Boscovich, the Discovery of Uranus and His Inclination to Theoretical Astronomy

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Boscovich, the Discovery of Uranus and His Inclination to Theoretical Astronomy Mem. S.A.It. Suppl. Vol. 22, 26 Memorie della c SAIt 2013 Supplementi Boscovich, the discovery of Uranus and his inclination to theoretical astronomy L. Guzzardi Istituto Nazionale di Astrofisica – Osservatorio Astronomico di Brera, Via Brera 28, I-20121 Milan, Italy, e-mail: [email protected] Abstract. On March 13th 1781 Frederick William Herschel observed a bizarre celestial body moving in the sky. Retrospectively, that astral body was not at all new at that point. It was observed by a number of astronomers since the end of 17th century (and maybe earlier). But they failed to find out its motion and catalogued it as a fixed star – each time a different one. On the other hand, Herschel realized it was moving, and catalogued it as a comet. That news of a new finding in the sky rapidly spread throughout Europe, and after some months the ‘Herschel’s comet’ was correctly recognized as a new planet, which will be named Uranus. The present paper assumes the event of the discovery of Uranus and the assessment of its planetary nature as a system of complicated, interrelated processes which involved a number of actors in the 17th-century astronomical community. In this framework, the role of the Dalmatian-born jesuit scientist Ruggiero G. Boscovich is emphasized and the meaning of this discovery is discussed as an example of his interest in theoretical research more than in observational science. 1. Introduction Zeta Tauri”, as he wrote down in his journal: he saw a brilliant disk which have the “curi- On March 13th 1781 Frederick William ous” appearence of “either [a] Nebulous Star Herschel, born Friedrich Wilhelm, originally or perhaps a Comet”, becoming convinced four a German composer who made his own way nights later that it was indeed a new comet in England as a skilled astronomer, observed “for it has changed the place” (Miner 1990 p. a ‘new’ celestial body in the sky over Bath 17). In the following months a consensus was (Somerset), where he had established his in- reached amongst astronomers that such comet struments – originally as an amateur – in the was in fact a planet. After discussion, it pre- garden of his house. Since 1779 he was at- vailed for the new finding the name advanced tending a programme devoted to the survey by the German astronomer Johann Elert Bode: of all the stars in the sky, with special atten- Uranus. tion for double stars. In March 1781, after hav- Retrospectively, as early as March 1781 ing catalogued the stars of 4th magnitude, he that astral body was not at all new. By begun more ambitiously with those brighter the end of 1781, Bode succeeded in prov- than 8th. On the night of March 13th, some- ing Uranus identity with the corresponding thing drew his attention “in the quartile near ‘stars’ in Flamsteed’s catalogue and other cat- alogues (Bode 1781, pp. 218-219). An ob- Send offprint requests to: L. Guzzardi ject of 6th magnitude, it was observed by a Guzzardi: Boscovich, Uranus and theoretical astronomy 27 number of astronomers since the end of 17th (Dadic´ 1965, p. 211 and Kuhn 1977, pp. century (and maybe earlier): John Flamsteed 170-173). To begin with, from Boscovich and (1690, 1712, 1715), James Bradley (1748, Lalande’s works we know that as early as 1750, 1753), Tobias Mayer (1756), Pierre May 1781 Saron concluded that the distance Charles Le Monnier (1750, 1768, 1769, 1771). of the observed object from the Sun was very And yet, because of the big distance involved, large, comparable to the known distance at they failed to find out its motion and cata- the present day (i.e. approximately between 18 logued it nearly everytime as a different star and 20 UA). Then, Saron and Mechain´ ap- in the sky. However, Herschel could see its plied Boscovich’s general method for the de- motion, therefore realizing it was no star and termination of orbits and calculated an ap- suggesting it was a comet. But alternative proximately circular path, typical for a planet. claims ascribing a planetary nature to the ob- This is at least Boscovich’s opinion, empha- ject, came as Herschel notified the new finding sizing Saron’s and Mechain’s´ contributions to to the Astronomer Royal, Nevil Maskelyne. the application of his methods for the deter- This happened just some days after Herschel’s mination of cometary and planetary paths (see early observations. Through Maskelyne, the Boscovich’s own account of the early history news of a new object moving in the sky (per- of Uranus discovery in Boscovich 1785, pp. haps a comet or more spectacularly a planet) 474-476). was spread throughout the European scientific So, who discovered the planet Uranus? Part community. of the answer depends on what is considered Other doubts about the cometary hypoth- to be the peculiar mark to a particular discov- esis advanced by Herschel in his communi- ery. If the initial stimulus is the most promi- cation to the Royal Society on March 26th nent feature, then the discoverer of Uranus was (Herschel 1781) were raised by the French Herschel; but note that what made his dis- Astronomer of the Navy Charles Messier, who covery astonishing, namely that it is a planet, pointed out that the moving body they were ob- is due to ideas and calculations in which he serving actually appeared to have none of the played no role. If results are regarded as the es- usual characters of a comet (for instance, tail sential aspect, then the discoverer was Lexell, and coma). because his calculations were more correct As Maskelyne indicated in a letter to than others; but this hypothesis sounds even Herschel on April 23d, only accurate calcu- more arbitrary than the previous one because lations of the path could prove whether it his priority is questionable and the parameter was a “regular planet moving in an orbit of correctness is fuzzy, either too strict or too nearly circular round the sun” or “a Comet loose. moving in a very eccentric ellipsis” (Miner Indeed, should we require an exact correct- 1990, p. 17). The Swedish astronomer Anders ness, a perfect identity with calculations per- J. Lexell is commonly regarded as the first formed by us? Surely not, at least because our to have found (June 1781) an appropriate computation is also affected by (minor) errors quasi-circular orbital path, proving it was a due to assumptions, instruments and approxi- planet; however, at that time the “new” ce- mations. One could reply, for a calculation to lestial body was no longer such sensational be correct only small differences between cur- breaking news, for many other researchers rent and past results should be allowed; but (amongst others Ruggiero Boscovich, Angelo how small should a small difference be? And de Cesaris, Joseph-Jer´ omeˆ de Lalande, Pierre to what extent could small differences between F.A. Mechain,´ Barnaba Oriani, Jean Baptiste calculations be regarded as trifling? de Saron, etc.) were trying to find out its na- Furthermore, there is a fundamental ques- ture and determine its path. tion in the discovery of Uranus that seems As pointed out by some historians of sci- to be overlooked in considering only individ- ence, this facts makes particularly difficult to ual contributions: the non-independency, and establish with finality who in fact came first even the interdependence, of the researchers 28 Guzzardi: Boscovich, Uranus and theoretical astronomy involved in the discovery of Uranus. This was sequence of the continuous fight with his je- a complicated process, from the early observa- suit collegues at Brera Observatory in Milan, tions until the determination of its nature as a he was removed from his office at the ob- planet; and astronomers shared their observa- servatory. Nevertheless, his post as professor tional data, views, methods, and computations of optics and astronomy in Milan was pre- in private letters and communications mostly served. He accounted for his behaviour and before they published their results. This en- the scientific activities carried out in Brera in tire process may be termed “shared discovery”. a detailed memorandum addressed to Milan Though historians and philosophers of science plenipotentiary Carlo Firmian, but having as usually stress the cases of scientific discover- its last receiver Prince Kaunitz, the power- ies made by independent researchers, a more ful Staatskanzler of Habsburg Monarchy, in complicated process of sharing knowledge can charge for Austrian foreign affairs. The mem- be proven to underlie many scientific discover- orandum was intended by Boscovich as a de- ies in the development of modern science, from fence of his own conduct; but he also blamed the circulation of blood (traditionally ascribed Brera Director Louis de La Grange and other to William Harvey in XVII century) to the in- collegues for hostility and intrigue against him troduction of the neutrino (generally attributed (see Proverbio 1987). to Wolfgang Pauli’s conjecture in 1934; see The story came to an end only at the begin- Guzzardi 2012 for more details). ning of 1773, when Boscovich finally resigned An implication of this view is that a bet- his professorship. He initially thought of going ter understanding of such discoveries can be to Poland, maybe travelling at first to his na- reached by investigating the “network” of sci- tive Ragusa, where his mother was still alive. entists involved and their microcommunities But the suppression of the Jesuit order (1773), and research traditions. In what follows I fo- rapidly extending from the European countries cus on Boscovich’s network of professional to the Papal State, made the things worse, and and amateur colleagues in astronomy in or- Boscovich accepted his French friends’ sug- der to account for Boscovich’s own contribu- gestion to go to France, where he would be tion in the process of discovering the planet appointed as the Director of Naval Optics of Uranus.
Recommended publications
  • Edwin Danson, UK: the Work of Charles Mason and Jeremiah Dixon
    The Work of Charles Mason and Jeremiah Dixon Edwin DANSON, United Kingdom Key words: Mason, Charles; Dixon, Jeremiah; Mason-Dixon Line; Pre-revolutionary History; Surveying; Geodesy; US History; Pennsylvania; Maryland. ABSTRACT The geodetic activities of Charles Mason and Jeremiah Dixon in America between 1763-68 were, for the period, without precedent. Their famous boundary dividing Maryland from Pennsylvania, the Mason-Dixon Line, today remains a fitting monument to these two brave, resourceful and extremely talented scientists. Tutored by Astronomer Royal Dr James Bradley, Charles Mason was aware of the contemporary theories and experiments to establish the true shape of the Earth. He was also cognisant of what was being termed “the attraction of mountains” (deviation of the vertical). However, at the time it was no more than a theory, a possibility, and it was by no means certain whether the Earth was solid or hollow. The Mason-Dixon Line, a line of constant latitude fifteen miles south of Philadelphia, although the most arduous of their tasks, was only part of their work for the proprietors of Maryland and Pennsylvania. For the Royal Society of London, they also measured the first degree of latitude in America. In recent years, the Mason-Dixon Line Preservation Partnership has located many of the original markers and surveyed them using GPS. The paper reviews the work of Mason and Dixon covering the period 1756-1786. In particular, their methods and results for the American boundary lines are discussed together with comments on the accuracy they achieved compared with GPS observations. CONTACT Edwin Danson 14 Sword Gardens Swindon, SN5 8ZE UNITED KINGDOM Tel.
    [Show full text]
  • Volta, the Istituto Nazionale and Scientific Communication in Early Nineteenth-Century Italy*
    Luigi Pepe Volta, the Istituto Nazionale and Scientific Communication in Early Nineteenth-Century Italy* In a famous paper published in Isis in 1969, Maurice Crosland posed the question as to which was the first international scientific congress. Historians of science commonly established it as the Karlsruhe Congress of 1860 whose subject was chemical notation and atomic weights. Crosland suggested that the first international scientific congress could be considered the meeting convened in Paris on January 20, 1798 for the definition of the metric system.1 In September 1798 there arrived in Paris Bugge from Denmark, van Swinden and Aeneae from Germany, Trallès from Switzerland, Ciscar and Pedrayes from Spain, Balbo, Mascheroni, Multedo, Franchini and Fabbroni from Italy. These scientists joined the several scientists already living in Paris and engaged in the definition of the metric system: Coulomb, Mechain, Delambre, Laplace, Legendre, Lagrange, etc. English and American scientists, however, did not take part in the meeting. The same question could be asked regarding the first national congress in England, in Germany, in Switzerland, in Italy, etc. As far as Italy is concerned, many historians of science would date the first meeting of Italian scientists (Prima Riunione degli Scienziati Italiani) as the one held in Pisa in 1839. This meeting was organised by Carlo Luciano Bonaparte, Napoleon’s nephew, with the co-operation of the mathematician Gaetano Giorgini under the sanction of the Grand Duke of Tuscany Leopold II (Leopold was a member of the Royal Society).2 Participation in the meetings of the Italian scientists, held annually from 1839 for nine years, was high: * This research was made possible by support from C.N.R.
    [Show full text]
  • Articles Articles
    Articles Articles ALEXI BAKER “Precision,” “Perfection,” and the Reality of British Scientific Instruments on the Move During the 18th Century Résumé Abstract On représente souvent les instruments scientifiques Early modern British “scientific” instruments, including du 18e siècle, y compris les chronomètres de précision, precision timekeepers, are often represented as static, comme des objets statiques, à l’état neuf et complets en pristine, and self-contained in 18th-century depictions eux-mêmes dans les descriptions des débuts de l’époque and in many modern museum displays. In reality, they moderne et dans de nombreuses expositions muséales were almost constantly in physical flux. Movement and d’aujourd’hui. En réalité, ces instruments se trouvaient changing and challenging environmental conditions presque constamment soumis à des courants physiques. frequently impaired their usage and maintenance, Le mouvement et les conditions environnementales especially at sea and on expeditions of “science” and difficiles et changeantes perturbaient souvent leur exploration. As a result, individuals’ experiences with utilisation et leur entretien, en particulier en mer et mending and adapting instruments greatly defined the lors d’expéditions scientifiques et d’exploration. Ce culture of technology and its use as well as later efforts sont donc les expériences individuelles de réparation at standardization. et d’adaptation des instruments qui ont grandement contribué à définir la culture de la technologie. In 1769, the astronomer John Bradley finally the calculation of the distance between the Earth reached the Lizard peninsula in Cornwall and the Sun. Bradley had not needed to travel with his men, instruments, and portable tent as far as many of his Transit counterparts, but observatory after a stressful journey.
    [Show full text]
  • Downloading Material Is Agreeing to Abide by the Terms of the Repository Licence
    Cronfa - Swansea University Open Access Repository _____________________________________________________________ This is an author produced version of a paper published in: Transactions of the Honourable Society of Cymmrodorion Cronfa URL for this paper: http://cronfa.swan.ac.uk/Record/cronfa40899 _____________________________________________________________ Paper: Tucker, J. Richard Price and the History of Science. Transactions of the Honourable Society of Cymmrodorion, 23, 69- 86. _____________________________________________________________ This item is brought to you by Swansea University. Any person downloading material is agreeing to abide by the terms of the repository licence. Copies of full text items may be used or reproduced in any format or medium, without prior permission for personal research or study, educational or non-commercial purposes only. The copyright for any work remains with the original author unless otherwise specified. The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holder. Permission for multiple reproductions should be obtained from the original author. Authors are personally responsible for adhering to copyright and publisher restrictions when uploading content to the repository. http://www.swansea.ac.uk/library/researchsupport/ris-support/ 69 RICHARD PRICE AND THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE John V. Tucker Abstract Richard Price (1723–1791) was born in south Wales and practised as a minister of religion in London. He was also a keen scientist who wrote extensively about mathematics, astronomy, and electricity, and was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society. Written in support of a national history of science for Wales, this article explores the legacy of Richard Price and his considerable contribution to science and the intellectual history of Wales.
    [Show full text]
  • Discovery of the First Asteroid, Ceres Historical Studies in Asteroid Research Discovery of the First Asteroid, Ceres
    Cliff ord Cunningham Discovery of the First Asteroid, Ceres Historical Studies in Asteroid Research Discovery of the First Asteroid, Ceres Clifford Cunningham Discovery of the First Asteroid, Ceres Historical Studies in Asteroid Research Clifford Cunningham Ft. Lauderdale , FL , USA ISBN 978-3-319-21776-5 ISBN 978-3-319-21777-2 (eBook) DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-21777-2 Library of Congress Control Number: 2015950473 Springer Cham Heidelberg New York Dordrecht London © Springer International Publishing Switzerland 2016 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifi cally the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfi lms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specifi c statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. Cover illustration: Ceres, picture taken February 19, 2015, by NASA’s Dawn spacecraft, from a distance of nearly 29,000 miles (46,000 km).
    [Show full text]
  • Digital Histories: Emergent Approaches Within the New Digital History (Pp
    CHAPTER 14 The Many Ways to Talk about the Transits of Venus Astronomical Discourses in Philosophical Transactions, 1753–1777 Reetta Sippola A Popular Astronomical Event In the 1760s, one of astronomy’s rarest predictable phenomena, the so-called Transit of Venus, was calculated to take place twice: in 1761 and in 1769. This phenomenon, when the planet Venus passes across the Sun, from the Earth’s vantage point, was not only extremely rare, as the previous transit had taken place in 1639 and the next was to follow in 1874, but also very valuable scien- tifically, as observing this kind of transit would make it possible to determine the distance between the Earth and the Sun more accurately than before. This could in turn make it easier to improve a number of practical issues relying on astronomical knowledge, foremost among them to improve the accuracy of calculating locations at sea, which at this time was at best inaccurate, often resulting in costly and deadly accidents. Thus, the two Transit of Venus events and the astronomical information that could be derived from observing them enjoyed wide interest among both scientific professionals and the general How to cite this book chapter: Sippola, R. (2020). The many ways to talk about the Transits of Venus: Astronomical discourses in Philosophical Transactions, 1753–1777. In M. Fridlund, M. Oiva, & P. Paju (Eds.), Digital histories: Emergent approaches within the new digital history (pp. 237–257). Helsinki: Helsinki University Press. https://doi.org/10.33134 /HUP-5-14 238 Digital Histories public. The scientific interest in the transits during the 18th century was rep- resented through a large number of news items and scientific reports in the scientific literature, especially in scientific periodicals, such as thePhilosophi - cal Transactions of the Royal Society of London.
    [Show full text]
  • Cavendish the Experimental Life
    Cavendish The Experimental Life Revised Second Edition Max Planck Research Library for the History and Development of Knowledge Series Editors Ian T. Baldwin, Gerd Graßhoff, Jürgen Renn, Dagmar Schäfer, Robert Schlögl, Bernard F. Schutz Edition Open Access Development Team Lindy Divarci, Georg Pflanz, Klaus Thoden, Dirk Wintergrün. The Edition Open Access (EOA) platform was founded to bring together publi- cation initiatives seeking to disseminate the results of scholarly work in a format that combines traditional publications with the digital medium. It currently hosts the open-access publications of the “Max Planck Research Library for the History and Development of Knowledge” (MPRL) and “Edition Open Sources” (EOS). EOA is open to host other open access initiatives similar in conception and spirit, in accordance with the Berlin Declaration on Open Access to Knowledge in the sciences and humanities, which was launched by the Max Planck Society in 2003. By combining the advantages of traditional publications and the digital medium, the platform offers a new way of publishing research and of studying historical topics or current issues in relation to primary materials that are otherwise not easily available. The volumes are available both as printed books and as online open access publications. They are directed at scholars and students of various disciplines, and at a broader public interested in how science shapes our world. Cavendish The Experimental Life Revised Second Edition Christa Jungnickel and Russell McCormmach Studies 7 Studies 7 Communicated by Jed Z. Buchwald Editorial Team: Lindy Divarci, Georg Pflanz, Bendix Düker, Caroline Frank, Beatrice Hermann, Beatrice Hilke Image Processing: Digitization Group of the Max Planck Institute for the History of Science Cover Image: Chemical Laboratory.
    [Show full text]
  • The Venus Transit: a Historical Retrospective
    The Venus Transit: a Historical Retrospective Larry McHenry The Venus Transit: A Historical Retrospective 1) What is a ‘Venus Transit”? A: Kepler’s Prediction – 1627: B: 1st Transit Observation – Jeremiah Horrocks 1639 2) Why was it so Important? A: Edmund Halley’s call to action 1716 B: The Age of Reason (Enlightenment) and the start of the Industrial Revolution 3) The First World Wide effort – the Transit of 1761. A: Countries and Astronomers involved B: What happened on Transit Day C: The Results 4) The Second Try – the Transit of 1769. A: Countries and Astronomers involved B: What happened on Transit Day C: The Results 5) The 19th Century attempts – 1874 Transit A: Countries and Astronomers involved B: What happened on Transit Day C: The Results 6) The 19th Century’s Last Try – 1882 Transit - Photography will save the day. A: Countries and Astronomers involved B: What happened on Transit Day C: The Results 7) The Modern Era A: Now it’s just for fun: The AU has been calculated by other means). B: the 2004 and 2012 Transits: a Global Observation C: My personal experience – 2004 D: the 2004 and 2012 Transits: a Global Observation…Cont. E: My personal experience - 2012 F: New Science from the Transit 8) Conclusion – What Next – 2117. Credits The Venus Transit: A Historical Retrospective 1) What is a ‘Venus Transit”? Introduction: Last June, 2012, for only the 7th time in recorded history, a rare celestial event was witnessed by millions around the world. This was the transit of the planet Venus across the face of the Sun.
    [Show full text]
  • Philosophical Transactions (A)
    INDEX TO THE PHILOSOPHICAL TRANSACTIONS (A) FOR THE YEAR 1889. A. A bney (W. de W.). Total Eclipse of the San observed at Caroline Island, on 6th May, 1883, 119. A bney (W. de W.) and T horpe (T. E.). On the Determination of the Photometric Intensity of the Coronal Light during the Solar Eclipse of August 28-29, 1886, 363. Alcohol, a study of the thermal properties of propyl, 137 (see R amsay and Y oung). Archer (R. H.). Observations made by Newcomb’s Method on the Visibility of Extension of the Coronal Streamers at Hog Island, Grenada, Eclipse of August 28-29, 1886, 382. Atomic weight of gold, revision of the, 395 (see Mallet). B. B oys (C. V.). The Radio-Micrometer, 159. B ryan (G. H.). The Waves on a Rotating Liquid Spheroid of Finite Ellipticity, 187. C. Conroy (Sir J.). Some Observations on the Amount of Light Reflected and Transmitted by Certain 'Kinds of Glass, 245. Corona, on the photographs of the, obtained at Prickly Point and Carriacou Island, total solar eclipse, August 29, 1886, 347 (see W esley). Coronal light, on the determination of the, during the solar eclipse of August 28-29, 1886, 363 (see Abney and Thorpe). Coronal streamers, observations made by Newcomb’s Method on the Visibility of, Eclipse of August 28-29, 1886, 382 (see A rcher). Cosmogony, on the mechanical conditions of a swarm of meteorites, and on theories of, 1 (see Darwin). Currents induced in a spherical conductor by variation of an external magnetic potential, 513 (see Lamb). 520 INDEX.
    [Show full text]
  • Lunar Distances Final
    A (NOT SO) BRIEF HISTORY OF LUNAR DISTANCES: LUNAR LONGITUDE DETERMINATION AT SEA BEFORE THE CHRONOMETER Richard de Grijs Department of Physics and Astronomy, Macquarie University, Balaclava Road, Sydney, NSW 2109, Australia Email: [email protected] Abstract: Longitude determination at sea gained increasing commercial importance in the late Middle Ages, spawned by a commensurate increase in long-distance merchant shipping activity. Prior to the successful development of an accurate marine timepiece in the late-eighteenth century, marine navigators relied predominantly on the Moon for their time and longitude determinations. Lunar eclipses had been used for relative position determinations since Antiquity, but their rare occurrences precludes their routine use as reliable way markers. Measuring lunar distances, using the projected positions on the sky of the Moon and bright reference objects—the Sun or one or more bright stars—became the method of choice. It gained in profile and importance through the British Board of Longitude’s endorsement in 1765 of the establishment of a Nautical Almanac. Numerous ‘projectors’ jumped onto the bandwagon, leading to a proliferation of lunar ephemeris tables. Chronometers became both more affordable and more commonplace by the mid-nineteenth century, signaling the beginning of the end for the lunar distance method as a means to determine one’s longitude at sea. Keywords: lunar eclipses, lunar distance method, longitude determination, almanacs, ephemeris tables 1 THE MOON AS A RELIABLE GUIDE FOR NAVIGATION As European nations increasingly ventured beyond their home waters from the late Middle Ages onwards, developing the means to determine one’s position at sea, out of view of familiar shorelines, became an increasingly pressing problem.
    [Show full text]
  • “Precision,” “Perfection,” and the Reality of British Scientific Instruments on the Move During the 18Th Century Alexi Baker
    Document generated on 09/29/2021 11:28 a.m. Material Culture Review “Precision,” “Perfection,” and the Reality of British Scientific Instruments on the Move During the 18th Century Alexi Baker Volume 74-75, 2012 Article abstract Early modern British “scientific” instruments, including precision timekeepers, URI: https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/mcr74_75art01 are often represented as static, pristine, and self-contained in 18th-century depictions and in many modern museum displays. In reality, they were almost See table of contents constantly in physical flux. Movement and changing and challenging environmental conditions frequently impaired their usage and maintenance, especially at sea and on expeditions of “science” and exploration. As a result, Publisher(s) individuals’ experiences with mending and adapting instruments greatly defined the culture of technology and its use as well as later efforts at standardization. National Museums of Canada ISSN 0316-1854 (print) 0000-0000 (digital) Explore this journal Cite this article Baker, A. (2012). “Precision,” “Perfection,” and the Reality of British Scientific Instruments on the Move During the 18th Century. Material Culture Review, 74-75, 14–29. All rights reserved © National Museums of Canada, 2011 This document is protected by copyright law. Use of the services of Érudit (including reproduction) is subject to its terms and conditions, which can be viewed online. https://apropos.erudit.org/en/users/policy-on-use/ This article is disseminated and preserved by Érudit. Érudit is a non-profit inter-university consortium of the Université de Montréal, Université Laval, and the Université du Québec à Montréal. Its mission is to promote and disseminate research.
    [Show full text]
  • GE 11A, 2014, Lecture 5 Spherical Structure of the Earth
    GE 11a, 2014, Lecture 5 Spherical structure of the earth The earth, ca. 1800 Nevil Maskelyne and the Schiehallion experiment (1774) Schiehallion (‘Sidh Chailleann’) Scotland Nevil Maskelyne doing his impression of Ben Franklin d F Ms m.g . 2 2 2 . 24 F = m g tan( ) = G m Ms/d ME = (RE /d ) (Ms/tan( )) ~ 6 10 kg . 2 R = 6.37.106 m; V = 1.1.1021 m3 m g = G m ME/RE E E ~ 5.5 g/cm2 (initially found ~ 4.5) Densities of common substances (all in g/cc) Ice 0.917 Water 1.000 Seawater 1.025 Graphite 2.200 Granite ~2.70 Titanium 4.507 Iron 7.870 Copper 8.960 Mercury 13.58 Gas: proportional to P/RT Two options: sub-equal mix of metal and rock or… an ideal gas, w/ high density at high P (B. Franklin) Mass distribution in earth’s interior Period of precession Moment of inertia Period of spin Torque (sun and moon trying to pull earth’s tidal bulge into plane of ecliptic) . 2 ri mi I = i mi ri Higher Earth has I much less than expected for homogeneous sphere Lower Kraemer, 1902 View combining known density, moment of inertia, oblateness, rigidity of surface rocks, and topography Note bad for a bunch of turn-of-the-century quacks! Focus “sample” outer ca. 200 km, but most energy in upper 10 km Mantle Core Seismograph S P A mechanical seismograph Anatomy of a seismic signal Minutes 0 10 20 30 40 50 Surface waves P S ‘Primary’ (first to arrive) ‘Secondary’ (second to arrive) measure the amplitude of the P S largest seismic Amplitude =23 mm wave… P-wave S-wave interval = 24 seconds …and the time interval between the P- and S-waves (I.e., the distance from the epicenter.
    [Show full text]