as if it were local or domestic news, taking into account the fact that cultural differences are still very much part of the picture. The challenges of such journalism thus call for creative solutions. Crises certainly may still figure into this type of journalism, but much of it is closely connected to daily experiences of residents who in many cases live close to national boundaries. What happens when a French worker employed at a factory in Luxembourg loses his job? From whom does that worker collect unemployment benefits? What happens to a German who, despite the promise of a common European marketplace, finds that her ATM card isn’t accepted by a French bank machine? And what happens when a French television journal- ist and a German colleague are collaborating on a news report about one of these issues but find themselves in a dispute over the length of a soundbite, because French and German television viewers are accustomed to different things appearing on their screens? The regional context of the case studies in this book is notable because of the current degree of permeability of the national borders in this part of Europe. This fluidity is even more remarkable in light of the turbulent history in the frontier zone, where France, Belgium, Luxembourg and Germany meet. Cen- turies of conflict between France and Germany have resulted in fluctuating

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Introduction ● 7 national boundary lines, which today do not necessarily correspond with cultural and linguistic divisions. Distinct borderland identities have evolved all across Europe, resulting in a trove of intriguing European case studies. As one team of scholars argues, “Nowhere is the issue of borderlands more salient than in the context of contemporary Europe.”12 While these regions provide valuable examples of transnational and transborder journalism in action, these are by no means the only areas where such activity takes place. The regional focus of this book is intended not as a lim- iting factor but rather as an entry point to a broader consideration of the phenomenon. A number of other geographic contexts provide equally inter- esting illustrations of this type of media activity, even if the borders may be more tangible than those of the Schengen zone. There are plenty of common interests across the boundaries among the Baltic states of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania, for example. The Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland, areas spanning the Swedish-Finnish border, and parts of the Balkans also spring to mind in this regard. Because transnational and regional transborder journalism is constantly evolving, there is no standard guidebook for its practice. Instead, there are hun- dreds of individual views regarding how to carry it out. Media organizations may have declarations or policies, but journalists do not all embrace one single view of the processes and the aims of border-transcending news coverage. In fact, especially at the regional level (with its multitude of different types and sizes of organizations), this book’s analysis of journalists’ statements and my observation of the process and final products both point to considerable ambi- guity surrounding this developing genre of journalism. One of three central points that guide this book is that transnational and transborder journalism as it manifests itself “on the ground” is largely shaped by individual understandings of this type of work. The second central claim is that this type of journalism does not supplant national cultures of journalism, but rather supplements them. The third key idea of the book is that this type of journalism is in a unique position to address the public discourses on European and regional border- transcending identities, a crucial role in light of increasing feelings of disconnectedness in society. Aspiring practitioners may certainly find useful information in the pages that follow. Yet the main thrust of this book is an effort to better comprehend the role of journalists and journalism in a society where national borders both continue to shape people’s outlook and at the same time become increasingly permeable. In that manner, we may gain greater insight into society itself and how society is changing.

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8 ● Journalism across Boundaries

What Is Transnational Journalism? Journalism that is active across and whose content deals with matters across nation- state borders can take multiple forms. The classic model of foreign news as reported by foreign correspondents from the other side of national borders has predominated in scholarship on international journalism. In this tradition, an elite correspondent covers news from a bureau in another nation’s capital.13 When news is categorized as “foreign,” as is the case with this model, journalistic content is, not surprisingly, closely attuned to the outlook and interests of the home country.14 For example, the Brussels- based European Union press corps tends to cover the EU and its institutions from a predominantly national perspective, geared toward the home country’s expectations.15 Often such reporting reaches a limited elite audience, further restricting its contribution to a common European dialog. Such journalism shows little evidence of overcom- ing national barriers, even when covering common topics, and research limited to this form of journalism risks missing an “increasing cleavage” between elite and lay audiences.16 Two other models of international journalism can be considered as alterna- tives to the traditional “foreign model”: transnational journalism and transborder journalism. If foreign correspondence views different parts of the world as “other,” to be interpreted for a home audience, then transnational journalism treats more than one nation as the home audience. This does not mean that national perspectives disappear but rather that a different type of journalistic cultural interpretation is taking place. Some employ the term transnational as a synonym for international. For my definition of transnational journalism, I draw on the idea expressed by the definition of transnationalism as “multiple ties and interactions linking people or institutions across the borders of nation- states.”17 In applying the idea of transnational ties to news media, we can distinguish it from media outlets whose primary audience and whose primary journalistic operational focus rests within national boundaries. In other words, we might say yes, France Télévisions’ France 2 channel does cover international news, and it maintains reporters based in various parts of the world, but those reporters are essentially guided by the foreign correspondence model. And yes, there is some “international” reception in that viewers in places like southern Belgium watch the organization’s newscasts, but France 2 generally does not tailor its journalistic perspective with Belgian audiences in mind. When we consider transnational news organizations, several general types emerge: outlets with a strong national connection but a global reach, such as The Economist, France24, RT or CCTV; supranational outlets with bounded audience areas, such as EuroNews or Arte; or organizations attempting to present a supranational perspective at a

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Introduction ● 9 global level, such as BBC World, CNN International, or Al Jazeera. The manner in which the national journalistic perspectives coexist with broader outlooks varies from one organization to the next, as we shall see in Chapter 2.

What (and Where) Is Transborder Journalism? Along with transnational journalism, this book examines an evolving but understudied genre of journalism called transborder journalism. Transborder journalism is not a new phenomenon; print and broadcast communication has flowed across national borders to a varying extent ever since the emergence of those media. Yet transborder journalism has received little scholarly attention, which is attributable to two main factors: this type of journalism is situated on the periphery of the profession of journalism, and this type of journalism is located in and focused on regions along national borders, also peripheral. One of the few extensive studies on regional transborder journalism in Europe, by Robert H. Schmidt, appeared in the mid- 1970s.18 For his study, Schmidt defined three forms of border- transcending journalism: transmission of programs or distribution of publications from one country across the border into the neighboring country, news reporting on location from the neighboring country, and (specific to broadcast journalism) the joint production of programs in partnership with radio or television stations from the neighboring country.19 These definitions remain relevant for current research and distinguish transborder from transnational journalism by emphasizing the horizontal regional connections across borders that often bypass nationally constructed perspectives. Given the regional emphasis of transborder journalism, it seems only fit- ting that we turn to regions with significant levels of border- transcending links and journalistic activity as settings for investigating this genre of media work. Schmidt’s region happens to provide a valuable case study for an updated and more thorough examination of transborder journalism. The Saar-Lor- Lux region lies at the center of Western Europe and comprises the Saarland state of Germany, Lorraine in France, and Luxembourg. The region has the highest number of daily transborder commuters of any transnational area in Europe.20 Political leaders position Saar-Lor- Lux as a model for European integration and accord the region’s mass media a key role in that process. Because of the area’s somewhat tenuous economic health, a level of resourcefulness and innovative- ness has emerged that has led some observers to describe the Saarland in particular as a sort of laboratory setting for media development.21 This area is also marked by a lengthy history of border fluctuations linked to conflict between France and Germany, adding significance to efforts to foster communication and cooperation across the border.

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Other border-transcending regions provide additional case-study contexts. One such area is the upper Rhine valley, where the people of Alsace on the French side and residents of Baden on the German bank of the river live in close proximity to one another. They are joined by those who live in and around the Swiss city of Basel, with the parts of the three nations forming a region with common economic, tourism, environmental, transportation, and cultural interests. Another area this book takes into consideration is the Walloon region encompassing southern Belgium plus the neighboring area of northern Lor- raine just across the border in France. There are numerous other regions within Europe that also merit attention to border-transcending communication. The continent provides a con- venient setting due to the relatively compact variety of cultures and languages with a highly developed media environment. One way the European Union is attempting to build ties among diverse national cultures is by fostering regional crossborder connections via its Interreg initiatives. A glance at a map depicting the European Union’s Interreg- designated regions shows some 17 alone along the borders between Germany and neighboring countries—in essence covering all of Germany’s frontiers. Elsewhere in the EU, such regions even span bodies of water such as the English Channel. This is evidence that cultures and languages tend to diverge from official state boundaries in many places—due to wars, migration or trade. The development of cross border communication and journalism in these regions is uneven, since much of the effort depends on a broad array of local, regional and national government agencies, media organizations, and individual initiatives. In many cases, such as that of the EUROACE region (Alentejo and Centro in Portugal and Extremadura in Spain), modest progress toward improving border-transcending journalism is heavily reliant on external sources of funding.22 Funding is a critical matter for almost all media organizations, commercial and noncommercial, encountering swift changes in audience habits and new technologies. Transborder journalism can find itself particularly vul- nerable to budgetary fluctuations given the additional resources often required to do the job. In the San Diego–Tijuana metropolitan area straddling the Mexico–United States border, both commercial (the San Diego Union-Tribune newspaper) and public media (KPBS) were forced to cut back staff, directly impacting border-area newsgathering. As one observer noted, “[M]edia with spottier coverage of the border [have] less to lose since they were already con- ducting their border coverage with minimal staffing.”23 But the complex nature of the border between Mexico and the United States also begs for the attention of journalists who are familiar with the issues and are able to devote the time and effort to address those issues in more than a superficial manner.

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Index

19/20 Lorraine (newscast), 97, 100– 101 Berglez, Peter, 35– 36 2007 (radio program), 141– 42, 155, 158 Berkowitz, Dan, 24– 25 Berwanger, Dietrich, 42 Adam, Marcel. See Schompierre (radio bilingualism and multilingualism, 32, personality) 37, 82– 83, 103, 124– 28, 133, 135, Adenauer, Konrad, 51, 138 140– 42 Aktueller Bericht, 71– 72, 75, 79– 80, 98– borders, crossing of, 2, 9, 54, 170– 71 102, 108 borders and identity, 2, 50 Alentejo. See EUROACE region British journalism. See journalism: British Al Jazeera, 9, 23 British occupation of Germany, 43– 44, Alsace, 10, 48, 51, 55, 63, 95, 107, 119, 119– 20 125, 142– 47, 149, 167 broadcasting. See specific types/stations American journalists. See journalism: Brüske, Hans- Günter, 172 American Bruter, Michael, 14 American occupation of Germany, 119 Burgard, Paul, 43 Anderson, Benedict, 11, 13 animateurs, 95 Café Babel, 175 Antenne 2, 22 Canada, 21, 26 antenne saar, 46– 47 CCTV (China), 8, 23 Appadurai, Arjun, 12, 19– 20 censorship, 20, 42– 43, 85 ARD, 22, 27– 29, 33, 36, 44– 46, 50, 57, Centro. See EUROACE region 130, 138, 142, 154, 155, 158 Clef du Cabinet des Princes, 20 Arte, 19, 32– 37 CNN International, 8– 9, 20, 22– 23, 32 audiences, elite, 22 Cold War, 21, 44 collective memory, 2, 120– 21, 129– 30 Baden (region), 10, 44– 45, 135– 36, Confluence (television program), 50, 142– 43, 147– 49, 167, 171 143– 52 Baden- Baden (city), 42, 45 consumers, 90, 167, 170– 71 Baden- Württemberg, 44– 45, 135, 142 contacts. See journalism, transborder: Baltic states, 7, 175 sources and contacts Basel, Switzerland, 10, 107, 143 culture, 26– 27, 77– 78, 100, 154 Bastian, Carine, 135, 146 See also national identity; regions: Bauman, Zygmunt, 12– 13 identity BBC, 21, 22, 44 BBC World, 8– 9, 20, 23 deadlines, 99, 162 Belgium, 6, 8, 10, 15, 37, 49, 50, 68, 88, de Gaulle, Charles, 51, 110, 138 107, 113, 115, 119, 124, 143– 51, 165 De Journal (RTL newscast), 98 Belgum, Kirsten, 12 Deutsch, Karl, 11, 13

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222 ● Index

Deutsche Presse- Agentur (dpa), 85– 86 France, occupation of Germany, 42– 43 Deutsche Welle (DW- TV), 23, 26 France, relations with Germany, 2, 117– Deutsch- Französischer Journalistenpreis. 23, 138– 39, 169 See Saarländischer Rundfunk: France 2, 8, 36 journalism prize France 24, 20, 23 Diagonale, 153– 57 France 3, 37 dialect, German. See German: dialect France 3 Alsace (FR3 Alsace) Doordarshan, 21 history of station, 48, 138 dpa. See Deutsche Presse- Agentur (dpa) journalists, 148, 151– 53 Drumrum, 103– 4 programs, 135, 142– 48, 151– 53, 166 dual media system (public service/ transborder collaboration, 135, 142– private), 56– 59 48, 151– 53, 166 Dunwoody, Sharon, 176– 77 France 3 Aquitaine (FR3 Aquitaine), 142, 158– 59 editing. See video, editing of France 3 Lorraine elite audiences. See audiences, elite history of station, 47– 48, 139 Estonia. See Baltic states journalists, 67– 68, 69, 71, 73– 74, 77– EU. See European Union 80, 94, 150– 58 Eurikon, 22 organization, 73– 74, 94, 148– 58 “Eurinfo.” See European Union: public programs, 71, 91– 92, 96– 101, 104– 6, communication 114, 143– 58 EUROACE region, 10 transborder collaboration, 50, 86, EuroNews, 8, 23, 32, 84, 168 139– 40, 143– 58 Europa TV, 22 France 3 Lorraine Champagne- Ardenne European Broadcasting Union (EBU), (LCA). See France 3 Lorraine 22, 86, 97 France Bleu radio, 48, 75, 139, 141, 155 European Coal and Steel Community, 2 Franco- German Journalism Prize. See European identity, 12– 15, 167– 68, 172– 74 Saarländischer Rundfunk European Journalism Training Freiburg, SWR studio in. See Association (EJTA), 30 Südwestdeutscher Rundfunk European Union (SWR)— Freiburg enlargement/expansion, 89– 90, 171 French (language), 35, 37 Interreg, 10, 87, 116, 122, 164 public communication, 2 Gans, Herbert, 24– 25, 93 public opinion of, 2– 3, 13 Gartenlaube, Die, 12 Television Without Frontiers gatekeeping, 24– 25, 116– 17 Directive, 14 Gazette de Leyde, 20 Europe Nr. 1, 43 Geiger- Jaillet, Anemone, 125, 128– 29, Eurosud, 140, 158, 163 157– 58 Extra (newspaper), 164– 65 gender, 68, 93– 94, 108 Extremadura. See EUROACE region German (language), 125– 26 bilingual (see bilingualism and Financial Times, The, 22 multilingualism) foreign correspondence, 8 dialect, 48, 59, 66, 90, 107, 109, 124– FR3. See France 3 28, 142, 159 France, German occupation of, 125, translation issues with, 35, 72, 79– 80, 167– 68 155– 56

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Index ● 223

Germany American, 22– 24, 26, 27– 28, 32, 84, postwar occupation of, 41– 45, 119– 93– 94, 175 21, 138 British, 26, 27– 28, 100 relations with France, 2, 117– 23, 138– education, 29– 30 39, 169 online, 5, 46, 89, 175 ghettoization (of transborder journalism), presentation styles, 26– 27, 152 88, 95– 96 women and, 68, 93– 94 globalization, 3, 5, 12– 14, 19, 23, 26, See also interviewing; video, editing 35– 36, 67, 111, 166, 167, 171 of Grande Région. See Saar- Lor- Lux journalism, transborder (region) audience feedback, 82– 83, 140– 43 Grandval, Gilbert, 42– 43, 120 backgrounds of journalists, 67– 70 Gräßle, Inge, 33 as cultural mediation, 45– 46, 54– 55, Great Britain. See journalism: British 138– 40 Greece, 5 definition of, 9, 60– 61 Großregion. See Saar- Lor- Lux (region) history of, 51– 55, 102– 4, 138– 40 language (see bilingualism and Habermas, Jürgen, 13, 172 multilingualism) Halberg, 46, 51– 52, 74, 111, 120 and mainstream journalism, 88, 156– Hanitzsch, Thomas, 25, 31 57, 162– 64, 176– 77 Hannerz, Ulf, 11, 23, 64, 67, 108, 172– obstacles, 79– 80, 150, 153– 61, 73, 177 172– 73 Hartley, John, 19 programs (see specific program name) Haub, Kristin, 135, 146 regard croisée, 142, 151– 52 Heimat, 12 sources and contacts, 76–79, 161–62 humor, 109– 11 ways of thinking about, 64– 67 Huth, Lisa, 90 journalism, transnational Hütte, Dorothee, 137, 163 definition of, 8– 9, 20– 23 hybridity, 155 history of, 20– 23 organizations, 20– 23 Ici et là, 136, 140– 41, 155, 157, 162– 63 identity. See culture; European identity; Kevin, Deirdre, 13, 173 national identity; regions: identity imagined communities, 11– 12, 113– 18 language Im Industrie- Dreieck, 53 barriers, 21– 22 India, 5, 21, 26 bilingual (see bilingualism and Inland Empire, 114– 16 multilingualism) Internet, 75, 131 education of foreign languages, Interreg. See under European Union 82– 83 Interregionale Presse/Presse Interrégionale See also specific language name (IPI), 86– 88 Latvia. See Baltic states interviewing, 51, 78– 80, 90, 97, 99, 104, Lëtzebuergesch. See Luxembourgish 140, 145, 147– 50, 152, 162 (language) Libramont (Belgium), 148, 150 Jefferson, State of, 116 license fees, 48, 53, 56, 60, 139 journalism Lithuania. See Baltic states African- Americans and, 94 LL— aus Luxemburg und Lothringen, 103

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224 ● Index

Lorraine Moselle River, 1, 3, 167 culture, 66, 70, 90, 91– 92, 109– 12, multilingualism. See bilingualism and 121– 36, 157– 58 multilingualism history, 109– 12, 117– 19, 121– 26, 138– 40 Nancy, 48, 53, 55, 73– 74, 78, 85, 94, media, 47– 48, 58– 59, 138– 41, 159– 101, 104, 106, 139, 145– 46, 153, 61, 164 154, 157– 58 news coverage of, 39– 40, 51– 55, 69– national identity, 11, 25, 69 83, 96– 101, 103, 105– 7, 145– 46 French, 26– 30, 78 Luxembourg (province in Belgium), 50, German, 12, 26– 30, 78 148 Luxembourgish, 29 Luxembourg, City of, 72, 79, 145 Nazi era, 21, 41 Luxembourg, Grand Duchy of, 1, 6, 9, Nebe, Rüdiger, 58 15, 59, 115, 119, 122– 24, 127– 33, Nederveen Pieterse, Jan, 23 167, 169– 70 news. See journalism; specific program, culture, 76, 78– 79, 82– 83, 103– 4, publication, or station 123– 25, 127– 28, 140– 42, 158 news agencies, 51, 85– 88 media, 20, 22, 29, 46– 47, 49– 50, 70, newspapers, 20, 42, 47, 110, 121, 129, 98– 101, 127– 28, 139, 140– 42, 130, 164– 65 148, 164– 65 news sources. See journalism, transborder: news coverage of, 53, 58, 71– 72, 74, sources and contacts 75, 78– 79, 81, 85, 87– 88, 96– Norddeutscher Rundfunk (NDR), 44 101, 103– 4, 105– 7, 151 Nordwestdeutscher Rundfunk (NWDR), Luxembourgish (language), 2, 3, 49, 98, 44 127– 28 online journalism. See under journalism magazines (print), 12, 116, 131 ORTF, 138 magazine- style programs, television. See television; specific program name Pakistan, 5 Mai, Franz, 51– 52, 138, 139 Parameswaran, Radhika, 14, 26 Mankekar, Purnima, 21 periphery media. See journalism; specific media type national, 9, 14, 21, 48, 52, 68, 117– Meimeth, Harald, 53– 54, 103 19, 130, 147– 48 memory. See collective memory within news organization, 9, 71, 93– Metz, 40, 48, 54– 55, 72, 85, 99, 101, 96, 156– 58, 162– 64, 176– 77 103, 124, 131, 139, 141, 145, 157– Platt. See German: dialect 58, 162, 164 press. See journalism; specific media type Mexico, 5, 10, 174– 75 print media. See specific media type Mihelj, Sabina, 14, 23 Prix Franco- Allemand du Journalisme. Mitteldeutscher Rundfunk (MDR), 37 See Saarländischer Rundfunk: Mittendrin, 103– 4 journalism prize Mollard, Daniel, 53– 54, 69 public service broadcasters (PSB), monuments, 1, 2, 4, 167 60–61 Mosaïk TV, 126, 159– 62 public sphere, 13– 14, 35– 36, 172– 73 Moselle, département, 53, 73, 89, 121– 22, 124– 25, 129, 141, 157– 58 QuattroPole, 98, 131

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Index ● 225 radio, 3, 5, 20– 22, 27, 29, 42– 54, 56– Saarland, 113– 14, 115 59, 75, 82, 86, 90, 109– 12, 116, culture, 9, 54, 68– 70, 71– 72, 82– 83, 139– 42, 155, 158, 162– 64 90, 109– 12, 123– 34, 136 radio 100,7, 141– 42, 155, 158 history, 42– 44, 117– 23, 138 Radio Mélodie, 48, 58– 59 media, 41– 47, 58– 59, 86, 138 Radio Saarbrücken, 42– 43 news coverage of, 72– 73, 79, 85, 88, Radio Salü, 47, 58– 59 90, 91– 92, 96– 102, 105– 12 radio schedules. See schedules, radio and Saarländischer Rundfunk television antenne saar, 46– 47 Radio-télévision belge de la Communauté audience characteristics, 56– 58, 71– 72, française (RTBF; Belgium), 50 81– 82, 98, 102– 3, 108, 136, 140 Radio Télévision Luxembourg (RTL) funding, 45, 53, 66 RTL (Germany), 47, 49, 50 history of station, 42– 47, 51– 55, 57– RTL (Luxembourg), 22, 47, 49– 50, 58, 69– 70, 102– 4, 138– 40 86, 96– 101, 139, 148 journalism prize, 89– 90 RTL9 (France), 48 organization, 42– 47, 75– 76, 79– 80, Raff, Fritz, 89– 90 86, 137, 157– 60 RAI (Italy), 22 transborder collaborations, 138– 42, reconciliation (of France and Germany 153– 64 post– World War II). See France, transborder mission, 57– 58, 69– 70, relations with Germany 72– 73, 76– 77, 176 Reese, Stephen, 177 See also specific program names regard croisée, 142, 151– 52 Saar- Lor- Lux (region), 69, 70, 72, 77, Regio Image, 86 80, 85– 86, 90, 92– 93, 95– 98, 103– regions 4, 113– 34, 169– 73 in European Union. See European dimensions of, 9, 111– 12, 123– 28, Union: Interreg 129– 34 identity, 12, 21, 69, 113– 14, 129– 33, history of, 113– 23 169– 71 name, contest, 113– 14 imagined, 113– 18 name, origins of, 9, 128– 29 Rendez- vous, 139, 140 SaarLorLüx (television program), 63– 65, Républicain Lorrain, 164– 65 75– 76, 80– 82, 106– 9, 160– 61 Rheinpfalz, 95 SaarMoselle, 122 Rhine River, 10, 123, 143, 146, 166 San Diego, 10 Riedel, Heiko, 137, 163 Sarre. See Saarland: history Rolshoven, Hubertus, 128 Sarreguemines, 40, 48, 59, 72, 73, 78, Rothenberger, Liane, 33– 34, 100 113, 125, 126, 139, 159– 60 RTP Porto, 142, 159 satellite. See under television Russia Today (RT), 23 schedules, radio and television, 29, 34, 106, 108, 140, 148 Saarbrücken, 40, 42, 53, 55, 58, 86, Schengen 97– 98, 99, 101– 2, 110– 11, 114, agreements, 16, 54, 116, 117, 165 119– 22, 124– 27, 130– 33, 141– 42, bridge, 1, 167 158, 161, 170 village of, 1– 2, 4, 167– 68 Saarbrücker Zeitung, 42, 47, 110, 121, zone, 1, 7, 158 129, 130, 164 Schlesinger, Philip, 172

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Schmidt, Robert H., 9, 53, 57– 58, 70, Television Without Frontiers Directive. 137, 139, 157, 163 See under European Union Schompierre (radio personality), 109– 11 TF1, 22, 27, 50, 104 Schudson, Michael, 25 Tijuana, 26 Schuman, Robert (politician), 2 Tinic, Serra, 10 Schuman, Robert, Université, 30 tourism. See under travel Schwan, Heribert, 42– 43, 120 transborder journalism. See journalism, Second World War. See World War II transborder Silcock, William, 26 translation (language), 35, 72, 79– 80, Société Financière de Radiodiffusion 155– 56 (SOFIRAD), 43 transnational journalism. See journalism, Soloski, John, 24 transborder Sorbian (language), 37 travel sources. See journalism, transborder: by journalists, 54–55, 60, 77, 92, sources and contacts 95 SR tourism, 90, 92, 101, 106– 8, 123– 24, SR1 radio, 46 131– 34, 154, 170– 71 SR2 radio, 46, 140– 42 Trier, 98, 113, 122, 131 SR3 radio, 46, 109 Tuchman, Gaye, 24, 71, 76, 90, 156 See also Saarländischer Rundfunk Turkey, 5 Strasbourg, 30, 34, 48, 138, 144 TV Cristal, 159 Straubhaar, Joseph, 23 TVE Bilbao, 142, 159 Süddeutscher Rundfunk (SDR), 43, TV Lux, 50, 143– 51 44– 45, 147 Südwestdeutscher Rundfunk (SWR), 45, United Kingdom, 22 46, 142, 147 United States, 5, 10, 174– 75 Südwestdeutscher Rundfunk (SWR)— Freiburg, 142, 143, 147– 53 video, editing of, 27– 28, 79– 80, 103, Südwestfunk (SWF), 44, 45, 147 150– 53, 160 Südwestpfalz– Offener Kanal, 159 Vis- à- Vis, 135, 142– 53, 166 Switzerland, 10, 37, 77, 105, 107, 143, Vlaamse Radio- en Televisieomroep 149, 173, 174 (VRT; Belgium), 50 Voisins Européens, 104– 6 Tagesschau (ARD newscast), 28, 29 Volontariat, 30 Tartu Declaration. See European Journalism Vreese, Claes de, 3 Training Association (EJTA) Tatort, 130 Wallonia, 10, 50, 115, 123, 167 Telesaar, 43 war. See Cold War; World War II television Westdeutscher Rundfunk (WDR), 44 production routines, 5, 24, 27– 29, 47, Westmagazin, 102 63– 64, 69, 79, 95– 96, 137, 139, White, David, 24– 25 147– 64, 175 wire services. See news agencies satellite, 22– 23, 112, 133 World War II, 2, 16, 40, 41, 43– 44, 49, schedules (see schedules, radio and 51, 54, 119, 125, 138, 171 television) technical standards, differing, 43 Zelizer, Barbie, 31, 71 See also journalism; specific program or Zweites Deutsches Fernsehen (ZDF), 22, station 33, 50, 89